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Full text of "A history of Southampton; partly from the MS. of Dr. Speed, in the Southampton Archives"

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The title of " Esquire " should be understood to follow each name in this Lt'sf, 
to which 7io inconsistent addition is affixed. 

The Worshipful the Mayor of Southampton (W. H. Davis). 

Abraham, H., 147 High Street, Southampton. 

Aitken, W., M.D., F.R.S., Professor of Pathology in Army Medical School, 


Amherst, W. Amhurst P., M.P., Didlington Hall, Brandon, Norfolk. 
Andrews, R., 14 Above Bar, Southampton. 
Appleford, James, Pear Tree House, Bitterne, Southampton. 
Asher & Co., 13 Bedford Street, Covent Garden, W.C. 
Atherley, G., J.P., Northbrook House, Bishop's Waltham (deceased). 
Atkins, Charles, Ordnance House, Southampton. 
Attwood, J. S., Basingstoke. 
Baigent, Francis Joseph, Winchester. . 
Baker, F., 8 Argyll Road, Nichols Town, Southampton. 
Barling, A., 19 East Park Terrace, Southampton. 
Bartlett, S. D., Sutherland Villa, Hill Lane, Southampton. 
Bassett, R. G, 7 Gloucester Square, Southampton. 
Bateman, Mrs., 39 Above Bar, Southampton. 
Beale, S. M., Solicitor, Worcester. (Large paper.) 
Beamish, Captain Alten, A.W., 130 George Street, Edinburgh. 
Beckford, Rev. C. D., M.A., 5 Cumberland Place, Southampton. (Large 


Beer, William, Roseneath, Cavendish Grove, The Avenue, Southampton. 
Bell, Richard, Itchen Ferry, Southampton. 

Bell, W. L., York Chambers, Southampton. (2 copies, large paper.) 
Bennett, W. B. G, C.E., Borough Surveyor, Southampton. (Large paper) 


Beresford, Captain M. de la P., 5 Belmont Terrace, Ports wood, South- 

Best, H. G., St. Michael's Street, Southampton. 

Black, M. A., Royal Hotel, Southampton. 

Blunt, Rev. A. C, M.A., Millbrook Rectory, Southampton. (2 copies.) 

Boraston, John, Reform Hall, Southampton. 

Bostock, J., 62 Oxford Street, Southampton. 

Bostock, Robert Chignell, Little Langtons, Lower Cainden, Chislehurst. 

Bradby, Miss, Grosvenor Square, Southampton. 

Brad by, Miss Marion, Grosvenor Square, Southampton. 

Bradby, Rev. Canon, D.D., Haileybury College, nr. Hertford. 

Bradley, Rev. A., M.A., 16 Anglesea Place, Southampton. 

Brinton, George, 4 Rockstone Terrace, Southampton. (Large paper.} 

Browell, Captain, 'R.N., Freshfield, Millbrook, Southampton. 

Brown, K, 7 Above Bar, Southampton. 

Brushfield, T. N., M.D., The Cliff, Budleigh-Salterton, Devon. 

Bruyere, Raymond, C.E., Department Railway Canals, Ottawa, Canada. 
(Large paper.) 

Buchan, H. J., J.P., Wilton House, Southampton. 

Bullar, Mrs., Basset Wood, Southampton. 

Burnett, John James, 2 High Street, Southampton. 

Buttemer, Rev. R. D., M.A., Regent's Park, Millbrook. 

Button, L., Bevois Town, Southampton. 

Buxey, George, "Observer" Office, 21 Bridge Street, Southampton. 

Calvert, Rev. T., 15 Albany Villas, Hove. 

Candy, Francis H., 71 High Street, Southampton. 

Cantelo, W., 22 Bargate Street, Southampton. 

Carlyon, Rev. E., B.A., Dibden Rectory, Southampton. 

Carrick, Rev. J. L., Spring Hill, Southampton. (12 copies, small paper ; 
i copy, large paper.} 

Chalk, G. W., 1 1 Richmond Street, Southampton. 

Chapman, W. H., Oak Road, Woolston, Southampton. 

Chaumont, F. de, M.D., F.R.S., Woolston Lawn, Southampton. 

Chew, Albert E., 3 High Street, Southampton. 

Clark, W., 2 Bargate Street, Southampton. 

Cole, W., Royal Pier Hotel, Southampton. 

Cole, James, Royal Mail Steam-Packet Company, Canute Road, South- 

Coles, Miss, Bentworth, Woolston, Southampton. 

Coles, Miss J., Bentworth, Woolston, Southampton. 

Coles, R., J.P., Bryntirion, Woolston, Southampton. 

Collett, J. D., 28 High Street, Southampton. 


Collier, Rev. C, M.A., F.S.A., The Vicarage, Andover. 

Colson, P. J., King Edward VI. Grammar School, Southampton. 

Cooksey, Charles F., Celtesbury, Basingstoke. 

Cooksey, H. J., Southampton. 

Cooper, William, 14 Hanover Buildings, Southampton. 

Coote, Admiral, C.B., J.P., Shales, Bitterne, Southampton. 

Cope, Sir W. H., Bart, Bramshill, Hants. 

Cornish Brothers, Messrs., 37 New Street, Birmingham. (2 copies.) 

Cosens, C. R., 17 Bellevue Terrace, Southampton. 

Cox, F. C., Shirley, Southampton. (Large paper ) 

Craig, E., West Park Cottage, West Marlands, Southampton. 

Crick, Rev. A. C., M.A., Pear Tree Green, Southampton. 

Crossing, William, Splatton, South Brent, Devon. 

Crowley, F., Ashdell, Alton. 

Dale, E. R., Godmanstone, Dorchester, and Glanville's Wootton, Sherborne, 

Dartnall, T., 144 High Street, Southampton. 

Davies, Colonel G. Silvester, 173 Piccadilly, London, W. (Large paper.} 

Davies, Rev. J. S., M.A., F.S.A., Enfield Highway. (3 large paper , 9 small} 

Davies, Rev. T. L. O., M.A., Pear Tree Green, Southampton. 

Daw, John, jun., The Cottage, Shirley, Southampton. 

Dean, R. (Horticultural Editor, "Land and Water"), Ranelagh Road, Ealing. 

Dennys, Captain H. R., 27 Carlton Crescent, Southampton. (Large paper.) 

Downing, W., 74 New Street, Birmingham, (i large paper, i small.) 

Duncan, David, 17 Hanover Buildings, Southampton. 

Durkin, S. W., 6 East Park Terrace, Southampton. 

Earl, Rev. H. S., M.A., The Beeches, Portswood, Southampton. 

Elliott, Frank H., 5 Portswood Park, Southampton. 

Elliott, W. P., Basset Mount, Southampton. 

Eversley, Right Hon. Viscount, 114 Eaton Square, London, S.W. (Large 

Fanner, E., Bay Tree Inn, Southampton. 

Fendall, Miss, Glenlyon House, Bellevue Terrace, Southampton. 

Ferguson, Rev. R., M.A., Durley Rectory, Bishop's Waltham. 

Fettes, Rev. James, The Manse, Douglas, Isle of Man. 

Fewings, James, B.A., B.Sc., King Edward VI. Grammar School, South- 

Fisher, G. D. Oakeley, Pendock Court, Summertown, Oxon. 

Foster, Walter, Albion Place, Southampton. 

Frampton, Alfred, A.R.I.B.A., 57 Lincoln's Inn Fields, W.C. (Large paper.) 

Freemantle, James, Mansfield Cottage, Woolston, Southampton. 

Fry, John, 9 South Front, Southampton. 


Garret & Haysom, Messrs., 105 East Street, Southampton. 

Garrett, Rev. T., Belmont Lodge, Portswood, Southampton. 

Gidden, J. T., 104 High Street, Southampton. 

Gilbert, H. M., Portswood, Geraldine Road, Wands worth, S.W. (2 copies, 

large paper!) 

Godfray, H. Marett, Elmwood, St. Saviour's, Jersey. 
Gray, H., 25 Cathedral Yard, Manchester. (Large paper.} 
Green, Henry G., 10 Portland Terrace, Southampton. 
Greenfield, B. W., Barrister-at-law, 4 Cranbury Terrace, Southampton. 
Griffin, James D., 95 Soho Hill, Handsworth, Birmingham. 
Grosart, Rev. A. B., LL.D., F.S.A., Brooklyn House, Blackburn. (Large paper.} 
Groves, J., B.A., M.D., F.G.S., Carisbrooke, Isle of Wight. 
Gubb, Sidney M., 8 Bellevue Road, Southampton. 
Gudgeon, George K, St. Cuthbert's, Winchester. 
Gutteridge, Alfred F., 64 Bedford Place, Southampton. 
Hamilton, Major J. Bramston, Bitterne Grove, Southampton. 
Hamilton, J. T., Glenthorne, Carlton Road, Southampton. 
Hankinson, R. C., Bank, Southampton. (2 copies.) 
Hardiman, C., St. Mary's Street, Southampton. 

Harrison, Rev. W. D., M.A., South Stoneham Vicarage, Southampton. 
Hart, James, 10 New Buildings, Spa Road, Southampton. 
Hartley Institute, Southampton. (2 copies.) 

Harvard College Library, Cambridge, Mass.,U.S. A. (Justin Winsor, Librarian.) 
Harvey, H. Newton, Ordnance Office, Southampton. 
Harvey, Rev. R., M.A., Sarisbury, nr. Southampton. 
Heathcote, Lady, Hursley Park, Winchester. 
Hedger, Philip, 12 Cumberland Place, Southampton. 
Hemsted, K, M.D., Westbourne, Hill, Southampton. 
Hickman, W., J.P., 5 Cranbury Terrace, Southampton, and Aldermore House, 

Shirley. (Large paper. ) 
Hickman, W. J., A.A., Oxon, Captain 2nd Hants Rifles, Hollingside, Lower 

Avenue, Southampton. (Large paper.} 
Hill, Miss, Asby Lodge, Carlton Road, Putney Hill, S.W. 
Hill, J. W., 124 St. Mary's Road, Southampton. 
Hill, W. Burrough, Tarvet House, Carlton Crescent, Southampton, (i large 

paper \ i small.} 

Hine, James Petty, 6 Carlton Crescent, Southampton. 
Hogarth, D., Wilts and Dorset Bank, Southampton. 
Holmes, Sergeant T., R.E., Ossian Cottage, Fitzhugh, Southampton. 
Hornsey, A., 47 Dover Street, Bevois Town, Southampton. 
Horsey, J., QUarr, Ryde, Isle of Wight. 
House, M. C., Nunwell Park, Brading, Isle of Wight. 


Hulton, Mrs. Barnfield, Weston, Southampton. 

Jackson, Alfred, The Wilderness, West End, Southampton. 

Jellicoe, C. W. A., 7 Portland Terrace, Southampton. 

Johnson, H., Oakmere, Avenue Road, Southampton. 

Johnson, J., Oakmere, Avenue Road, Southampton. 

Johnson, W., 31 Avenue, Southampton. 

Jolliffe, Colonel J. H., West Street, Fareham. 

Kebbel, Rev. C. D., M.A., St. James's Vicarage, Southampton. 

Kellaway, J., 21 St. Andrew's Road, Southampton. 

Kellaway, W., 23 St. Andrew's Road, Southampton. 

Keller, Francis, German Consul, Southampton. (Large paper.) 

Kenny, W. C., 30 East Park Terrace, Southampton. 

King, Rev. A. S., Brunei Cottage, Avenue Road, Southampton. 

Knight, Arthur J., Hazeldene, Archer's Road, Southampton. 

Lake, Dr. G. A. W., 13 East Park Terrace, Southampton. 

Lamb, Andrew, J.P., St. Andrew's Villa, Southampton (deceased). 

Lankester, W. G., Bassett Lodge, Bassett, Southampton. 

Larbalestier, Mrs., 17 Waterloo Place, Southampton. 

Larbalestier, W. T., High Street, Southampton. 

Lashmore, H., "Hants Independent" Office, Southampton. 

Leathes, F. de M., 17 Tavistock Place, W.C. (Large paper.) 

Lee, Rev. John Morley, M.A., Hon. Canon of Winchester, Botley Rectory, 


Lees, R. W., 3 Lower Moira Place, Southampton. 
Lemon, James, C.E., Lansdowne House, Southampton. 
Lewis, David, M.A., Arundel. 
The Library of the Corporation of London, Guildhall, E.C. (W. H. Overall, 


Liverpool Free Public Library (P. Cowell, Librarian). 
Long, W. H., High Street, Portsmouth. (2 copies, large paper.) 
Longmore, Surgeon-General Thomas, C.B., Woolston, Southampton. 
Loughborough, J. N., Ravenswood, Shirley Road, Southampton. 
Lowther, Rev. W. B., Holmfirth, Huddersfield. 
Lycett, George, 3 Trinity Road, Southampton. 
McCalmont, Mrs. E. G., Highfield, Southampton. (2 copies.) 
M'Kie, James, 23 Hanover Buildings, Southampton. 
M'Lachlan, J., Surgeon-Dentist, 14 Anglesea Place, Southampton. 
Macnaghten, Steuart, Bitterne Manor House, Southampton. (Large paper.) 
Manchester House Library, East Street, Southampton. (Large paper.) 
Marett, C., West Quay, Southampton. 
Martin, J. H., 38 Bernard Street, Southampton. 
Martin, Rear- Admiral Thomas H. M., Tryermayne, Bitterne, Southamptor. 


Methven, James, Woolston College, Southampton. 

Miell, Thomas, jun. r Southampton. 

Miller, A. J., 18 High Street, Southampton. 

Minns, Rev. G. W., LL.B., Weston, nr. Southampton. 

Mitchell, G. H., Holly ville, Avenue Road, Southampton. 

Mitchell, W. H., 8 Portland Street, Southampton. 

Mitchell, W. E., Krieller Cottage, Oxford Road. Southampton. 

Moberly, W. H., 10 Portland Terrace, Southampton. 

Moens, W. J. G, Tweed, Lymington. 

Mollet, Thomas, St. John Street, Southampton. 

Mondey, Alfred, 106 High Street, Southampton. 

Money, W., F.S.A., Herborough House, Newbury. 

Moody, Samuel Hogarth, Hambledon, Hants. 

Moore, Mrs., Forest House, Church Road, Southampton. 

Morison, John, 1 1 Burnbank Gardens, Glasgow. 

Morris, G. T. Windyer, 3 Bevois Terrace, Portswood, Southampton. 

Morris, R. W., The Elms, Polygon, Southampton. 

Mount-Temple, Right Hon. Lord, Broadlands, Romsey. 

Murnaghan, A. W., i Rochdale Terrace, Bevois Mount, Southampton. 

Murray, F. E., Southampton. (Large paper.} 

Murray, G. F., Spear Villa, Bevois Mount, Southampton. 

Murray, Richard, 120 St. Mary's Road. Southampton. 

Murray, S. M., Newcastle-upon-Tyne. (Large paper.) 

Neale, H. L., Steeple Aston, Oxford. (Large paper.) 

Nicholas R., Payne's Road, Freemantle, Southampton. 

Nicholls, D., 28 Princes Square, Kennington Park Road, S.E. 

Nichols, Jonas, Nichols Town, Southampton. 

Nobbs, W., Wyberton House, Bugle Street, Southampton. 

Oake, Leonard M., Bargate Street, Southampton. f 

Oke, R. R., Cumberland Place, Southampton. 

Orger, Rev. E. R., Hougham Vicarage, Dover. 

Orsborn, J., M.D., F.R.C.S., late of Bitterne, nr. Southampton. 

Osborn, H., M.R.C. Phys. Lond., 2 Anglesea Place, Southampton. 

Owen, Rev. C. M., M.A., St. George's, Edgbaston, Birmingham. 

Palmer, J. T., Ordnance Office, Southampton. (Large paper.) 

Paris, A., 3 Westwood Park, Southampton. 

Paris, R., Sopley, Christchurch. 

Parker, George, The Vasery, St. Mark's Road, Southampton. 

Parlane, James, Rusholme, Manchester. 

Passenger, G. M., 42 Above Bar, Southampton. 

Patstone, J., 25 High Street, Southampton, (Large paper.) 

Payne, Henry M., Shirley, Southampton. 


Pearce, A. VV., Wood Lawn, Portswood, Southampton. 

Pearce, J. Seward, 31 Above Bar, Southampton. 

Pearce, R. S., Municipal Offices, Southampton. 

Peirce, W. A., Oak Bank House, Woolston, Southampton. 

Pellow, W. Trehane, L.D.S., 5 High Street, Southampton. (Large paper.} 

Penny, G., 101 St. Mary's Road, Southampton. 

Perkins, Sir Frederick, Southampton. 

Permain, G. A., 45 Above Bar, Southampton. 

Perrin, Rev. W. W., M.A., St. Luke's, Southampton. 

Phillips, C. J., Bugle Hall, Southampton. 

Pitt, J. J., Portswood Lawn, Southampton. 

Pointer, Giles Henry, Highfield, Winchester. 

Pollard, J., Kenwyn Street, Truro. (2 copies, large paper.} 

Portal, Melville, Laverstoke House, Micheldever. (Large paper.} 

Priaulx, Miss, Erica Villa, Shirley, Southampton. 

Quaritch, Bernard, 15 Piccadilly, W. (Large paper.) 

Rainier, Captain P., R.N., Erica Villa, Shirley, Southampton. 

Ramsey, R., Langside House, Glasgow. (Large paper.) 

Randall, H. W., Myrtle Cottage, Alma Road, Woolston, Southampton. 

Randall, W. B., 146 High Street, Southampton. 

Rayner, H. Glover, 180 High Street, Southampton. (2 copies.) 

Read, C. J., St. Thomas Square, Salisbury. 

Reed, Mrs., 4 Rockstone Place, Southampton. 

Reeves & Turner, Messrs., 196 Strand, W.C. (2 copies, large paper.) 

Richardson, W. H., Chessell, Bittern e. 

Ridoutt, F., Mile End, Portsmouth. 

Ritchie, Alexander, Melville House, Hound, Southampton. 

Robertson, George, 17 Warwick Square, E.G. 

Rodger, Rev. Wesley A., West View, Obelisk Road, Woolston, Southampton. 

Roe, Josiah, Mount Beulah, Shirley Park, Southampton. (Large paper.) 

Rogers, C., Abbotsbury House West, St. Denys's, Southampton. (2 copies.) 

Rogers, W. H., J.P., Red Lodge, Bassett, Southampton. (2 copies.) 

Roofe, W. A., Craven Cottage, Merton Road, Wandsworth, S.W. 

Rosoman, R. R. L., Highlands, Itchen Ferry, nr. Southampton. 

Ruffell, J. H., 4 West Marland Terrace, Southampton. 

Rushin, W., 7 Queen's Terrace, Southampton. 

Sampson, J. .K., Abotsfield, Shirley, Southampton. 

Sanders, W. Basevi, 2 Brunswick Place, Southampton. 

Sandon, E., 34 Onslow Road, Southampton. 

Sapp, Arkas, J.P., F.S.A., Basingstoke. 

Scott, C. N., 14 Rue Royale, Paris. 

Shapcott, Miss, Southampton. (2 copies.) 


Sharland, W., High Street, Southampton (deceased). 
Sibley, William, Hythe, Southampton, 
Silver, Rev. E., M.A., Highfield Parsonage, Southampton. 
Skelton, A. H., 2 Portland Street, Southampton. 
Smith, A. Russell, 36 Soho Square, London. 
Smith, C. Crowther, Anglesea House, Shirley, Southampton. 
Smith, J. R., Hill Lane, Southampton. 
Smith, W. J., Brighton. (2 copies.) 

Sotheran & Co., Messrs., 136 Strand, London. (2 copies, large paper -.) 
Southampton Book Society, 178 High Street, (i large paper, 7 small.) 
Spearing, James, 53 Above Bar, Southampton. 
Spranger, W. F. G., Winsor House, Southampton. 
Spurr, Henry, 24 East Park Terrace, Southampton. 
Stanesby, J. T., 3 Kingsdown Villas, Wands worth, S.W. 
Steward, Rev. C. E., M.A., Polygon, Southampton. 
Stone, Mrs., The Old Parsonage House, Itchen Ferry, Southampton. 
Sutton, Charles S., 7 Manchester Street, Southampton. 
Swayne, Henry J. F., The Island, Wilton. 
Swayne, W. C, i Bridgefield, West Marlands, Southampton. 
Symes, R., M.R.C.S., Lauriston, The Lawn, Bevois Hill, Southampton. 
Symonds, Mrs., Belgrave Place, Church Street, Shirley, Southampton. 
Thomas, J. Blount, J.P., High Street, Southampton. 
Thorn, Henry George, Onslow House, Newtown, Southampton. 
Tracy, W. G., 37 Above Bar, Southampton. 

Trend, Theophilus W., M.D., M.R.C.P. Edin., Raeberry Lodge, South- 

Trimmer, W. J., 14 Princes Street, Chapel, Southampton. 
Trippe, F. J., i High Street, Southampton. 

Triibner & Co., Messrs., 57 & 59 Ludgate Hill, E.G. (i large paper, 2 small.) 
Turner, F. Beresford, Bassett, Southampton. 
Turner, G. S., 9 Carlton Crescent, Southampton. 
Urquhart, Rev. R., Scotland. 
Vincent, H., 10 Brunswick Place, Southampton. 
Vincent, H. D., High Street, Oxford. (Large paper.) 
Walford, C., 86 Belsize Park Gardens, N.W. 
Walpole, C., C.B., Broadford, Chobham, Surrey. 
Ward, W., Cleveland Cottage, Hill Lane, Southampton. 
Watts, G, Mill Hill, Cowes, Isle of Wight. 
West, Mrs. Frederick, Newlands Manor, Lymington. 
Westlake, E., Silvermere, Woolston, Southampton. 
Westlake, R., The Firs, Portswood, Southampton. 
Westlake, W. C., Grosvenor House, Southampton. 


Weston, J. R., 18 Cranbury Place, Southampton. 

Whitchurch, John, Senior Bailiff, T.C., Lulworth, Avenue, Southampton. 

White, Rev. G. C, M.A., St. Paul's Vicarage, Southampton. 

Whitelegge, Rev. W., M.A., Dean of Residence, Queen's College, Cork. 

Whitlock, Rev. J. A., M.A., 2 Prospect Place, Southampton. 

Widger, George, Britannia Wharf, Southampton. 

Williams, R, Adelaide Road, St. Denys's, Southampton. 

Williams, Rev. Nelson, B.A., Sarisbury, nr. Southampton. 

Williams-Freeman, Mrs. Frederick, Upton Cottage, Bursledon. 

Wilson, G. F., 116 East Street, Southampton. 

Wilson, Rev. S., M.A., Preston Candover. 

Wilson, W., Hyde Hill, Berwick-on-Tweed. 

Wingrove, R., 3 East Park Terrace, Southampton. 

Wollerson, E., 20 Bridge Street, Southampton. 

Wright, R. J., Mayfield, Weston, Southampton. (Large paper.) 


















Coton anfc Countg of tfje Coton of outfiampton, 








October 1883. 


DURING a residence of several years in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Southampton free access to the Town 
Records was given me by the courtesy of the town authorities, 
of which I availed myself as opportunities offered ; and towards 
the close of 1877 it was suggested by the present publishers 
that I should undertake a history of the town, or at least, 
on obtaining permission, should edit the MS. of Dr. Speed's 
History among the Southampton Archives, continuing the 
work, and adding such matter as should bring it into conformity 
with present knowledge. I accepted the latter proposal as 
the less ambitious task, collated Speed's documents with 
the originals in view of publishing the texts, but soon found 
that I could construct no history by a reproduction of Dr. 
Speed's work without going to a length beyond all warrant, 
though much had to be cut out as inadequate or faulty. 
Under these circumstances I felt myself driven to greater 
freedom, and in the following pages I have produced 
substantially a new history, while all that is valuable in 
Dr. Speed's work has been preserved, either in his own 
words, within quotation marks, or condensed and acknow- 
ledged in the notes. 

Dr. Speed's general plan has been adopted. The contents 
of his work are as follows : (i.) The Name. (2.) Antiquity 
of Town. (3.) Situation of the Town. (4.) Liberties. (5.) 
Fortifications. (6.) Conduits and Waterworks. (7.) Quays. 
(8.) Market-house and Market. (9.) Pavement. (10.) Char- 


ters. (n.) Articles and observations which could not be 
inserted in their proper places without interrupting the 
course of the charters : Of the Mayor, Recorder, Town- 
Clerk, Burgesses, Honorary Burgesses. Concerning offices : 
Bailiff, Sheriff, Constable, Steward, Discreets of Market, 
Alderman of Portswood, Sergeants, Porters, Bearers. The 
Staple, Exemption from Prisage, Admiralty, Petty Customs, 
Revenues of the Corporation, Charities, Almshouses, the 
Free School, the Town Seal, the Common, Members of 
Parliament, Fairs, Present State of Corporation, the Stewes, 
Style of the Corporation. (12.) The Churches. (13.) Trade 
of the Town. (14.) Mention of Southampton in our His- 
tories, Bevis. (15.) Religious Houses: St. Denys, Chantry 
of St. Mary's, Hospital of St. Julian or God's House, Friars 
Minor, Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene for Lepers, Chapel, 
Chantries. (16.) Clausentum. 

Appendix A. Expenses of Law-day (14 Hen. VII.). B. 
Compromise with Portsmouth (24 Hen. III.). C. Pedley's 
Waterworks. D. Dispute with New Sarum (2 Ed. III.). 
E. Dispute with Justices of the County (31 Hen. VI.). F. 
Expulsion of James Caplen, &c., from the Corporation, 1662. 
G. Agreement of Inhabitants to repair Banks at Saltmarsh, 
1503. H. Order of Council (Lecture at Holy Rood), 1653. 
I. Holmage's Obit (14 Hen. VII.). K. List of Mayors. L. 
Laws of Guild. M. Form of Judgment in Quo Warranto 
against the Town (n Car. I.). N. Act of Parliament about 
Prisage (22 Hen. VIII.), 1531. O. Release of Abbey 
Prisage (6 Jas. I.), 1609. P- Act of Parliament, foreign 
bought and sold (4 Jas. I.), 1606. Q. Sweet wine grant. 
R. Second sweet wine grant. S. Patent determining Malaga 
wines to be sweet wines, &c. Charter (16 Car. I.), 1640. 
Book of Rates and Rolls. Index. 

This Table should be compared with that of the present 
volume, and any reference to articles in common will show, 
from the method of printing or from the notes, how far I 


have reproduced, and in what particulars I have excluded, 
Dr. Speed's work. The facilities given at the present day 
for consulting original records, and the constant publication 
of such, make it imperative that our town histories, of 
however small pretension, shall be to a great extent works 
of original research. 

Dr. Speed was the fourth in direct descent from John 
Speed the chronologer, who died July 28, 1629. John 
Speed, M.D., the anatomist, son of the chronologer, died in 
May 1640, at the early age of forty-five, leaving behind him 
an anatomical work, ^VeXero? UoXw/wpro?, which exists in 
duplicate, one copy being in the possession of St. John's 
College, Oxford. His son, John Speed, M.D., was the 
author of " Batt upon Batt," and of various other pieces 
which have never seen the light ; among them a Latin 
poem on his old enemy, which he entitles, ' Batteidos : Battus 
in Battum, Clericum Parochialem, Fabrum Cultrarium, et 
Poetam South Antoniensem.' He was educated at Mer- 
chant Taylors' School and St. John's College, Oxford, and 
was ejected from his fellowship, when B.A., by the parlia- 
mentary visitors, October 17, 1648, after which he lived with 
his friend, Mr. Knollys, Grove Place, Nursling, near South- 
ampton, till the Restoration, when he was reinstated in his 
fellowship, and graduated M.A. 1660, B. and M.D. 1666; 
he had been admitted burgess of Southampton January 20, 
1658-59. In 1667 he settled in the town, and practised over 
an extended district. Humphrey Prideaux (Letters, pp. 32, 
35), writing from Oxford in 1675, speaks of him, nevertheless, 
as a sad toper. He tells us that on one occasion Speed 
had remained in the city solely for the purpose of encounter- 
ing Van Tromp, the * drunkeing greazy Dutchman,' who, 
after a bout of many hours, fell vanquished before Speed's 
greater capacity for wine and brandy. He married firstly 
in 1667 tne widow of Rev. William Bernard (see p. 407), who 
dying February 1677-78, he married, in 1680, Philadelphia, 


daughter of Thomas Knollys, Esq. of Grove Place. He 
became patron of the benefice of Eling, presenting Mr. Pin- 
horne (pp. 313, 401) in 1689. He was twice mayor (pp. 179, 
180); died September 21, 1711, in his eighty-fifth year, and 
was buried at Holy Rood. 

John Speed, M.D., eldest son of the last, was educated 
at Winchester and New College; B.C. L. October 1697, M.D. 
1709. He settled at Southampton in his father's lifetime, 
marrying at Jesus Chapel, Peartree Green, January 19, 
1701-1702, Anne, daughter of James Crosse, merchant, of 
Southampton. He was a zealous adherent of the Stewarts, 
and, as his son says of him, ' a man of excellent parts, and 
a most desirable companion over a bottle.' This latter circum- 
stance, however, was found to diminish his practice, in which, 
otherwise, he had good success. He died 28th October 
1747, aged seventy-seven, and was buried at Holy Rood, 
where memorials exist to his father and himself. 

John Speed, M.D., the historian of Southampton, and 
son of the last, was born September 9, 1703, educated at 
Merchant Taylors' and St. John's, Oxford, being elected 
fellow, June n, 1722. He proceeded M.A., March 21, 1729; 
B.M., December 7, 1732; M.D., July n, 1740. He settled in 
the town during his father's life, and married after September 2, 
1741, Anna Maria Crosse, his first cousin, daughter of James 
Crosse, Esq., barrister-at-law, and recorder of Winchester. 
In August 1732 the honour of burgess-ship was offered to 
him and to his brother Samuel, but declined by both : the 
compliment being subsequently renewed to Dr. Speed and 
accepted, he was elected November 10, 1752, and sworn 
in March 19, 1754. Dr. Speed at first resided, as his father 
had before him, in 'the great house' (p. 355) next to Holy 
Rood Church, but on November 8, 1751, he obtained from 
the Corporation license to alienate his lease to Mr. John 
Monckton, surgeon ; he is then said to have lived at No. i 
High Street, but certainly afterwards in his own house in St. 


Lawrence's parish, where he died March 8, and was buried 
at Holy Rood, March 15, 1781. 

Dr. Speed had a large practice ; but found time to be 
a constant writer. His largest work is a portentous folio 
of 830 pages, containing about 73,416 lines, with numerous 
notes, entitled * Burnettus Restitutus, or Bp. Burnett's 
History, in Burlesque Verse, by Ferdinand MacPherson of 
that Ilk :' it is a marvellous work, not without its merits. 
Among his performances are medical, historical, and theo- 
logical tracts, sonnets, &c. Some of his satirical pieces on 
the local government of Southampton should be mentioned. 
Dr. Speed was much averse to the local Acts (see pp. 
117, 120) for lighting and paving the town, and spared no 
pains in exposing the authors of the schemes, and ridicul- 
ing the Corporation for surrendering their rights. In his 
4 Curious Account of a Nondescript Species of Negroes ' 
he attacks the lighting scheme, and describes the manners 
of the town the ' nocturnal rites,' that is, the balls, the 
dresses of the ladies, particularly the head-dresses ; these 
latter are said to be frequently so complicated that they * go 
untouch'd for months together,' and are swarming with vermin. 
Another piece, * An Account of the Ancient Town of Gotham, 
and of some Transactions of the so-famous Wise Men there/ 
lashes the Corporation and the original promoters of the 
paving scheme, his characters evidently portraying the 
leaders in town politics. 

But it is time to turn to Dr. Speed's History of South- 
ampton. It is a small folio written in a printing hand, as 
was very common with him, the letters having been retouched 
with a pen the second time, probably towards the close of the 
author's life. The work is itself an expansion or second 
edition of one presented by him to the Corporation in 
February 1 759, entitled ' The Charter of the Town of South- 
ampton (16 Car. I.) in Latin and English, with remarks from 
the Journals.' This book was ordered November 30, 1810, 


to be fair copied, and it was handed in on April 9, 1813. 
The Corporation possess this volume ; it is well written, but 
abounds in errors of transcription. The original appears to 
be lost. 

The ' History of Southampton/ at the death of Dr. Speed 
in March 1781, passed with his other books and papers into 
the hands of his son, John Mylles Speed, Rector of Eling, 
who married, September 12, 1782, Harriot, daughter of Rev. 
Owen Davies, M.A., Rector of Exton and Curate of St. 
Mary's. On the death of Mr. Speed, October 8, 1792, his 
books 1 and other properties passed to his widow, who, on 
December u, 1793, was married to John Silvester, Esq. 
(created a Baronet in 1814) ; thus the custody of the volume 
fell to Mr. Silvester, and on February 28, 1794, he presented 
it, through Mr. Ballard, to the Corporation of Southampton. 
The gift was acknowledged on March 28, and on April 4th 
Mr. Silvester received the honour of burgess-ship. 

The book has been always valued by the Corporation, 
and has been constantly used. It had been prepared under 
difficulties from the want of arrangement in the Corporation 
documents ; an inconvenience which has attended myself 
from no fault of the present custodians ; happily the documents 
are now being arranged by a competent hand under the 
Historical MSS. Commission. 

I have little to add concerning the following work, which, 
as explained above, may be said to be based on that of Dr. 
Speed. It presents for the first time much material which 
has not been worked up before. At the same time I am 
conscious of its defects, and its omission of some branches of 

1 Among these, in addition to the books and papers mentioned above, were 
a MS. by the Chronologer, and a fifteenth century Chronicle, a version of the 
Brute, with unique additions, which had been used by Speed, and previously by 
Stowe. The latter portion of this MS. was edited by me for the Camden Society, 
under the title of ' An English Chronicle of the Reigns of Richard II., Henry IV., 
Henry V., and Henry VI.' 


inquiry which might reasonably be expected in a larger book ; 
but as some extenuation of the latter point I may urge that 
the volume has already exceeded the space proposed. 

No uniform method of spelling the names of persons 
and places has been adopted ; they appear as they are 
found in the various contemporary documents ; any difficulty 
in identification will probably be removed by consulting the 

Southampton is rapidly increasing, and one effort of its 
inhabitants must be to preserve its ancient monuments in 
these days of movement and prosperity. The study of 
archaeology is growing, and towns will be valued and sought, 
among other things, for their associations with the past and 
the teaching power of their remains. No plea is offered here 
for ' restoration ' in the too common acceptance of the term, 
but for intelligent and scrupulous preservation, even at 
apparent sacrifice, of every portion of what is historical. 
Southampton possesses remains some of which are believed 
to be unique ; every fragment of the western walls should be 
rigidly guarded. A period of danger is possibly approaching ; 
and should mischief happen, the time of regret will most 
certainly occur when reparation will be impossible. 

I have to thank the Town Council for their permission to 
use Dr. Speed's MS., and the Town-Clerk, R. S. Pearce, Esq., 
for his unvaried courtesy and ready assistance in the midst of 
labours which appear unceasing ; I have also received most 
willing attention in the office. My thanks are also due to 
Charles Wooldridge, Esq., Registrar of the Diocese for Hants, 
for kind accommodation and facility afforded me while ex- 
amining the Episcopal Registers ; to J. B. Lee, Esq., Secretary 
to the Bishop of Winchester, for access to the Registers in 
London ; and to F. Bowker, Esq., Registrar of the Arch- 
deaconry of Winchester, for permission to search the books 
under his care. It may be thought presumption to remark 
on the consideration which students invariably receive in our 


public departments ; but I cannot forbear acknowledging the 
unvaried kindness and assistance of the authorities at the 
Record Office. To others also, both in Southampton and 
elsewhere, my thanks are due. To some I may have given 
trouble, I have taken much myself; and at length am able 
to leave to the kind judgment of my readers this imperfect 
contribution to. local history. 


ENFIELD HIGHWAY, October 1883. 



Pre-historic British and Romano-British Clausentum : its History 

and Remains. ........ 1-12 



SECTION I. Origin and Name of Town Ancient Site Removal 

Historical Notices Domesday .... 13-28 

SECTION II. The Fee-Farm 29-40 


SECTION I. Liberties or Precincts : Account of Boundaries and 

Encroachments ........ 41-48 

SECTION II. The Common and Common Lands . 48-51 
SECTION III. Other Common Lands: the Saltmarsh: Old Contro- 
versies : Modern Transformations ..... 5 I- 59 

SECTION IV. The Fortifications : the Walls The Castle The 
Arcade Norman Houses Towers Moats Platform 

Crosshouse ......... 59-111 

SECTION V. The Quays 111-113 

SECTION VI. Conduits and Waterworks 114-119 

SECTION VII. Pavement, Lighting, and Watching . . . 119-125 

SECTION VIII. Audit-house and Markets Municipal Buildings . 125-128 

SECTION IX. The Hartley Institute 128-131 

SECTION X. The Ordnance Survey Office 131 



I. The Guild Merchant and Ordinances .... 

II. The Charters 

III. Municipal Offices : of the Mayor List of Mayors, 





Bailiffs, and Sheriffs Of the Recorder List Of the 
Town-Clerk List Of the Burgesses Honorary Burgesses 
Burgesses of Parliament Of the Sheriff Of the Bailiffs 
Of the Steward and Treasurer Other Officers 

IV. The Staple 

V. Of Exemptions from Prisage ..... 

VI. Of the Admiralty Jurisdiction . . 

VII. Petty Customs Free Towns .... 

VIII. The Fairs 

IX. The Courts of the Town and County Of the Town : 
Court Leet Town Court County Court Quarter Sessions 
Orphans Admiralty Pie-powder Pavilion Court 

X. The Seals, Arms, Coinage, and Sir Bevois 


SECTION I. General 

SECTION II. Trade Regulations 

SECTION III. Modern Trade ..... 


SECTION I. The Almshouses 

SECTION II. Care of the Poor 

SECTION III. Benefactions . . 

SECTION IV. Medical Charities 

SECTION I. The Grammar School West Hall . 

SECTION II. Taunton's School 

SECTION III. Other Schools and Educational Agencies . 





293- 2 94 












SECTION I. The Parish Churches St. Mary's .... 

Parishes from St. Mary's : Trinity St. Luke's Christ Church, 

Northam St. James's, Bernard Street St. Matthew's 

Christ Church, Portswood St. Denys .... 

Holy Rood 

St. Lawrence and St. John ....... 

St. Michael's .... ... 

All Saints 

Parishes from All Saints : St. Paul's St. Peter's . 
French Church ..'........ 

SECTION II. Chantries ........ 

SECTION III. Nonconformist Congregations or Churches: Above 
Bar Albion Kingsfield Belvedere East Street, Baptist 
Portland Carlton Particular Baptists Bible Christians 
St. Andrew's Presbyterian Society of Friends Syna- 
gogue East Street, Wesleyan Bevois Town Kingsland, 
Primitive Methodists Free Church Catholic Apostolic 
Unitarian Roman Catholic ...... 

SECTION IV. Religious Houses : Priory of St. Denys . 

Convent of- Friars Minor ....... 

Hospital of St. Mary Magdalene . . 

Hospital of St. Julian of God's-house ..... 



Historical Notices 




Page 132, line 31, for " Sir Edward " read " Sir Edmund. 
Page 166, line 34, for " Aulnagar " read " Alnager." 
Page 167, line 5,/<?r " Scale " read " Scale." 
Page 168, line u,for " 1665 " raw? " 1655." 
Page 187, line 2, for " translater " read "translator." 
Page 200, line 2, for " de Vans " read " de Vaus." 
Page 253, line 33, /0r " Toway " read " Fowey." 
Page 392, line i,for second word " of" read " at." 




i. Pre-historic. 2. British and Romano- British. 3. Clausetitum : 
Its History and Remains. 

I. TRACES of a pre-historic population occur in a district part of 
which is now comprised within the Borough of Southampton. A few 
flint implements of the usual type have been found in gravel beds, once 
the valley gravels of the Test and the Itchen. We may make some 
probable conjectures as to the habits of those who used such tools 
or weapons, but we can form no trustworthy calculation as to the 
period when they lived. Their remains have become associated with 
geological formations, and with changes which must have required 
many ages for their completion. It is more than probable that the 
implements which have been found in the drift in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Southampton were in use when the configuration 
of the whole district was very different. The Test and the Itchen, 
between which rivers our Borough is situated, are remnants of another 
disposition of land and water. What is now the Southampton Water 
was itself then a river gathering the drainage of the country and 
emptying it into a still larger stream. This larger stream, now 
represented by the Solent, flowed from the west between the coasts of 
Hampshire and what is now the Isle of Wight, before that island 
was divided from Dorsetshire by the wearing away of the chalk rocks 
which connected it at the Needles with the bold white cliffs of Dorset, 
some twenty miles to the west. 1 

It is no part of our task to follow out this interesting subject, which 
has reference to a time far anterior to. the birth of history. Suffice 

1 See Evans's Stone Implements, pp. 543, 603, &c. ; Rev. W. Fox, Geologist, v. 
452; Lyell's Antiq. of Man, p. 221, &c. The museum of the Hartley Institute 
contains several relics of the pre-historic period, 



it to say, that these changes of land and water have made for our port 
one of the finest harbours in England. From Calshot Castle at its 
entrance to Southampton, the deep-water space embraces a channel 
five miles in length with a depth of from five to nine fathoms for three 
and a half miles of that' distance at low water, and a breadth of half a 
mile with a considerable space of shallower water on either side, the 
mean distance from shore to shore being about two miles. A double 
tide at this port a phenomenon also observed as far apparently to the 
west as Portland 1 has attracted attention since the days of Bede, 2 
/ and has given an important natural advantage to Southampton, the 
Jyj second high tide occurring about two hours and a quarter after the 
first, the fall between the two being only about nine inches; so that 
practically the high water is stationary for over two hours. 

2. We have no distinct evidence of there having been any settle- 
ment at or near Southampton in the times preceding the Roman 
occupation, but it is not unlikely. During the Roman period a native 
population was probably gathered on the Southampton side of the 
river Itchen a Romanised British town in connection with Clausen- 
turn, on the opposite bank. There had been a tradition of Roman 
coins having been found at Bevois Mount; and in 1852 Roman 
remains were discovered in the north-east of that locality, on the high 
ground in front of Portswood lawn, overlooking the river; and again 
in the same neighbourhood in 1868. Not very far from the same site 
other Roman or Romano-British relics have been brought to light 
mingled with those of the subsequent Old English population. 3 
Clausen- 3. We must now devote a little space to Clausentum. This 

Roman fortress the name of which probably enshrines the earlier 
local appellation stood upon a peninsula formed by the winding of 
the river Itchen, about three miles from its junction with the 
Southampton Water. This peninsula, which faces due west, was cut 
across by two parallel fosses dividing it into two islands, the western- 
most of these being nearly semicircular in form, the other and larger 
being nearly a parallelogram. A stream of fresh water flowing from 
the north-east discharged itself on the shore close to the southern end 
of the outer fosse, and may have contributed to the water supply of 
the station. One of the Roman wells, not discovered till the present 
century, is still in use on the inner island. 

The main fortress of the station was built on the westernmost 
island. The fortifications consisted of a strong surrounding wall with 

1 See Notes and Queries, April 23, 1881. 

2 Bede, bk. iv. c. 16. 

3 Brit. Archseolog. Jou'rn., vol. xi. p. 338, xxiy. 399, xxii. 350. 


towers at intervals; but we know nothing of the buildings within this 
enceinte. Outside, at the foot of the wall, remains were found some years 
ago of the strong wooden frame or quay work which possibly served 
for the Roman galleys. 

The gate of the main fortress was at or near the spot where the 
present Northam road crosses the inner fosse. From this gate a road 
led with a northerly inclination across the other island and the second 
fosse till it struck, nearly at right angles, the road from Venta (Win- 
chester) on the north to Porchester on the south-east. The road out 
of Clausentum has not been laid open, but its direction is said to be 
observed by the difference in the growth of the crops along its sup- 
posed course. It seems doubtful whether the parallelogram-shaped 
island was in any part fortified by walls or towers. 

No particular attention seems to have been paid to the site till 
the last century. Leland l and Camden mention it, the first as a 
' ferme placed . . . caulled Bitherne,' belonging to the Bishops of 
Winchester, where yet ' remayne tokens and ruines of a castelle.' 
Camden was shown ' some rubbish and pieces of old walls, and the 
trench of an ancient castle half a mile in compass/ which at full tide 
was f three parts surrounded by water/ 2 These remains he supposed 
to be either those of Clausentum or of one of the forts which, according 
to Gildas, the Romans built to check the Saxon piracies. Other 
writers since have given a few words to Bittern, but the place attracted 
no attention. It was well away from any public road ; and until 
Northam Bridge was built in 1799, was only to be approached by a 
solitary farm-road from Wood Mill, or by a'footpath through woods 
and fields along the river-bank from Itchen ferry, or by crossing the 
river in a boat. 3 

The Rev. Richard Warner, in 1792, is generally credited with 
having been the first to determine the position of Clausentum. 4 It is 
however certain that he was indebted to the labours of Dr. Speed, who 
had died in 1781, and whose work Warner had evidently used in every 
particular regarding Clausentum, without a word of acknowledgment. 6 

Clausentum is only known through the Antonine Itinerary, the 
date of which work may be about A.D. 320. From the probability of 
the case we should suppose this fortress on the Itchen to have been 

1 Itinerary, vol. iv. p. 21. 

2 Gibson's Camden's Britannia, i. p. 35. 

3 Buller's Englefield's Walk through Southampton, pp. 63, 64. 

4 Attempt to Ascertain the Situation of the Ancient Clausentum, 1792. In 
his preface of August i, 1792, he states his discovery to have been just made. 

6 We have thought it necessary to reproduce but a small portion of Dr. 
Speed's chapter on Clausentum, or the indebtedness of Warner would be made 


erected at the very earliest period at which the Romans effected a 
settlement, and wanted a safe water-way to Venta (Winchester) ; but 
the reduction of this neighbourhood was among the earliest of the 
Roman conquests in Britain. Dr. Speed, besides the probability of 
the case, has drawn an argument in favour of an early date for 
Clausentum from the freshness of large numbers of coins of the first 
period discovered on the spot. He says, " I have myself had from 
" thence the coins of Claudius, Nero, Vespasian, Sabina, Antoninus, 
" Commodus, Lucilla, Alexander Severus, Constantius, Constans, 
(( Carausius, Aurelianus, Valentinianus, and Valens, which compre- 
" hend pretty nearly the whole time that the Romans were masters 
" of Britain." Hoards of coins, he observes, generally contain those 
only of a few emperors who lived near each other's times, and whose 
coins might well be current together. And from the finds of Clau- 
dius and other emperors of the earliest occupation containing many 
specimens of fresh money he infers the early existence of the settle- 
ment here. 

As to inscriptions, he says, " I never could hear of any, great part 
<c of the old buildings having been long ago taken down by Mr. 
<e Mylles, the owner, under the Bishop of Winchester, to build a house 1 
" and chapel upon another part of his estate, called Peartree, about a 
" mile distant from it" 

Dr. Speed finishes his chapter on Clausentum by producing the 
Itinerary ascribed to Antoninus, the seventh Iter of which stands as 
follows, and by its general measurement points to Bittern as Claus- 
entum : 2 

Iter a Regno Londinium, MP. XCVI, sic : 
Clausentum, MP. XX. 
Ventam Belgarum, MP. X. 
Callevam Atrebatum, MP. XXII. 
Pontes, MP. XXII. 
Londinium, MP. XXII." 

1 Peartree House, afterwards inhabited by Captain Richard Smith, the builder 
of Peartree Green Church. 

2 Dr. Speed's text of the Iter is given, which is that of Surita, though it may 
not be considered the best reading now : no difference occurs in the distances 
from that of Wesseling. There is, however, a great variation as to the interpre- 
tation of the places at the present day. Dr. Speed followed the view of his 
time, and made Regnum, Ring-wood, Calleva, Wallingford, Pontes, Colebrook. 
(See also Burton's Antoninus's Itinerary, pp. 217-225.) At the present time it 
is received that Regnum is Chichester, Calleva, Slickest er, Pontes, Staines. Mr. 
Roach Smith has suggested that the figure opposite Clausentum was probably 
xxx. miles, the required distance from Chichester. Mr. Gordon M. Hills has 
lately attempted to reconstruct the Roman geography of South Britain, under 
whom Chichester becomes Clausentum, Havant, Venta, and the Bittern station, 
Sorbiodunum. (See Journal of Brit. Archaeol. Assoc., Sept. 1878.) 


From Dr. Speed's account we gather something of the condition 
of the fortress in the last century, though it is difficult from his de- 
scription to say how much was Roman, how much medieval. 

" On the inner bank of this [westernmost or inner] ditch, towards Remains 
" the north end of it, there is still standing an old stone building, now ' 
" converted into a barn, but which appears to me to have been part 
" of the old Roman fort, for in the upper part of the wall next the 
" ditch are slits to shoot arrows through, and within the barn are 
" plain marks of there having been a floor at such a height that men 
" standing upon it might conveniently shoot arrows through the slits. 
i( At the north end of the barn are still to be seen some remains of the 
" foundation of the old wall of the fort, about four feet in thickness. At 
" the other end of the barn, adjoining to it, are the remains of a stone 
tc gateway which consisted of two arches, one within the other, and 
" was, I suppose, the entrance into the fort by means of a drawbridge 
" over the ditch. There was a room over this gateway, for at that end 
te of the barn there is a door-case that leads to the top of the gate. 
" Within this barn is another old stone building, now a stable and 
" cart-house which reaches to the outside wall, next the river on the 
" east side, and on that side it has an arched window and slit like 
" those in the barn on each side of the window. From this building 
" there goes a wall to a square tower, still of some height, to the top of 
" which there is a stone staircase out of one of the upper rooms of the 
" manor-house which joins to it. At the bottom of this tower is a door- 
" case open to the shore from a small room, where perhaps a centinel 
" was placed to observe any signals that might be made from Bevois 
" Hill. Near this tower there still remain foundations of flint for a 
t( considerable space, and many fragments of the same appear all round 
" the ground within the inner ditch, and on the bank of that ditch. 
" But many of the materials were removed in Queen Elizabeth's time 
" to build a house and chapel on another part of the owner's estate. 1 

" On the opposite side of the river southward is the place which 
" Bishop Gibson mentions in his additions to Mr. Camden to have 
" been converted into a dock for building men-of-war, and where he 
" says a gold coin had been then lately found. It is now called 
" Northam, and was probably a branch of Clausentum, for the channel 
" of the river runs so close under the shore here, that ships could 
" not pass up without being assailed from hence. 

1 See a previous note. Bishop Montague's license to Captain Smith of Pear- 
tree for enclosing ground on Ridgeway Heath for the purpose of a chapel and 
burial-ground bears date February 23, 1617-18. The consecration of the chapel 
and cemetery by Bishop Andrews took place on Sunday, September 17, 1620. 
The house may have been built in Queen Elizabeth's time. 


" Opposite to Bittern, on the west side across the river, is a hill 
" called Bevois Hill, from a legendary tradition that Bevois of South- 
" ampton lies buried under it. It is now part of the beautiful gardens 
" made by the late Earl of Peterborough. Where the summer-house 
" now stands was a barrow, and in digging the foundation of the sum- 
" mer-house a human skeleton with bones of a large size was found ; 
" but the compass of the foundation reaching no higher than the middle 
" of the thigh-bone, no search was made for the rest of the skeleton. 

" The top of this hill was used to be ploughed, and I have heard 
t( that Roman coins have been found there. The side of the hill next 
(< the shore is very steep, and has a wet ditch at the bottom of it. I 
" suppose this hill to have been the castrum exploratorum or scout 
" watch to the station, and that the whole comprehended Bittern as 
" the principal fort, another fort at Northam, and this hill. And the 
" communication was easy, for about forty years ago a very old person, 
if being on evidence upon a trial, made oath that within his memory 
" the river had been fordable over against Bittern towards Bevois 
" Hill." 

Engiefieid's It was at the beginning of the present century that the greatest 
light was thrown upon Clausentum by the investigations of Sir Henry 
Englefield, who had great facilities put in his way. That diligent 
antiquary left no stone unturned which might possibly have a history 
to divulge. 1 The remains discovered by him consisted of architectural 
fragments, some important inscriptions, fragments of Roman pave- 
ment and of Samian and coarser ware, some glass specimens, with a 
few other relics and coins, mostly of the Lower Empire. He also traced 
out the whole of the ancient wall, which was about nine feet thick and 
of the usual construction : it was, however, singular, though not unique, 
in having no foundation whatever, its base being protected by an 
earthen rampart. 

The following inscriptions have been found at Bittern Manor : 2 

i. Gordian the younger, A.D. 238-244. 

IMP CM To the Emperor Caesar Marcus 

ANT GOR Antonius Gor- 

DIANO -dianus, 

PF AVG- the pious, the fortunate, the Augustus. 

RP BI (?) 

1 Walk through Southampton, ist'ed. 1801, 2d ed. 1805 j Bullar's ed. of 
Engiefieid's Walk, with Notes, 1841. See also Duthie's Sketches of Hampshire, pp. 
417-421 (1839). 

2 See Mr. Roach Smith's paper in Winchester volume of Brit. Archasol. Assoc., 
1845, pp. 163-170. 


2. Callus and Volusian, A.D. 252254. 

IMPP CC To the Emperors Caesars 

GALLO Callus 

ET VOLVSI and Volusi- 

ANO AVG -anus, the Augusti. 


3. Tetricus^ A.D. 267-272. 

M C E S To the Emperor Caius Es- 

SVVIO -suvius 

TETRIC Tetric- 

VS PFAV -us, the pious, the fortunate, the Augustus. 

4. Tetricus. 2 

MP CA To the Emperor Cassar 

CAESVIO Caius Esuvius 

TETRICO Tetricus, 

PET AVG the pious and the Augustus. 

5. Tetricus the younger? 

IMP CC To the Emperor Caesar Caius 

PIO ESVIO Pius Esuvius 

TETRICO Tetricus, 

PFAG the pious, the fortunate, the Augustus. 

6. Aurelian, A.D. 270-275. 

IMP CAES LV To the Emperor Cassar LU- 

CIO DOMI -cius Domi- 

TIO AVRELIANO tius Aurelianus. 

7. To Ancastaf a local divinity. 

DEAE To the Goddess 

ANCA Anca- 

STA G -sta G- 

EMINV -eminu- 

S MANTI -s Manti- 

VS LM -us [performs a vow] willingly, deservedly. 

A defaced portion of a miliary column, now lost. No reading has 
been hazarded.** 

1 The bad grammar on this stone will be observed. At the Numismatic 
Society in October 1875 a Gaulish coin was exhibited inscribed Esuios, a form of 
Esuvius, as in above inscriptions. 

2 See Archaeologia, vol. xxix. 257. 

3 A miliary stone to Tetricus the younger, who was associated with his father 
as the Caesar, has been discovered by M. Mowat of Rennes, and deposited by him 
in the museum of that place. He reads it thus, as given in a letter to Mr. 
Macnaghten, ' Caio Pio Esuvio Tetrico Nobilissimo Caesari Civitas Redonum.' 

4 Of these inscriptions, Nos. i, 2, 4,. 6, 7, 8, were described by Engleneld ; 
Nos. 3, 5, and 7 are still preserved at Bittern Manor with other remains ; the rest 
of the inscriptions are lost 

6 Mr. Roach Smith thinks it may have had reference to the rebuilding some 
portion of the wall. 


It will be seen that the inscriptions, as far as they can be assigned 
to a date, belong to the third century. The stones themselves, that is, 
such of them as are preserved at Bittern Manor, appear to have been 
quarried in the Isle of Wight, and the same has been observed of other 
stone about the place. The use of this stone would only show that the 
Romans had already subdued and were working quarries in the island 
when Clausentum was built ; but the island was reduced by Vespasian 
in the middle of the first century. 
History We now turn to the period marked out by the inscriptions. That 

from the in- . . 

scriptions. dedicated to the unfortunate young Emperor Gordian stands out 
s imply as a relic, of lost history, the affairs of Britain at this time being 
unrecorded by the ancient historians. The same may be said of the 
next inscription, that to Gall us and Volusian, father and son. This 
absence of record is sometimes taken to import a season of peacefuhiess 
and prosperity in Britain. But the inscriptions to Tetricus introduce 
us to another order of affairs, in which we find Britain wrested away 
from the imperial government, and its throne held by a series of 
usurpers. Tetricus, proclaimed emperor by the legions of Gaul with 
his son Tetricus as Caesar, under the influence of Victoria the Augusta, 
reigned over Gaul and Britain some five years, a slave to those who 
had placed him on the throne. Able to bear this position no longer, 
he sought deliverance at the hands of the lawful emperor, Aurelian., 
against whom he was a rebel, imploring that victorious monarch in a 
secret letter to ' deliver him from his enemies. 5 He then feigned the 
appearance of war, led his troops against Aurelian, but in truth be- 
trayed them, and himself deserted to the Emperor's camp. This was 
in 272. Two years after Tetricus and his son graced the triumph of 
Aurelian on his return to Rome, but subsequently were admitted to 
his friendship and advanced to wealth and dignity. 1 It seems likely, 
from the occurrence of these memorials to Tetricus at: Bittern, that 
Clausentum was his chief station in this country. 2 Coins of Tetricus 
have been found in abundance there. 

With the fall of Tetricus, Britain again passed under the Roman 
power, which remained undisputed for a short period. After the 
murder of Aurelian in 275, Roman affairs under Tacitus, Probus, 
Cams, and Carinus call for no special notice. Dioclesian succeeded 
to the imperial people in 284, and now again a rival empire became 
established in Britain. Carausius, a citizen of Menapia of singular 
ability and cunning, had been intrusted by Maximian, the associate of 

1 It is supposed that the memorials to Tetricus escaped the usual fate of those 
of conquered rebels by the special favour of Aurelian. 

2 See Wright's Celts, &c., pp. 138. 422. 


Dioclesian, with the command of a fleet for protecting the British 
shores against Francs and Saxons ; l but his honesty and fidelity be- 
coming suspected, Maximian sent an order for his death. Carausius, 
however, who had acquired much wealth, for little of what he rescued 
from marauders had found its way to the imperial treasuries, bought 
over the forces, seized Gessoriacum (Boulogne), the chief station of 
the fleet, assumed the purple, and wrested Britain from the empire. 
This was in 287. The loss of Britain was deeply felt, but after vain 
attempts to overthrow the usurper, peace was made with him, and he 
has commemorated the event on some of his coins, the heads of 
Dioclesian, Maximian, and himself appearing surrounded by such 
legends as 'The peace of the Augusti,' ' Carausius and his brethren.' 
The coinage of Carausius has been found in great plenty at Bittern. 
He is believed indeed to have had a mint at Clausentum, 2 which may 
have always been one of his chief stations. He was slain at York 
in 294, by the treachery of his friend and minister Allectus, who 
succeeded him and held Britain for two years. 

During this time Constantius Chlorus was preparing for the inva- 
sion of Britain. When all was ready, he divided his fleet into two 
squadrons, himself holding command of one at Boulogne, and intrust- 
ing the other at the mouth of the Seine to Asclepiodotus. The fleet 
of Allectus was riding off the Isle of Wight when the squadron of 
Asclepiodotus passed unnoticed in murky weather, and landed its 
troops upon the British shore. Allectus, who was awaiting Con- 
stantius in a different quarter, hastened to meet this unexpected foe. 
We do not know exactly where the battle was fought, but in it Allectus 
fell, and Britain passed again under the Roman power, A.D. 296". Coins 
of Allectus, with what is supposed to be the Clausentum mint mark, 3 
have been found in some number at Bittern. 

No other historical events in any way connected with Clausentum Recon- 

! rr,i i r i struction of 

nave come down to us. Ine dates or the inscriptions carry us to the fortress, 
about the end of the third century, after which it would seem there 
was some reconstruction of the fortress, fragments of ancient buildings 
and stones which before had occupied places of greater honour being 
worked into the wall ; for in such a position Sir Henry Englefield found 
several, and apparently some of the above inscriptions. This rebuild- 
ing or strengthening of the fortress may have occurred in the latter 

1 Eutrop. ix. 21 ; Aurel. Victor de Caesaribus, xxxix. 20, 21, 39. 

2 Wright's Celts, &c., pp. 140, 141 ; Akerman's Coins of the Romans relating 
to Britain, pp. 121, 136. 

3 Such as C (Clausenti), MC (Moneta Clausenti), SC (Signata Clausenti), 
MSC (Moneta signata Clausenti), SPC (Signata pecunia Clausenti). See 
Wright's Celts, &c., p. 431. 


part of the fourth century, when the southern coasts were suffering 
more and more from Franc and Saxon depredations : it may have been 
after Theodosius had restored security to Britain for the time against 
Picts, Scots, and Saxons, and had seen generally to frontier walls and 
fortifications. Thus the date would be about A.D. 370. 

Clausentum is not mentioned in the subsequent Notitia Imperii l 
as among the stations of the Count of the Saxon Shore, the western- 
most of which was at Portus Adurni, the mouth of the Adur in 
Sussex, probably at Bramber, some little way up the river, the outlet 
of which was broader in former times. Though the strengthening of 
the fortress may have been owing to the causes which had called into 
existence the Count of the Saxon Shore, whose duty it was to keep in 
check the invaders, yet it was apparently outside his jurisdiction, which 
did not stretch beyond our county of Sussex. 

itssubse- We may conclude that the Romans kept up the fortress till they 

fortunes. ^^ our ^ an( ^ aDout 411 ; after which it may be taken for granted that 
it was occupied by the native Britons, though but for a short period. 
In little more than a century another kingdom that of the West 
Saxons was set up in these parts; and the old Roman fortress and 
town, possibly destroyed in some of the harrying raids of that period, 
may have been left under its new lords to ruin and desolation. 

We next find it, after a great interval, under the name of Bittern, as 
an appendage of the See of Winchester, and in June 1284 the men of 
the Bishop's manors of Bitterne, Falele (Fawley), Ore (Ower), and 
Stoneham were permitted by royal license to answer with the Bishop's 
hundred of Wautham (Waltham). 2 In the middle ages it was a 
favourite manor and residence of the bishops. In 1286 we find Bishop 
Pontissara issuing mandates from c Byterne; J Bishop Woodlock held 
ordinations in the chapel of the manor-house in July 1305, and again 
in August 1306 and April 1308. On the entrance of this Bishop the 
necessary repairs upon the house were put at jPioo, those upon the 
mills, &c., at ^30. The appointments of bailiffs constantly occur, 
similar appointments having been made till the changes of a few years 
, ago. The earliest extant seems to be that of Bishop Woodlock on his 
coming to the See, when he wrote to the bailiff and his men of Bytterne 
to receive Thomas le Eyr for his bailiff and to attend to him. These 

1 Date of this is the end of fourth or beginning of fifth century. The 
authority of the Count was confined to the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk, Essex, 
Kent, and Sussex; his stations and troops being settled at Branodunum (Bran- 
caster), G'arriannonum (Burgh), Othona (on the Blackwater, now covered by the 
sea), Regulbium (Reculver), Rutupiae (Richborough), Dubris (Dover), Portus 
Lemanis (Lymne), Anderida (Pevensey), Portus Adurni (mouth of the Adur). 

2 Pat. 12 Ed. I. m. n. 


commissions,, frequently issued in favour of the Bishop's valet (valectum 
nostrum) for good conduct, need not be further mentioned. 

Bishop Fox let the place with the pasture called ' Bytterne Parke' 
for thirty-one years to John Tanner otherwise Mason of Weston, 
husbandman, for the yearly rent of ^13, 133. 4d. from Michaelmas 
1520, Mason covenanting to keep in repair the house, with all the 
walls, ditches, gates, See. 1 From this period Bittern may have ceased 
to be a residence of the bishops. In September 1551 it was alienated 2 
by Bishop Poynet to Edward VI., together w r ith the manors of Merdon, 
Twyford, Marwell, Waltham, and various other possessions, which 
were all restored to the See by Queen Mary 3 under Bishop Gardiner in 
1553. Plundered from the See by the Commonwealth, it was sold 4 
in June 1649 to John Barkstead, Esq., for ^1716, 6s. 8d., and again 
restored in 1660. It does not appear when the possession of the 
manor-house (the old fortress) was separated from that of the manor. 
The latter continued to be held directly by the bishops till the death of 
Bishop Sumner, after which it passed to the Ecclesiastical Commis- 
sioners, while the manor-house has been for many years in private 
hands, its present proprietor being Steuart Macnaghten, Esq. Before 
taking leave of Clausentum or Bittern, it may be well to notice the 
changes which have occurred there since the time of Sir Henry Engle- 
field. When he wrote, part of the gateway and the ' barn 5 spoken of 
by Dr. Speed were existing; but these buildings were demolished at 
the commencement of the present century. 5 

The manor-house was in Englefield's time a farm residence, which 
he describes as built into the remains of a c stately Norman edifice/ 
Much of the history of the building is now totally covered from the 
eye, as necessarily in the case of a modern dwelling-house, but in the 
basement may still be seen eleventh-century work, if not that of an 
earlier period. One of the chambers in the first storey retains an 
ambry of the fourteenth or fifteenth century: there is also early 
medieval work immediately behind the new drawing-room, generally 
supposed to be some remains of the chapel. 

A fragment of the Roman surrounding wall still exists at a little 
distance beyond the west end of the house. In Englefield's days there 

1 Reg. Pontiss, f. 5, &c. ; Woodlock, f. 2, 10 t b., c., 307 b., 311 b., 316 ; 
Fox, iv. f. 56 b. 

2 Records in Collier's Hist., No. Ixvii. 

3 See in Milner, i. 271. 

4 See Doc. in Gale's Hist., p. 21 ; Winchester vol. Brit. Arch. Assoc. (1845), 
p. 47. 

6 They were medieval or medievalised. A drawing of one of the windows is, 
given in the Hants Repository, vol. ii. plate iv. 


were considerable remains of this fortification. But about the time 
that Northam Bridge and the new road were in construction, Clausen- 
turn was also undergoing reconstruction at the hands of its then 
proprietor. Every fragment of stone that could be utilised was turned 
to account/ walls were rooted out, aggers levelled to improve a kitchen 
garden and enrich a pasture. Little, in fact, was left but what could 
not well be destroyed. At the present day we have to lament the loss 
of five out of the eight inscriptions found on the spot. 

It only remains to notice the alterations which have occurred in 
the ancient landmarks of Clausentum by the addition of soil reclaimed 
from the river. In Englefield's time, and for many years after, the 
boundaries remained as in the Roman period, and the tide washed 
nearly to the foot of the old manor-house and the fragments of the 
ancient walls. 

The first alteration was effected by reclaiming a large portion of 
land on the north side, extending from the outer fosse to a point west- 
ward^ nearly opposite what was then the island. 

A further alteration has been made within the last few years by 
taking in a still larger portion of mud-land. Starting from or near 
the point just mentioned, the island itself has been included in the 
mainland, which now is extended towards a point near the foot of 
Northam Bridge. 

It is necessary to bear in mind these alterations in any examina- 
tion of the spot. A round tower, built a few years ago, marks the site 
of the island ; while the old Roman boundary of the station is to be 
traced by the sudden fall of the land from the more ancient level to 
that of the soil reclaimed. On the east side of Northam Bridge the old 
coast-line is still preserved. 2 

1 See Duthy, p. 420. 

2 A large number of Roman coins and some other relics found on the spot 
are preserved at Bittern Manor by Steuart Macnaghten, Esq., the owner of the 
estate, to whose courtesy archaeologists visiting Southampton have been so con- 
stantly indebted. 




i. Origin and Name of Town. 2. Ancient Site. 3. Removal. 
4. Historical Notices. 5. Domesday. 

WITH the fall of the Roman power in. Britain we lose the guid- 
ance of their writers, and the general history of our land passes through 
a semi-mythic period with the barbarian invaders : we take up our 
story where we can begin to deal with certainties. 

i. " Cerdic and Cynric, his son, the founders of the West Saxon 
" kingdom, landed somewhere in this neighbourhood ;" and the king- 
dom being founded in 519, after the battle of Cerdices-ford or Char- 
ford, near Breamore, Winchester was secured as the key to the old 
Roman roads ; but it seems not improbable that Hampton, our town, 
was the earliest home of the invaders, and remained for some time 
the base of their work. Doubtless from this port the conquest of 
the Isle of Wight was undertaken in 530 by the West Saxons in con- 
junction with their Jutish allies, who thenceforth became settled in 
the island, and who probably at that period were admitted to occupy, 
as their descendants did in Bede's time, a little portion of West Saxon 
territory x opposite the Isle of Wight. 

No distinct mention of the town occurs till the ninth century, Existence 
but we meet with the name of the shire, which was derived from that voivSun 11 
of the town. Thus, to lay no stress on a doubtful writing of Caedwealha na . me of 
of Wessex, A.D. 680, in which mention is made of the ' territory of 
Heaiitun/ the name of Hamtun-scire occurs in the English Chronicle 
under 755, when Cynewulf and the West Saxon Witan deprived 
Sigebryht of his kingdom except Hamtun-scire. But the town must 
have had importance before it could give its name to the shire, and 
this was probably early. The recovery of Winchester after the 

1 The places Meonstoke and East and West Meon preserve a memory of 
the settlement of the Jutish Meonwara. See Green's Making of England, 89. 
It was called ' the province of Meonwara, in the nation of the West Saxons,' 
and went in a grant with the Isle of Wight from Wulfere to ^dilwalch. 
Ibid. 90 and ref. 


destruction of its civilisation by Cerdic was a matter of time; and 
though it became the residence of kings and the seat of a bishopric, 
still the ' home-town 5 of the conquerors by the sea was their own 
creation, and retained sufficient hold early in the West Saxon monarchy 
to give its name to the district before the great rise of the royal and 
episcopal city. The name continues as Hamtun-scire till about the 
middle of the tenth century, when the prefix south appears. We then 
begin to read of Suthamtonia and Suthamtunensis provincia and Suth- 
hamton-scire, as well as the older form. 1 In Domesday the name is 
Hantescire ; and from this probably the modern appellation of Hants 
is derived. 

The name of the town thus passed on to the shire in the above 
forms was Ham-tun, a name purely English. Ham is the word home, 
and tim means an enclosure, a combination of which we have so many 
examples, blending the happy ideas of home and security. In relation 
to this Hamtun, the chief settlement, there was a ' home' a little to 
the north belonging to later times the suburb we know as Northam. 

The name of Hamtun or Hamtune first occurs under 837 in the 
English Chronicle. JEthelwulf of Wessex in 840 dates from the royal 
vill of Hamtun; and we get variations of this, such as Hamtone, 
Haamtun, Heantun, till the above-mentioned period, the middle of the 
tenth century, when the prefix South is met with. Thus in 962 the 
royal dues of Suth-hamtune were granted by King Eadgar, with other 
possessions, to the monastery of Abingdon, which he had restored. 
From this time the name of Suthamtun and its Latinised forms become 
very frequent, though by no means to the exclusion of the earlier, 
which still remained the common use. Thus in 1045 we read Heantun 
in a grant of the Confessor to Bishop ^Elfwin; and in another gift 
from the same king to the same bishop, and dated in the same year, 
there is mention of thehaye at Hamtune, that is, the hedge or enclosure 
at or near the town's limits. 2 

Judging, therefore, from the probabilities of the case and the evi- 
dence before us, as far as it goes, we conclude that the rise of the 
town was early in the English settlement ; that here the conquerors 
first formed their ham-tun, which gave its name to the district round 
when it became necessary to distinguish it from other West Saxon 
principalities; 3 that in the tenth century the town became known as 

1 For numerous examples of all the above forms, see documents in 
Kemble's Codex Diplomat. JEvi Saxonici, the English Chronicle, Ethelwerd, 
Florence of Worcester, &c. 

2 For documents see Codex Diplomaticus. 

3 See Freeman (Norm. Conquest, i. 49), who suggests that the capital city 
may have been kept distinct from the shire. 


Suth-hamtun, the prefix being added to distinguish it from other 
localities similarly named, and especially from the Ham-tun in Mercia 
(Northampton) after the annexation of that kingdom to Wessex in 
920; that the change of the shire-name followed that of the town, 
though in each case the original appellation continued to be the one 
most frequently used. 

3. We may now pass to the site of the town. Leland, 1 who presented Old site. 
his Itinerary to Henry VIII. in 1546, heard on his visit to South- 
ampton that the town did not originally stand where it now does, but 
in the immediate neighbourhood of St. Mary's Church, some quarter of 
a mile or more to the north-east of the walled town, whence it stretched 
away to the river-side. Camden, the first edition of whose work 
appeared in 1586, heard the same account; and excavations made 
within the last forty-five years go to prove that these illustrious 
antiquaries had so far accepted and have handed down a true 

In 1839 digging for clay was commenced in afield of eight acres in 
the parish of St. Mary, north-eastward of the town and extending to- 
wards the Itchen. The field had been hitherto used as arable and 
garden ground, and is now built over. It was found that the ground 
had been perforated over all its surface with large pits, over which 
there lay an accumulation of recent soil about two feet thick. Clay 
had been originally dug from these pits, which had been afterwards 
filled with all sorts of rubbish, amongst which were found the bones 
and teeth of various animals, such as deer, oxen, horses, sheep, pigs ; 
there were boars' tusks, oyster shells, fish and fowl bones, &c. The 
bones were in such quantity that the labourers collected and sold them 
to the bone dealers in the neighbourhood, at the rate of twopence for 
a ballast basketful, containing about ten gallons. In two days, 2 a 
quantity sufficient to produce twenty-four shillings was obtained, so that 
one man of the party was afterwards employed to collect the bones and 
sell them for the benefit of the other labourers, and frequently got fifteen 

1 ' The Town of Old-Hampton, a celebrate Thing for Fisschar Men and sum 
Merchauntes, stoode a Quater of a Mile or ther above from New-Hampton by 
North Est and streachyd to the Haven syde. The Plotte wheryn it stoode berith 
now good corn and gresse, and is namyid S. Maryfeld by the chirch of S. Mary 
stonding hard by it. 

' Sum Men yet alyve have scene dyvers Houses (especially up into the Lande 
of Old-Hampton) withyn the Feld self now caullyd S. Maryfeeld. Some thinke 
that the greate Suburbe standing a litle without the Est Gate of New-Hampton and 
joyning to S. Mariefeld was parte of Old-Hamptoun.' Itin., iii. 105. 

2 The late J. R. Keele, Esq., to whom we are indebted for the narration of 
these and similar discoveries ; Collectanea Antiqua, vol. iv. (1857), pp. 58-62 and 
plates. See also Mr. Atherley's communication to Brit. Archaeol. Journal, vol. 
v. (1850), p. 162. 


shillings a week for his share. It was thought that at the end of 1849 
fifty tons of bones had been obtained from these pits. 

Quantities of old English coins were found in these investigations. 
There were sceattas of different types, pennies of Offa (Mercia), 757- 
796; Coenwulf (Mercia), 796-819; Ecbeorht, 800-836; Burgred, 
(Mercia), 852-874 ; Ceolwulf (Mercia), 874-877 ; Plegmund, Abp., 
890-915; Alfred, 871-901 ; Eadward the elder, 901-924; ^Ethelstan, 
924-941; Eadmund, 941-946; Eadred, 946-956; Eadgar, 959-975; 
^Ethelred, 978-1016. Coins of the above dates, and others which could 
not be read; were found while preparing for the foundations of the 
prison erected in the same field. Besides the pits above spoken of, wells, 
said to have been for water, were also observed ; they had been sunk to 
a greater depth than the pits, and were filled with bones and rubbish. 1 

It appears that in digging out the clay the labourers came to as 
many as six or eight intersecting streets from twenty to thirty feet wide, 
the hard surface of the streets resting on the undisturbed clay. 

In laying the foundation of Grove Street, immediately to the 
south of the field just spoken of, a large number of human bones were 
discovered ; and in one of the graves a curious green glass vase, still 
preserved. This spot is believed to have been an early burial-ground 
of the settlement ; the green vase, which was lying on the face of a 
skull, and some other objects discovered, belonging to a remote period. 

Among the relics found in the rubbish-pits were several iron and 
bronze keys, and metal pins with ornamental heads. The bulk of the 
remains, including two spoons and one spoon and fork, were believed 
to range from the eighth to the tenth centuries. The household 
implements thus brought to light are examples of which few have been 
discovered of so early a date. The combination of spoon and fork in 
one implement is very rare, and may be compared with an example in 
the Londesborough Collection, which was found in Wiltshire together 
with coins of the eighth and ninth centuries. 2 

In March 1856 a similar discovery of bone-pits was made on the 
site of what is now called the Edinburgh Hotel in St. Mary's Road, 
about 150 yards from the pits described above, and forming a continua- 
tion of them. They were rectangular, from six to eight feet long, from 
four to six feet broad, and from six to seven and a half feet deep, though 
the depth was not always ascertained ; above them the surface ground 
was about two feet in thickness. On examination the bones were 
found to be of a similar character to those in the other pits. There were 
also fragments of bricks and tiles which had been perforated by tubular 

1 Brit. Archaeolog. Journal, vol. xx. pp. 68-73. 

2 Archasologia, vol. xxvii. pi. xxiv. 


holes about an inch in diameter, and some pieces of Anglo-Saxon, that 
is, Old English pottery. 1 In December 1859 opportunity was afforded 
for examining the ground immediately above the inn just mentioned. 
Owing to the elevation of the road in front of the site, it was not neces- 
sary to excavate to any depth for building purposes, but enough surface 
ground was cleared away to discover the mouths of various pits, which, 
as far as they were entered, contained similar collections of bones to 
those, previously found. There were also obtained from these pits two 
Roman coins, one of Constantine I., the other of Constantine II., and 
another penny of Offa. To these coins may be added a penny of 
Ceolnoth, Archbishop of Canterbury (830-871), found in the same 
locality; another of Burgred^ one of JEthelbearht, and one of Ecgberht, 
son of Offa (796). 

Subsequently to this, namely, in 1864 and 1866, further discoveries 
of bone-pits were made in the same locality, and in excavations pre- 
pared for the new streets on land to the east side of St. Mary's Road, 
belonging to Queen's College, Oxford, and long occupied as a market- 
garden ; no coins were observed, but bones as before, and some 
Romano-British and Old English relics. 2 Besides the coins mentioned 
above, there have been found in the same neighbourhood a penny of 
Cuthred (Kent), 796-805; one of ^Ethelbearht, 860-866; oneofEadward 
the Confessor, 1042 1066; two of Charlemagne, 800 ; one of an uncertain 
Archbishop of Canterbury, bearing on the obverse ( Dorobernia civitas, 5 
and on the reverse ' Luning moneta ; ' and in addition to these several 
coins of the post-Conquest kings. 3 

The evidence from these discoveries goes to prove the existence of 
an ancient town in the north and north-eastern districts of modern 
Southampton : on the other hand, the absence of such remains within 
the walls affords negative evidence as to there having been any settle- 
ment on the site of the medieval town. We are thus enabled to verify 
the old tradition of Hampton having been removed at some period to 
its present site within the walls. 

3. The received tradition associates this removal with the burning When was 
of the town under Edward III. Thus Leland, 4 who represents the talk removed to 
of his time : ' The old town of Hampton was brent in tyme of warre, sit e p ? resent 
spoyled and rasyd by French pyrates. This was the cause that the 

1 The late Rev. E. Kell in Brit. Archaeolog. Journal, vol. xiii. (1857), pp. 

2 Id., vol. xvi. (1860), p. 333; xvii. (1861), p. 231 ; xx. (1864), pp. 68-73; 
xxii. (1866), p. 455. 

3 Most of the above-mentioned coins were in the collection of the late 
Captain Bradby, R.N. Casts of several of them are in the Hartley Museum. 

4 Itin.j iii. 106. 



inhabitantes there translated themself to a more commodious place 
and began with the kinges Licens and Help to build New-Hampton 
and to walle yt yn defence of the enemies/ The tradition may 
embrace an element of truth as to the cause of removal being inva- 
sion and spoliation, but the ravages were those of Danish, not 
French invaders. 

The recollection of past weakness, and the knowledge that hard 
by existed a spot more capable of defence for the future, may have 
caused the migration from the old to the new site in the settled times 
of good King Cnut the Dane, whose memory has always been as- 
sociated with the town. To the west and south-west there was 
ground on a slight elevation as compared with the level of the 
ancient occupation, which was scarcely above high-water mark ; and 
towards the north-west portion of the area selected the ground 
reached its greatest altitude, offering the fitting centre for defence. 
On this elevation, easily adapted to warlike requirements, fortifica- 
tions were constructed, under the shadow of which the new town grew 
up. No traces of these ancient works remain ; but the stately keep 
of the Norman castle, the site of which is accurately known, must 
have been a replacement of the earlier fortress. The removal of the 
town, then, probably took place early in the eleventh century, or before 
the death of Cnut in 1035. By the end of that century we have 
evidence that the town was on its present site; and the remains of the 
population, described above, would seem to indicate an occupation in 
the ancient locality till about the period suggested. There is every 
probability that a large space of land was included in the ancient 
tun-scipe ; and it seems likely that we have a remnant of the ancient 
relation between Old and New Hampton in the traditionary ecclesias- 
tical connection between the churches of the borough. There has long 
been a doubtfulness as to the connection of St. Mary's with the other 
parishes of the town. Leland distinctly affirmed it to be the mother 
church, and this Dr. Speed denied. 1 But Leland was right and Speed 
wrong, for there is direct evidence of this relation, as will be seen 
farther on. 

The tun-scipe was the sphere of the parish priest; and it is sug- 
gested that the sites of Old and New Hampton were both parts of the 
same civil and ecclesiastical township or parish ; that when the town 
clustered for shelter near the newly erected fortification, no change 
was made in this relation ; that St. Mary's occupies the site of the 
original ecclesiastical establishment for the whole neighbourhood, and 
is a witness to a history before the present town grew up. 

1 See under St. Mary's. 


We have only general information to guide us as to the construe- Tha town. 
tion of the town in its earliest days. Stretching along the bank of 
the Itchen and inland,, including perhaps the modern St. Matthew's 
Church on the north, and certainly St. Mary's on the south, near which 
was the cemetery of the settlement, we may see a wooden-built town 
or home such was usual, the very word for luild being timbrian, to 
construct of timbor (timber) surrounded by its enclosure or tun, that 
is. a rampart of earth with a wooden stockade, the entrance through 
which was the geat or gate^ outside all being a ditch. And when the 
town moved along to its new site, the general features were reproduced, 
excepting that possibly stone began to replace wood in some of the 
more prominent defences, as befitting the dignity of a place which had 
now become a burh or borough, as we shall see. A gerefa or reeve in 
the early times, who differed little from the steward of a manor, was 
the head of the community, and served for civil affairs on the part of 
the royal lord our town being always the king's town or borough, 
and held directly from him, as the parish priest served in matters 

4. No earlier mention of the town occurs 1 than under 837, when Historical 
a large force of Danes landed at Hampton from thirty-five ships, but notlces - 
were repulsed with great slaughter by the shire ruler, the Ealdorman 
Wulfheard. 2 

Upon the death of ^Ethelbald in 860, the Danes again landed at 
Hampton, and pressed on to Winchester, which they sacked ; but on 
their return with the spoil, were met by Osric and ^Ethelwulf, Ealdor- 
men of Hampshire, and Berkshire, and defeated with great loss. The 
remnant got to their ships and went into winter quarters in the Isle of 
Thanet. 3 

The next notice is of a more peaceful character. The town is 
classed 'with other burhs,' as having a mint, in the Constitutions of the 
Synod of Greatley in 925, which give the earliest English laws extant 
about coinage. One kind of money was to be current throughout the 
realm, and mints were appointed as follows : At Canterbury, seven 
minters or coiners four for the king, two for the bishop, and one for 
the abbot; at Rochester, three two for the king and one for the 

1 Dr. Speed mentions this incident next after his account of the landing of 
Cerdic and Cynric, given above. Between this and the Norman Conquest, at 
which latter period he rightly places the real growth of the port, he gives four 
notices of Danish raids, one of them clearly belonging to Northampton, and no 
other historical reference. It has not been thought necessary to reproduce these 

2 English Chron., sub ann. ; Flor. Worcest., Hoveden, &c. 

3 English Chron., W. Malmesbury, Asser. 


abbot ; London, eight ; Winchester, six ; Lewes,, two ; Hampton, two ; 
Wareham, Exeter, Shaftesbury, each two ; Hastings and Chichester, 
each one; 'and other burhs/ one. 1 Ruding finds the mint mark of 
Southampton on coinage from the reign of Eadmund in 940 to that of 
Stephen, under the forms H, HA, HAM, AMTD, HAN, HAMT, HAMTV, 
HAMTVN, after which period it occurs no more. 2 In 1833 upwards of 
six thousand coins were found at Beaworth in Hants, bearing some of 
these mint marks and the moneyer's name, Sepine: they belong chiefly 
to the reigns of the first two Williams. 3 It has been questioned whether 
these mint marks may not refer to Northampton. But the geographi- 
cal connection forbids this : added to which Northampton was but of 
little consequence at this period. The mint at Northampton perhaps 
appears NORT under William I., though possibly Norwich may be 
intended. It occurs under Henry I. as NORHA, the Southampton mark 
at the same period being HAM : just as in Domesday the same distinc- 
tion had been drawn between these places, Southampton retaining the 
old appellation and appearing as Hantune, and the shire Hantescire, 
while the old Mercian town was written as Northamton and the 
county Northamtscire. No mention occurs in Domesday of any mint 
in either of these counties or towns. 

The story of Northern raids has been somewhat interrupted ; the 
interval represents a comparative quiet. For some period the North- 
men had not ventured to attack the English shore, but with the un- 
happy reign of ^Ethelred (978-1016) the piratical descents were 
renewed. Hampton was ravaged by a sea force in 980, and suffered 
greatly in the loss of its citizens; many were slain, many taken 
captive. 4 

In the next year (981), the town suffered from those ' seven ships' 
which did so much damage and caused such talk throughout the 
country. 5 Apparently the Northmen met here with some successful 
resistance ; we are told they fled to their ships, but not before they 
had committed their usual atrocities along the waterside. 

Later in this reign (994), Southampton was made the head winter 
quarters of the Danes and Norwegians, who, under Svein, king of the 
former, and Olaf of the latter, had laid siege to London from as many 
as ninety-four ships. Repulsed by the citizens, they had scourged the 
coasts of Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, ' burning, plundering, 
and murdering/ Finding themselves feebly opposed, they dashed into 
the interior of the country, and ^Ethelred and his Witan, equal to no 

1 Wilkins, Leges A.S., p. 59. 2 Ruding, i. 251, &c., iii. 35, 

3 Archasologia, xxvi. i. 4 Eng. Chron., Flor. Wore. 

5 Eng. Chron. ; Eulogium, iii. 24 ; Malmesb. 


higher counsels, purchased immunity from the marauders at ^16,000. 
They accepted the terms, and waited at Hampton with their whole 
army till the money should be paid. 1 

While their fleet was in harbour and the whole neighbourhood in 
deepest suffering,, it occurred to ^Ethelred that a bond existed between 
the Norwegian king and himself which it might be well to acknow- 
ledge. Some time before, Olaf had received baptism at the hands of a 
hermit on one of the Scilly Isles ; and the claims of Christian brother- 
hood were now made by ^Ethelred, who sent ^Elphear, Bishop of 
Winchester (St. Alphage), afterwards murdered by the Danes, and 
^Ethelweard the Ealdorman, inviting him to his court at Andover, 
hostages in the meantime being given to the fleet. Olaf met with a 
royal reception : he received confirmation from the Bishop of Win- 
chester, and after many favours from the king, who had adopted him 
as his spiritual son, he returned to Hampton, having first sworn that 
he would never again come to England as a foe : and this promise he 
kept. In the following summer Olaf and Svein left our shores Olaf 
to suffer ultimately through the enmity of Svein, possibly incurred at 
this period of Olaf s vow. 

The greater portion of the army still remained behind, the burden 
becoming insupportable on the people of Hampton and Wessex ; and 
finding the country impoverished, the marauders sailed westward to 
give the men of Hampton time to recover. They renewed their visit 
in 998, receiving their supplies as before from Hampshire and Sussex ; 
but the siege of Rochester the following spring at length aroused 
yEthelred, and a fleet was prepared, which, though hindered in every 
way by incompetence and treachery, had the effect of warning off the 
foe from England to Normandy for the ensuing year. 

In 1001 the Danes again ravaged Hampton and the Isle of 
Wight j and ^Ethelred and his Witan a second time purchased peace at 
the price of maintaining the invaders and a sum of ^24,000. In 
the next spring came (1002) the marriage of ^Ethelred with Emma 
(^Elfgifu), the gem of Normandy, an alliance which might have 
strengthened the kingdom, but for the conduct of the worthless king. 
Whether or not this was feared by the Danes, we hear something of a 
secret conspiracy to murder the king and the Witan, a design, if real, 
terribly met by a counterplot, of which there is no doubt. Secret orders 
were issued to the cities and towns for a general massacre of the Danes, 
without regard to sex or age, on the following St. Brice's Day (Novem- 
ber 13) : a mandate faithfully obeyed and carried out with ferocity. 

1 Eng. Chron. ; Malmesb., ii. 10; Huntingdon; Lappenberg's England under 
A.S. Kings, ii. 157, &c. 


Among those who fell was an heroic Christian lady, Gunhild, the sister 
of Svein. She first saw her husband slaughtered and her son trans- 
fixed with four spears; then making no cry for mercy, she uttered 
with prophetic force a warning of the account which would soon be 
required of the land. 

Svein, in answer to his countrymen's and his sister's blood, swore 
that he would conquer the realm within three years. He landed in 
Devonshire in the spring of 1003. Exeter, Wilton, and Salisbury soon 
fell before him. A powerful army gathered against him out of Hants 
and Wilts was neutralised by the treachery of its leader, ^Elfric ; and 
the Danish monarch, satiated with blood and plunder, was suffered to 
gain the sea, ' where he knew that his sea-horses were/ l 

The next year's expedition (1004) was against East Anglia, where 
the Danes confessed they had never met worse hand-play among the 
English than Ulfcytel, the Ealdorman, had brought them, and for a 
brief season Hampton and Wessex were in quiet. 

It was after midsummer 1006, when ' the great fleet' under Svein 
had put in at Sandwich, and the enemy had done their wont, ravag- 
ing, burning, destroying wherever they went, that ^Ethelred levied an 
army from Wessex and Mercia. But so little disciplined were the 
troops, that they proved hardly less disastrous to the unhappy people 
than the marauders themselves ; and nothing was effected against the 
Danes, who passed to winter quarters in the Isle of Wight, levying 
their supplies from all Southamptonshire. At mid-winter they burst 
out again through Hampshire into Berkshire, to Reading, to Walling- 
ford, and other places, ' doing as their wont,, and lighting their war 
beacons as they went.' A band raised to cut them off was destroyed, 
and the terror-stricken citizens of Winchester saw them pass their city 
gates laden with spoil in the insolence of triumph and security. 
Wessex was now desolated, and the miserable ^Ethelred, who had fled 
into Shropshire, again, with the consent of his Witan, purchased 
peace at the price of ^36,000 of silver, with rations as usual till 
payment. 2 

The brief interval of rest thus shamefully bought was occupied 
nevertheless by wise law-making, civil and ecclesiastical; 3 and an- 
other attempt was made at a fleet, with success so far, that in 1009 
there rode before Sandwich a gallanter navy than England had ever 

1 Eng. Chron.j sub ann. ; Florence of Worcester, c. 

2 Eng. Chron., sub. ann. 1006, 1007. 

3 The constitutions of the Witan, lay and clerical, under ^Ethelred, and the 
canons of the Witan at ^Enham (perhaps the modern Ensham), are solemn read- 
ing, recalling our forefathers to righteousness in word and work, and to those 
efforts of patriotism which were specially needed. 


seen the willing effort of the whole nation under heavy taxation. 
But no sooner had the fleet been collected than misfortune, desertion, 
treachery, waited on it. e We had not the good fortune or the worthi- 
ness that the ship-force should be of any more use than it had been 
before/ A panic seized the king, the ealdormen, the nobles : they 
fled to land, and the deserted seamen brought the ships to London. 
Thus did the ' nation's toil pass lightly away/ cries the contemporary 
historian; and with the dispersion of the fleet the Danes were at 
hand, and again for three years the kingdom was cruelly ravaged, 
Hampshire suffering heavily with the southern, midland, and eastern 
counties; truce being purchased at ^48,000 in IOI2. 1 

We must cut short this tale of guilt, misery, and dissension. The 
winter of 1013 saw the unhappy JEthelred, a fugitive from Svein and his 
own people, at Southampton, whence he slunk off to the Isle of Wight 
and passed over to Normandy. He was recalled on the death of Svein, 
which occurred suddenly on February 3, 1014, but the Danish fleet 
had proclaimed Cnut, the son of Svein. The king returned in Lent, 
and Cnut retired before him. The elated English revenged themselves 
on the remnant of the Danes and on the people of Lindsey (Lincoln- 
shire), who had been forced into treaty with them. Cnut, on his 
part, thinking England now lost, cut off the ears and noses of the 
brave and noble young men who had been delivered to his father as 
hostages, set them on shore at Sandwich, and made off to Denmark. 
Even now the English had reminders of the Danish yoke in a tax at 
the time imposed of ^21,000 for ThorkelPs army, the king's ally at 
Greenwich, bought over by ^Ethelred some time before. 2 

Thorkell himself was reconsidering his position: the result was, 
that leaving the bulk of his army behind, he sailed off to Denmark, 
gave his services to his old master's son, and brought that monarch 
back to England with a powerful fleet in the spring of 1015, and before 
the end of the year Cnut was master of Wessex. 

On the death of ^Ethelred, 23rd April 1016, his brave son, 
Eadmund, became king. Cnut at this time was in Southampton, 
whither came, in obedience to his summons, the thanes and clergy 
the Witan, the wise men of Wessex, to abjure their allegiance to the 
house of ^Ethelred and swear it to the Dane : yet the solemnity was 
barely ended when, with a sudden turn of fortune, Wessex more joy- 
fully received the intrepid Eadmund. It was only for a hasty moment. 
Within six months of his accession Eadmund was forced to divide his 
kingdom with the invader. To Cnut Mercia and Northumbria fell, 
the rest, including of course Wessex, remained to Eadmund ; but 

1 Eng. Chron., sub ann t 2 Ibid. 


immediately after this he was murdered (November 30, 1016), and the 
whole passed to Cnut. 

The kingdom thus acquired was divided into four parts Mercia, 
East Anglia, Northumbria, and Wessex ; the three former being 
governed by lieutenants, but Wessex the core of the whole being 
reserved for Cnut himself. Under his strong rule the country rose 
from its ruin; and there can be no doubt that both Winchester and 
Southampton very greatly revived. To the favour of this monarch we 
have attributed the removal of the town to a better site. 

It is very certain that the character of the king underwent a 
remarkable change after he became possessed of the English crown. 
Bloodthirsty and savage at first like his fathers, he became strong, wise, 
temperate,, religious. His laws, his policy, his address to the people on 
his return from Rome which, together with the future immunity to 
travellers through Gaul secured by his pilgrimage, is placed by Henry 
of Huntingdon second among the three great occurrences in his reign 
bear witness to the change. However, our object is not to deal 
generally with his character or reign, but to introduce the third remark- 
able occurrence, which concerns us much, though without pledging 
ourselves to Henry's estimate of it. 

The year is uncertain, the month, day, and hour alike unspecified, 
though, considering our mud shores, we presume the tide was nearly 
high, when King Cnut sat himself on the Southampton beach in a 
royal chair, while round him was gathered a large and brilliant court. 
What occurred may now be told in the words of the earliest extant 

'Thou belongest to my rule, cried the monarch to the rising 
tide, and the land on which I sit is mine, nor has there been any one 
to resist with impunity my empire. I command thee therefore that 
thou rise not on my land, nor wet the garments or feet of thy lord. 
But the sea flowed on as usual, laving without reverence the king's feet 
and legs. Whereupon jumping back he exclaimed : Let all the inhabi- 
tants of the earth know that vain and trifling is the power of kings, 
and that none is worthy of f the name of king but He whose nod 
the heaven, the earth, the sea obey by laws eternal/ 1 And ever after 

1 Henry of Huntingdon, under 1036 (Cnut died in 1035). There are two 
principal versions of the anecdote. That given above is the original, in which 
the king is assumed to be teaching somewhat dramatically those about him. The 
other version, which generally places the scene at Westminster, makes the king 
address the waves in the arrogance of his heart, thus robbing the incident of its 
shred of probability and its poetry. 

It will be observed that Huntingdon does not venture upon the place of the 
occurrence, nor say where the crown was devoted. Winchester is supposed to 
have received the gift, and of course Southampton was the place. As to the 


this rebuke to flattery Cnut's royal crown might be seen on the brows 
of the crucifix in token of the king's humility. He died at Shaftesbury 
on November n, 1035, and was buried at Winchester. 

On the death of Cnut, Eadward (afterwards the Confessor),, the son 
of ^Ethelred by Emma, hastened over from Barfleur to Southampton 
with forty ships, as a competitor for the crown. He met with no 
favour from his mother at Winchester, who was anxious to secure 
everything for Harthacnut, her son by Cnut, then absent in Denmark. 
Seeing this, Eadward in his vexation plundered the neighbourhood and 
returned the way he came, 1 while Harold (Harefoot), the bastard son 
of the late king by JElfgifu^ his concubine, the daughter of JElfhelm, 
Earl of the Northumbrians, became acknowledged king. He died 
in March 1040, but his reign, like that of his successor Harthacnut, 
who died in June 1042 from excesses and deep drinking, requires no 
notice here. 2 

precise spot, there seems to have been no consent. Milner (in 1798) says, ' The 
memory of the identical spot is still pointed out at Bittern, in Northam harbour, 
by the tradition of the inhabitants' (i. 134). Englefield, writing a little after, 
would not accept this, and conjectured another site, and has himself become the 
author of a tradition. A still more modern tradition fixed it on the old beach 
line now destroyed by the construction of the docks, the memory of which has 
been kept up by Canute Road. But an hotel-keeper of late years yet more exactly 
discovered the spot, and to his authority we may just as well bow. 

1 Hardyng makes Alfred, the other son, land at Southampton. But this is 
probably a confusion of the above narrative with the compromise of the Witena- 
gemot between the claims of Harold and Harthacnut and the unfortunate expedi- 
tion of the unhappy yElfred to Sandwich, which ended in his barbarous murder, 
through the treachery of Earl Godwin, at the instigation of Harold. (See Lives 
of Ed. Conf. 37, Eng. Chron., sub 1036.) 

2 Before taking leave of the Danes, it may be well to describe, as far as 
possible, the old Danish vessel blown to pieces by Mr. Crawshay a few years 
ago, and which previously had been known as existing in the Hamble mud. It 
lay in the bed of the river, about three-fourths of a mile above Bursledon Bridge, 
and had evidently been burnt down to the water's edge. The vessel was 130 
feet long and clinker built. The timbers were of very large size, and had attached 
to them planking in three thicknesses. In the timbers were round holes for 
wooden trunnions, some of which remained, and square iron clamps or rivets. 
(Compare the contemporary English expression, ' The Northmen departed in their 
nailed barks/ Chron., A.D. 937.) The planking was set to the timbers in 
cement, which was freely used in the trunnion holes and at all joints : the seams 
were caulked with a mossy fibre. The timbers were of oak. Within the last 
seventy years, the old figure-head, ' a lion with its paws erect ' as described to 
me was standing outside a cottage, but was ultimately cut up for firewood. 
Some fragments of this old vessel are in the Hartley Museum. 

In 1848 a vessel of large size and great antiquity was found imbedded in 
the mud at Southampton, and a drawing of it was sent to the Archaeological 
Institute in March 1851. It was supposed by many to be Roman, but was 
afterwards described to me by an engineer who saw it as similar to the vessel 
at Hamble. 


Domesday. ^. The little that can be gathered about the town during the 
reign of Eadward the Confessor, who now succeeded, will be found in 
the account of Domesday below. Southampton just appears in the 
rebellion of Earl Godwin, but there is nothing of moment to record. 

The great survey of landed property made by order of the Con- 
queror, and called Domesday from the searching nature of its inquisi- 
tion and the final authority with which it would speak, 1 was finished 
in 1086. 

The following is the local account : 

' In the borough of Hantune the king has four score men less 
four in demesne who pay ^7 in land-gable, 2 and paid the same in the 
time of King Eadward. Of these, twenty-seven pay 8d. each, two pay 
I2d. each, and the rest, fifty in number, pay six pence each. 3 

' These held land in [the borough which had been made free of 
claims (quietam terram) in the time of King Eadward by the king : 

' Odo 4 of Winchester ; Anschil the priest ; Chetel, Fulghel, [and] 
Tostil, sons of Elric, had sixteen acres of land ; Gerin eighteen acres; 
Cheping had three houses free of tax, and now Ralph de Mortemer 
holds them; and Godwin four houses, these Bernard Pancevolt 


1 After King William came into England, sixty-five French-born 
and thirty-one English-born were lodged in Hantone. These among 
them all paid \ and 6d. for all customs. 

1 These underwritten have the custom of their houses in Hantone 
by grant of King William : 

1 See Dialogus de Scaccario, i. 16. 

2 Land-gable gable, from gafol, a tax or tribute ; Fr. gabelle. 

3 There appears to be an error in the figures somewhere. 

4 Most or all of these old tenants had other holdings in the county, some of 
them considerable property, of which they had been dispossessed at the Con- 
quest, as in the case of Cheping, whose name frequently occurs in Domesday, 
and whose confiscated estates mostly fell, as here, to the powerful Norman, 
Ralph de Mortemer, a relative of King William on the mother's side, and one 
of his commanders. So also in the case of Godwin, who held several properties, 
in all of which he was succeeded, as here, by Bernard Pancevolt. The three 
* houses ' mentioned above are referred to in the entry about Chilworth, where 
they are called 'hayes in Hantone,' showing that there was enclosed ground 
around them : they were assessed at i8d. Besides the above, Bernard held 
three yard-lands at Hardley, which had been turned into forest. It appears from 
Domesday that some 140 hides (hide = about 100 to 120 acres) had been 
afforested between the time of Eadward the Confessor and that of the survey ; 
the greater part of these additions being made, as here, on the borders of the 
ancient Ytene : this made up what was called the New Forest. There is no 
doubt of the destruction of many habitable places (see Ellis, Introd. to Domes- 
day, i. 109; Hallam, Middle Ages, ii. 312 ; Morgan, Normans, 6; Lappenberg, 
NormanSj 214). 


f G. 1 the bishop [has the custom] of one house ; the abbey of 
Cormeilles, one ; the Count of Evreux, two ; Ralph de Mortemer, 
two; Gilbert de Bretville, two; William son of Stur, two; Ralph de 
Todeni, one; Durand de Gloucester, two; Hugh de Port, 2 one; Hugh 
de Grentemaisnil, 3 two; the Count of Mortain, 4 five; Aiulf the 
chamberlain, five; Humphrey his brother, one; Osbern Gifart, one; 
Nigel 5 the physician, four ; Richerius 6 de Andeli, four ; Richard 
Pugnant, 7 one; Stephen 8 the steersman, two; Turstin 9 the chamber- 
lain, two ; Turstin the engineer, two ; Anschital 10 the son of Osmund, 
three ; Rainald Croc, 11 one. 

'The Abbess of Wherwell 12 has a fishery and a small plot of land. 
Formerly they returned 100 pence, but now ten shillings/ 

The burh or borough was the tun, grown in its dimensions, 
strengthened in its defences, augmented in its privileges, and recognised 
as a distinct unit, of as much account in its degree as the shire of 
which it was geographically a part, and according to the completeness 
of its organisation it became in the course of time free from shire 
jurisdiction in all respects. In the account before us from Domesday, 
the king has in the borough seventy-six tenants in demesne, who paid 
the same amount of gable as under the Confessor. These were the 

1 No doubt Geoffrey de Moubray, Bishop of Coutances, who had been re- 
warded with many possessions in various parts of the country. 

2 Sheriff of Hants in the time of William I. He held some fifty-five in 
Hants, besides property elsewhere. 

3 Hugo de Grentmesnil, Earl of Leicester, was nephew of the Conqueror 
and owned most of the borough of Leicester. He had been intrusted (see Free- 
man, Norm. Conquest, iv. 74) with the government of Hampshire. 

4 The Earl of Mortain held several lands in the county, besides a vast 
number of manors in all the south-west counties. He held also Pevensey, but 
his palace was at Bermondsey. He was half-brother to William I. 

5 Nigel, the Conqueror's physician, held lands in Neteham hundred. 

6 It has been suggested that he was a troubadour attached to the court 
(Woodward and Wilks, Hist., ii. 168). 

7 Richard Pugniant held Letelie (site of Netley Abbey), in Mansbridge 
hundred. It was assessed at one hide, but in King Edward's time at three. There 
was a little church (ecclesiola) there, and besides the open land, a wood for 
forty hogs. It was worth an loos. 

8 Stephen the steersman was connected also with Warwick (Morgan, 207) : 
he was no doubt Stephen Fitz Erard, the ' captain ' of William's ship. 

9 Turstin the chamberlain, and probably also treasurer, held Houghton, 
Somborne hundred, in succession to those who held for King Edward. 

He also succeeded to land formerly held by Godwin at Houghton. 

11 In the next column in Domesday this holder is called the son of Croc ; 
his father may have been the huntsman of the New Forest. He held from the 
king a hide of land in Olvestune (Olaf's town ? Woolston) in Mansbridge 
hundred. Tovi held it before. He also had land in the Isle of Wight. 

2 The Abbess of Wherwell was sister to Eadward the Confessor, and to her 
custody he committed his wife Eadgyth (see Lappenberg, ii. 250). 


burgesses, the free inhabitant householders, fulfilling the duties of their 
position in scot and lot, taxation and service, sworn, enrolled, pledged. 

Next we have a list of persons who had held land or houses in 
the borough, quieted of claims, in the time and by grant of King 
Eadward, and who perhaps so continued to hold under King William, 
with certain specified exceptions. Then we come to the settlements 
made by or in the time of King William : these tenants represent the 
increase of the town and of the royal revenue from it since the days 
of King Eadward. The preponderance of Normans will be observed : 
why they altogether paid so much less than the original tenants does 
not appear. 

A long list follows of those who had the custom of their houses 
by a grant of King William. They were mostly great land-holders in 
the country, as a glance at the footnotes will show. Their houses may 
have been inhabited by persons who, being otherwise qualified, be- 
came burgesses by their residency. The phrase occurs in Domesday 
that such an one 'has' so many ' burgesses/ that is, possesses the 
property on which they reside. And these powerful landlords at 
Hantune may have ' possessed 9 burgesses though they were not such 
themselves the burgesses being always the resident trading population, 
who subsequently came to have supreme authority and government 
in the towns owing to their enrolment in strong trading guilds; 
and when they had purchased the ferm of their towns, they became 
identical in almost every respect with what were afterwards known as 
corporations. 1 

Only a general inference as to the size and population of Hantune 
can be drawn from the Domesday account. There were many houses, 
if such they might be called, of the poorer classes of which no account 
could be taken, whose occupiers enjoyed few or no privileges. Still the 
borough appears diminutive when measured by other great towns : all 
that can be said is that it was now rising in consequence the days of 
its suffering were over; and while the great majority of the cities and 
towns of England had fallen into grievous decay since the coming of 
the Normans, Southampton and the few ports leading to the Continent 
alone showed signs of prosperity. The growing importance of the 
place may be seen in the number of powerful barons and other wealthy 
folk who possessed houses or lands within its limit. 

After Domesday the earliest historical notices of the town occur 
in connection with its ferm : we devote the next section to its history. 

i See Merewether and Stephens, Boroughs, pp. 201, 207, 221. So 
' burgesses ' may have possessed property in other places than those of their 
own settlement. Thus under the account of Romsey Abbey fourteen ' burgesses 
of Winchester ' paid 255. 


2 9 

SECTION II. The Fee-Farm. 

I. The fee-farm rent was the composition or reserved rent paid to 
the king in right of his demesne and in lieu of ancient claims : it 
covered also petty customs and fines. The collection of this payment 
was sometimes in the hands of a vicecomes or praepositus, sheriff or 
reeve, sometimes in those of a wealthy townsman, or even of his wife 
or widow (instances will be seen below) ; and to those in charge of the 
farm the king's writs were constantly directed (as will be also seen) 
concerning his pecuniary requirements under many different heads. 

Hanton. 1 Roger the son of Folcher 
renders account for the farm of 
Hanton, which he had in charge for 
the third part of a year. 

In the treasury, ,25, 2s. 

In livery (wages) to the chaplain of 
the castle for last year, i, 33. 4d. ; 
to the same for the present year, by 
writ, 95. 8d. 

In wages to the porter and watchman, 1155-59. 

195. 4d. 
In wages to John the controller 2 of 

accounts, 193. 4d. 
In transport service by writ of the 

king, 2, 75. 6d. 
And there remains of the king's farm 

for the third part of the year, 

,68, 8s. lod. 

In the following accounts alms are given from the royal revenue 
to the monks of Lire and Cormeilles, who already possessed houses in 
Southampton free of dues. In favour of the latter abbey a charter of 
Henry II. is preserved by inspeximus (dated 1281) of the Bishop of 
Lisieux, 3 in which the king confirms to them all their lands, churches, 
chapels, tithes, and possessions ; and in Southampton he gives them a 
charge of 9, 53., freeing the monks and men of their demesne from all 
customs. To Lire he gave a similar charge and favours. The Knights- 
Templars had only been introduced into England in the reign of 
Stephen, and the payment to them is new. 

In wages assigned to the chaplain, 

porter, and watchman, 3, 33. 4d. 
In works at the castle, by writ of the 

king, 7. 
In transporting the king's treasure, by 

William Cummin, 175. 
For cages to transport the king's hawks 

and falcons, I2S. 6d. 
In transport service, by writ of the king 

and queen, .10, 53. 
And there remains due to the king, 

112 blank. 4 

William Trentegeruns renders account 

for the farm of Hanton for half a 


In the treasury 
In payments to the same William by 

writ of the king, $o. 
In alms newly assigned to the Knights 

of the Temple, 133. 4d. 
In tithes assigned to the monks of 

Lire and Cormeilles, ,18. 
In wages to John the controller, 

2, is. 6d. 

1 Hunter's Pipe Roll. 

2 Contrataliator. This John in later years is styled Contrarotulator. He 
controlled the accounts by keeping the counter-tallies. 

3 Madox, Formulare, p. 8. 

4 Blanched or tried silver. It was the mark of an ancient holding when a 


Hanton. William Trentegeruns renders 
account for .112 of the old 1 farm of 

In the treasury, 12. 
And in payments to himself and his wife, 
.100 blank. And he is quit. 

And the same sheriff renders account of the new farm. 

In payments to himself, the sheriff, and 

his wife, .242, 8s. blank. 
(Payments to the Knights-Templars and 

abbeys of Lire andCormeilles as before.) 
Wages to the controller, ^3, os. lod. 
Wages to the chaplain, porter, and 

watchman, ^4, us. 4d. 
Works on the castle bridge, ^4, 145. 4d. 
Works on the chapel and baily bridge, 

3, 1 2s. 4d. 

Making a parapet (bretesche) on the 

same bridge, IDS. 

In transport of the king, ^14, 135. 4d. 
In transports by writ of the king, 

7, I3S. 6d. 
On the queen's board when she came 

from Normandy, ^i, 75. 2d. 
And for unlading wine and flour, 

Turstin was the sheriff of Hants at this time., William, who is here 
rendering his account, being the appointed officer within the borough. 

Hantune. William Trentegernuns 
(sic) renders account of the farm of 

(Payments to the Templars, abbeys of 
Lire and Cormeilles, and to the con- 
troller as before.) 

To Wimarch, mother of Nicholas, land- 
tax during life, 35. 

Works on the castle bridge and chapel, 
i iis. d. 

The king's board at Brockeherst, by writ 
of the king, 16. 

For carriage of the king's deer and 
catching them, i t igs. 6d. 

Passage of the same, ^3, 8s. 5d. 

Carriage of the king's wine from Han- 
tune to Winchester, i8s. 

In passages by king's writ, ^14, i6s. 6d. 

And there remains due to the king, 
237, 45. blank. 

1170-71. In the 1 7th Henry II.,, Richard de Limesey rendered account 

for -^76, 6s. njd. from the old farm of Hanton, and for ^200 
blank or tried silver from the new farm. The alms were the same ; 
the allowance for the chaplain, guard, and porter of Hanton was 

"73-74- ^3 IIS ' I n the 2Oth year, Robert de St. Lawrence renders account 
for ^31, i6s. 4d. of the old farm and a J 2oo of the new. He 
claims for the usual allowances, and in addition, for land given to the 
lepers of Southampton, agi, 35. 2d.; for land also near Porteswoda, 
given to the canons of St. Denys by writ of the king, 73. 2d. 

farm had thus to be rendered, and not merely numero, by reckoning. Out of a 
certain quantity of silver, twenty shillings were melted down, and the quality of 
the rest was judged by this pound which had passed through the purging fires. 
It was said ' to burn' so many pennyworths, and a similar amount was charged 
to every other pound, the sheriff or reeve having to stand by the result (Dialogus 
de Scaccario, ed. Stubbs, p. 183, &c.) 

1 By the expression 'old' and 'new' farm is to be understood the residue of 
rent from the previous together with the amount for the current year. On a change 
of office, the sheriff or reeve under the term ' old farm ' gives account of the 
balance with which his predecessor had left him to deal (Dialogus, p. 26). 


The allowance for the lepers and canons of St. Denys will be 

In the 25th year, Cecilia, his wife, gives in the account for 1173-79- 
him. In the treasury was a balance of <^73, 5s. 1 

The following return belongs to i Richard I. 1189-90. 

Hanton. Gervase, reeve of Sudhanton, 
renders account of ^456, 45. 9d. blank 
of the old farm of Sudhanton, and of 
^200 blank of the new farm. In the 
Treasury nothing. 

(Payments to Knights-Templars and 
the monks of Lire, the lepers of 
Southampton, and the canons of St. 
Denys, for land given them, as before.) 

And in wages of the royal yacht 
or 'snake' (esnecca 2 ) during six 
passages with treasure before the 
coming of our Lord King Richard 
into England, by writ of the king, 


And for hiring six ships for the use of 
the clerks of the treasurer and of the 
chamberlains, by the same brief, 
;i2, 153. 7d. 

And in repairs of the royal yacht when 
she was sent to meet the king, 
10, 55. 4d., on king's writ, by testi- 
mony of Alan Trenchmere. 

And in the passage of the Duke of 
Saxony, in payment of the esnecca 
and other five ships, by writ of the 
king, ^19, i os. 

Also in three passages in smaller ships 

with treasure, by the same royal writ, 
10, IDS. 2d. 

Also in the passage of Geoffrey, Bishop 
of Ely, in two ships, by writ of the 
king, ,5. 

And in the passage of John de Monta- 
cute and of the messengers of the 
queen to her son, by writ, &c., 2. 

And in the passage of the Bishop of 
Bayeux and the treasure with him, 
by writ, c., 2, los. 

For hiring one ship for the carriage of 
five hundred bacon hogs and forty 
weys (pensas) of cheese, which were 
sent into Normandy, by writ of the 
king, to supply his castles, 2, 193. 

And in short passages, by writs of the 
king, 2, 35. 

And also after Michaelmas this year, in 
payment of the esnecca when she 
crossed for the first time after the 
coronation of King Richard, by writ 
of the king, 7, IDS. 

And for hiring a ship for the man and 
horse armour (ad harnasium) of the 
barons who crossed with the same 
treasure, by the same writ 2, 173. 8d., 

In the same year, Galfrid the son of Azon rendered account for 1189-90. 
the old and new farm of the shire., and among other things charged for 

1 Exemplification of Town Accounts, from Exchequer Rolls, dated loth April 
(1402), 3 H. IV., in possession of Corporation. Henry Bowet, Bishop of Bath and 
Wells, was treasurer. He had been consecrated November 20, 1401, and was 
translated to York, October 7, 1407. 

2 These swift royal yachts, esneccse, or snakes, were continually crossing from 
this port and being allowed for. In 1166 (12 H. II.), wages when the king 
crossed over in Lent, 7, los ; and in the passage of the King of Scotland, 
7, i os. by writ of the king j and in the passage of Sir Geoffrey, the king's son, 
in an esnecca and two other ships, 10. In 1176 (22 H. II.), wages of the 
esnecca when the king's daughter crossed over to go into Sicily, by writ, 7, los. ; 
and wages of seven ships which crossed with her, 10, I2s. ; and in 1184 
(31 H. II.), wages to the esnecca when the Duke of Saxony and the queen 
crossed, by writ of Ranulph de Glanville, 7, los. (See Nicholas's Hist, of Royal 
Navy, i. 434.) The wages of the captain was lod. a day (Dialogus, p. 184). 


repairs to the houses within the tower 1 of Hantone^ the royal castle and 
its precincts being no part of the town fortifications for which the 
borough was answerable. 

In the 4th Richard I. (1192-93), William Briewere accounted for 
<io6, 133. 8d. of the farm of Hanton, and in the loth year (1198-99), 
the sheriff of the shire accounted for the same amount from the 
town farm. 2 

In 1199 Hugo de Bosco, sheriff of Hants, offered King John twenty 
marks to hold the town to farm till the feast of St. Michael next after 
the coronation ; whereupon it was ordered that if William Briewere 
desired to retain the town so long he should pay the twenty marks 
which Hugo had promised. Hugo apparently succeeded and was 
charged his twenty marks. 3 
Town pur- 2 . We have now come to the memorable year in which the town 

chases fee- .... ... 

farm, 1199. purchased its fee-iarm, obtaining it together with that of the port of 
Portsmouth, and all that belonged to the farm of Hanton in the time of 
King Henry, for the fine of ^100, and the annual rent of ^200, pay- 
able at the Exchequer each Michaelmas Day. 4 Thus in 5 John (1204), 
the men of Sudhantone a common term for the burgesses render 
account by the hands of Azo y who was perhaps Alderman, for the 
<^?2OO of the farm of Sudhanton with Portesmue : in 9 John (1208) 
they did the same: in the nth year (1210), they rendered for two 
years together, and claimed allowance for <^?5 each year for land at 
Portswood and Kingsland given by King Richard to the canons of 
St. Denys. 5 In the iyth John (1216), Richard de Leicester,, who in 
and before 1199 had been controller of the town, as his ancestors were 
before him, but had in that year been ousted from his office by Robert 
Hardwin, who had fined for it with the king, 6 answered for the town's 

It seems probable that the guild-merchant may have negotiated 
the purchase of the fee-farm, and that those who accounted at the 
Exchequer in the town's behalf were the officials of the guild. The 

1 Et in reparandis domibus in Turn de Hantone vj u . et xij d . per breve Regis, 
et per visum Roberti contrataliatoris. 

2 Exemplification of Town Accounts from Exchequer Rolls. 

3 Rot. de Oblatis (Hard. 93); Rot. Cancellar., p. 254. 

4 See below under charters; also Madox, Excheq., i. 402. * Burgenses de 
Hamton dant Domino Regi Cl. pro habenda Villa de Suhamton ad firmam in 
perpetuum pro CC1. per annum cum portu de Portu Mues, et omnibus aliis per- 
tinentiis ad firmam Villae de Hamton pertinentibus, unde eadem villa saisita 
fuit tempore Regis Henrici. Et habent cartam Domini Regis inde de prasdicta 
firma respondenda ad festum S. Michaelis ad Scaccarium Domini Regis' (Oblat. 
i John, m. 19). 

5 Exemplification, &c. ; see also Madox, Ex. i. 409. 

6 Abbrev. Plac. I John ; Madox, Ex. i. 202. 


same amount of fee-farm remained chargeable, with an increase to be 
presently mentioned,, till the 22nd Henry VIII. (1530-31). 

In the 2nd Henry III. (November 29, 1217) we find that the 
town had been taken into the king's hands, the Earl of Salisbury, who 
had previously received a grant of it, being required to withdraw his 
bailiffs : the farm was also ordered to be accounted for as usual at the 
Exchequer. 1 At this period the town, or city, as it is called by a slip, 
is said to have been wholly in the king's demesne, and those who had 
settlements in it held directly from the crown. 2 

In the 4th Edward I. (1276) the Exchequer Roll records a pardon increase, 
to the burgesses for certain transgressions apparently the wounding a I2y 
king's bailiff in the execution of his duty on account of which the 
king had seized the town into his hands by the judgment of his court, 
and had restored it (May 22) to the townsmen, upon a fine, for the 
usual farm, but with an increment of forty marks (^26, 133. 4d.), 3 
a circumstance 4 referred to by an Act of 22nd Henry VIII. (1530-31)* 
where it is also stated that the increment remained till the passing 
of that Act. 

Accordingly, in the 5th Edward I. (1277) the farm is distinctly 
stated to be ^200, together with the new increment of ^26 and one 
mark (135. 4d.), as contained in the preceding roll. So in the follow- 
ing years and reigns, after deducting the appointed alms the farm 
always produced ^200, 193. 8d. 5 

The apparent exceptions arise from the fact that the increment 
was not always included in the farm, and the whole was sometimes 
apparently spoken of in general terms. Thus in a lease of the customs 
granted by Peter de Lyons (no doubt the mayor) and twenty others to 
Robert le Mercer and seventeen others (Mich. 30 Edward I. 1302), 
the farm of the town is put at ^200. The members belonging to the 
town of Southampton are said to be Portemue, Hamele, Linnentone, 
Scharprixe, Kyhaven, and Rumbridge ; 6 and in the lawsuit with 
Lymington (17 Edward II. 1324), the mayor, bailiffs, and community 

1 Rot. Litt. Claus. sub dat. 

1 Testa de Nevill, p. 236 (time of Hen. III. and Ed. I.) 

3 Exemplification of Town Accounts, &c., also Pat. 4 Ed. I. m. 23 and m. 
21 ; see also Rot. Parl. i. 58 a, &c., where, however, the increase is stated to 
be 20. 

4 In the contemporary Rolls just referred to, it is not stated that the incre- 
ment was ^added on account of the transgression, but it may be a safe inference. 
The king's houses in the town were excepted from the general farm to the 
burgesses, and the king would dispose of them as he chose. 

5 Ibid. 

6 Original indenture of lease. The farm is put at the same amount in the 
29 and 31 Edward III. (1301, 1304). 



of Southampton say that they hold the town and port of the town 
from beyond Hurst to Langstone at the annual farm of ^ > 22o. 1 

In the town books the amount of the farm is variously stated, 
but this arises from the payments having been generally made by 
instalments, which were constantly in arrears or only part paid up. 
Sometimes also the alms and liveries were included, sometimes the 
reverse. Thus in 1438 the sum of ^225 was paid for the farm, the 
seneschal receiving 6s. 8d. for carrying it to London. 2 In 1441 the 
sum of ^200 was paid ; in 1447 the farm was correctly set forth 
in the charter to be 340 marks (^226, 138. 4d.) ; about 1512 it 
appears as ^?2i8, 3 which will not tally with the petition and Act 
of 1530-31. 

Abate- 3. The burgesses were occasionally released from full payment on 

special grounds, such as the cost of the fortifications (see below), or 
on woeful representations of their condition. Thus the town being 
constantly, by its own representation, on the point of financial collapse, 
Edward IV. and Richard III., at the commencement of their reigns 
(1462 and 1484), remitted arrears of fee-farm^ among other matters, in 
general pardons to the mayor and burgesses. 4 In the early years of the 
next century the borough seems to have been systematically two or 
three years behindhand in its payment. 

Writs. 4. Before finishing the account of the farm, we may turn to some 

of the charges upon it. The practice of drawing by writ upon the 
royal dues has been noticed above> the sum advanced being placed to 
the town's credit at the Exchequer. Thus the bailiffs were frequently 
directed to advance money in gifts from the king or in payment to 
his soldiers, as in 1215* when, under the oversight of William Briewere, 
they were ordered to find money for the king's soldiers and archers who 
had come from Poitou to Winchester. Writs for repairs constantly 
occur: 5 thus in 1224 for the gutters of the king's chamber at South- 
ampton. Among the more miscellaneous objects we have the carriage 
of a big fish from Portsmouth to Oxford (1224), tne carriage for Geoffrey 
de Lucy of five cartloads of lead for work at the castles of Guernsey 
and Jersey (1226). Wine orders were very constant : thus they were 
ordered to purchase from the men of Savaric de Mauleon at South- 

1 See Madox, F. B., 220-222. 

2 Steward's books. 

8 ' Md. that the hole charge for the fee-ferme of the towne of S. amountith 
yerely unto the summe of ccxviij 1 ', whereof is paid yerely to the king's grace 
cliij 1 ' : to the queen's grace yerely xlvj u , to Shene yerely ix 11 vs., to Fodringay 
yerely viij 11 xvs., Summa totalis ccxviij 1 '.' Boke of Remembrances , f. i. 

4 Bundle of pardons (Corp. Arch.) 

5 See further under Bailiffs, Castle, Trade, &c. 


ampton a quantity of wine for the use of the king's chamberlain and 
soldiers going to Poitou (1224). l 

The payments to religious houses continued. The Master and Alms. 
College of St. Mary and All Saints at Fotheringay, founded in 1411 
by Henry IV., succeeded to the ^8,, 155. which had formerly been paid 
to Lire; and the priory of Jesus of Bethlehem at Shene, commenced 
by Henry V. in 1414, received the <<), 53. formerly given to Cor- 
meilles. 2 

The town has often been bestowed in dowry upon queens of Settlements 
England. It had been thus settled for life on Queen Eleanor, wife of r 
Henry III. and mother of Edward I.; and in the I3th year of the 
latter monarch (1285) the burgesses were charged with various trans- 
gressions in withholding the royal dues from the king and queen, on 
account of which the town had been taken into the king's hands. 

Queen Eleanor died in 1292, and on September 10, 1299, King 
Edward endowed at the church-door his second wife, Margaret of 
France, with the farm of the town, which was to yield her ^201, 33. 
2d., besides the alms and allocations. He also gave her a long list of 
manors, castles, and towns, among which were the castle of South- 
ampton, the manor and park of Lyndhurst, with the New Forest 
and the bailiwick and hundred of Redbridge : these last items were 
to bring in ^150. 

gueen Margaret died I4th February (n Ed. II.) I3i8, 3 and Isa- 
bella of France, wife of Edward II. and mother of Edward III., next 
enjoyed this j^2oi, 33. 2d. 4 

Joanna of Navarre, queen of Henry IV., had a jointure of 150 marks 
from the farm by patent dated 19th April (i Hen. IV.) 1400 : in- 
dentures between the queen and the town as to her payment also 
exist bearing date 12th November (i Hen. VI.) I422. 5 She died in 


Among the provisions of dowry for Margaret of Anjou on her 
marriage with Henry VI. in May 1445 was the grant of ^looo 
per annum from the great and little customs of the town; and in 1454 
(32 Hen. VI.) an annuity of ^100 from the fee-farm was confirmed 
to her. 6 

1 Numerous such examples are to be found in the printed Close Rolls of 
John and Henry III. 

2 Steward's books, 1485, 1457, &c. 

3 Exemplification of Town Accounts from Excheq., c., n Ed. II. Rot. 
Par!., i. 18, &c. ; Rymer, ii. 854 b. 

4 Abbrev. Rot. Orig., 14 Ed. III. (1340). See under Castle and Burning 
of Town. 

5 Corp. Archives. 6 Rot. Par!., v. pp. 120, 133, 262. 


Ten years later the usual annuity of ^46 out of the farm was 
resumed by Act of Parliament (4 Ed. IV.) 1464^ and in 1466 the 
king granted it to Elizabeth, his queen. 2 Three years after the mayor 
had to borrow ^7 of Robert Blewet to make up the allowance. 3 In 
1471 her majesty received more than the usual grant,, some arrears 
being included : three years after the exact sum was forwarded. In 
1478 Thomas Stydolf, the queen's receiver-general, acknowledged to 
receiving the same/ the like amount being continued by grant of 
5th March (i Hen. VII.) 1486. The town made an effort to pay the 
queens with some regularity, even when it was lapsing into a chronic 
state of arrears about its farm. This is seen in the accounts of 1501, 
1507, and other years. 5 In the reign of Henry VIII. similar payments 
were made; and in 1605 the same settlement was made on his queen 
by James I. 6 

Royal But the chief charges on the fee-farm usually went in other direc- 

M ' tions; as, for instance, to the household. Thus a writ dated loth 
December (i Ed. IV.) 1461 directed the sheriff of the town to pay to Sir 
John Fogge, treasurer of the royal household, the sum of ^133, 6s. 8d. 
from the farm. 7 These payments for the household varied consider- 
ably, and were subsequently made a matter of regulation by Parliament 
in 1450, when the sum of ^26, i8s. 6d. was paid by the town, but in 
To great J 495 the sum of ^?I54. 8 Then grants were made to great nobles for 
nobles. var i O us purposes, as, e.g., to Cardinal Beaufort, the king's uncle, in 
1439 a grant of ^10, 145. 6d. per annum for the Hospital of St. Cross, 
Winchester. But passing to larger amounts : 

On December 14, 1461, only four days after the writ above cited for 
the treasurer of the household, an annuity of ^154 from the farm was 
confirmed to Richard Nevill, 9 the ' stout Earl Warwick/ the greatest 
man in England. Payments to this nobleman continued till he fell at 
Barnet on Easter Day 1471, though not without the usual amount of 
confusion and delay. On one occasion (1469-70) the mayor himself 
had to ride up to London ' to rekyn w* the erle of Warwicke.' He 
'was ther xij days, for the wheche xij days the costes comyth toe 
L s vj d ;' and in the following year an account was presented of money 
given and lent to the town in ( contentacion of the fee-ferme. J The 
account of 1461 shows the mayor, Robert Bagworth, intrusted with 
the payment of ^20 from the farm to the Dowager- Countess of 
Shrewsbury, cousin of the Earl of Warwick. 10 

1 Rot. Parl., v. p. 518. 2 Liber Remembranc. H., Rot. Parl., v. 626. 

3 Steward's books, 1470-71. 4 Steward's books. 

5 Ibid. 6 Town Journal. 

7 Lib. Remembranc. H., f. 32. 8 Rot. Parl., v. 174 b. ; vi. 499 b. 

9 Lib. Remembranc. H., ff. 32, 33. 10 Steward's books. 


The next settlement, to the same amount (^154), was made upon 
William FitzAlan, Earl of Arundel. Payments to him occur fre- 
quently, in a bewildering amount of small instalments, till his death in 
1487 (3 Hen. VII.) The town sometimes tendered a payment in wine, 
and occasionally the Earl would draw upon them for his friends, e.g., 
for the Abbess of Amesbury a hogshead of wine, and similarly for 
many others. Sometimes his letters are pathetic as to his non-pay- 
ment, always expressing the great moderation of his demands, but 
begging his right trusty and well-beloved friends and neighbours, the 
mayor and his brethren/ to bear in mind his great charges (Jan.-Nov. 
1482). Two years later he specifies the charges, ' as well in setting 
forth to the sea our right entirely beloved son Sir John Arundel, Knt., 
by commandment of our sovereign lord the king, as in finding and 
sending certain great number of men diffensibly arrayed unto the 
king's highness, when we shall be by his grace commanded ;* he con- 
cludes by requesting that they will forthwith 'send safely unto us our 
said duties without further delay 5 (April I484). 1 

5. It will be gathered that the town was occasionally put to HOW the 
straits in producing its rent. It was frequently obliged to resort to rai 
loans and gifts from wealthy individuals. Thus, in Hilary term 1457, 
seventeen sums were advanced towards the fee-farm, making a total 
of ^42, 6s. 8d. 2 In 1461 we find one of the chief burgesses thrown 
into the Fleet at the suit of John, Lord Wenlock, of the Privy 
Council, for the ' rerage' of the fee-farm; and on July 24, 'Symkyn 
Patrycke and John Gryme, by the commandment of the mayor and of 
all the worshipful burgesses of the town, rode to London to labour for 
the worship of the town and the welfare of Richard Gryme, the which 
was in the prison of the Fleet for the debt of the said town/ The 
sum of ^20 was paid for his deliverance. 3 The case of this burgess 
illustrates one of the positions of Madox, that anciently a corporate 
community might be made answerable for the trespass or debt of par- 
ticular members, and particular members for the community ; 4 and 
the visit of the burgesses to Richard Gryme falls in with the Guild 
ordinances (No. n) by which it was provided that any guildsman in 

1 Steward's books and letters affixed. 2 Steward's books. 

3 Steward's books, 1461 ; Lib. Remembranc. H., f. 25 b. Item, lent to Richard 
Gryme for his delyverans ayenst my lord Wanlok, xx 11 . 

* The instance given by Madox shows that the townsmen of Southampton 
(13 John) had got into their hands a large sum of the king's money which came 
from Ireland, when the two bailiffs, Roger Swein and William Anglicus, together 
with six principal men Simon de St. Lawrence, Robert the Talliator, Denys 
Fortin, Walter Fleming, Roger Bonhait, and Thomas de Bulehus were charged 
with the money, and found pledges to answer the king (F. B., p. 158). 


prison, in whatever part of the kingdom, should be visited at the 
common expense, and his release procured if possible. 1 

The same year, John Walker, the sheriff, was summoned to the 
Exchequer, whither he rode at the town's cost for 2os., and was 
amerced in the sum of ^3, 6s. 8d., which was rendered at the hands 
of John Ingoldsby, afterwards apparently one of the Barons of the 
Exchequer, who was repaid by the town. 2 

Reduction. 6. Returning now to the amount of the fee-farm: in 22 Henry 
VIII. (1530-31) a permanent remission of forty marks (^26, 133. 4d.) 
was made to the burgesses on petition alleging their great expenses 
and the decay of trade. 3 But in 1533 the Corporation wrote to 
Cromwell urging again their great charges in the defence of the town 
against the sea and on the walls, begging that their arrears ( may be 
stalled/ that they might have a chance of paying in future; as yet they 
had derived no benefit from past favours. By the 28th Henry VIII. 
(1537) matters had got so much worse, that in January Thomas Lyster, 
the mayor, under fear of a process out of the Exchequer and the 
seizure of the town's liberties, had recourse to the merchant Nicolyne 
Dogra, called also Demagrine, who came to his temporary relief ; and 
in October the following year the same merchant advanced ^200 for 
the farm, receiving in security West Hall, 4 a locally noted tenement, 
which stood on the^site of the present Grammar School. By the 3rd 
Edward VI. (1549) the sum of ^1844, Is - 6d. was owing to the Exche- 
quer; of this total, the amount of ,^1044, is. 6d. was remitted in the 
following year (1550) upon the Corporation entering into a bond for 
j^iooo to pay the remaining .^800 at the rate of a^ioo per annum. 5 
Reduced to . 7, But in the 6th Edward VI. (1552) the important and permanent 
^ 5 ' reduction was made that, under certain conditions, the rent should be 
but<^?5O. 6 Still in September (3 Eliz.) 1561 we find the town indebted 
to many persons in various sums, and especially to John Caplen, who 
at the request of the Corporation undertook to receive and administer 
all sums that might be due to the town within the next two years, and 
therefrom (i) to pay the fee-farm, the officers' wages, and other ordi- 
nary charges ; next (2) to satisfy the other creditors ; and (3) the said 
John Caplen, ' of his good natuer and accustomed goodness is con- 
tente that his own dette shalbe laste payed.' No repairs were to be 
executed for the town or any money transactions negotiated without 

1 See Guild Ordinances given below. Richard Gryme returned home to enjoy 
the sweets of freedom in his garden in East Street ' on the south part of the said 
street within the gate' for which he paid I2d. (1469); a few years after he 
appears as Lieutenant of Hampton (1474-75). 

2 Steward's books. 3 Stat. Realm, iii. 351, 352. 
4 Boke of Remembrances, ff. 37, 41 b. 

6 Bond (among bundle of pardons), Audit House. 6 See under Charters. 


the cognisance of John Caplen. 1 Loans from the burgesses in pay- 
ment of the fee-farm not uncommonly occur. 

The above reduction to ^50 was confirmed by the last governing 
charter, that of 27th June 1640 (16 Charles I.), on the same condi- 
tions. 2 These were, that the petty customs should not have amounted 
in any year to <^2OO ; that no ships called ' carracks of Genoa ' or 
'galleys of Venice' should have visited the port, and that a certificate 
should accordingly be sent each year to the Lords of the Treasury and 
the Barons of the Exchequer. Certificates of the amount were regu- 
larly sent, but in 1803 an Act of Parliament was passed (43 Geo. III., 
cap. 21) abolishing the payment of petty customs to the Corporation, 
and giving them instead one-fifth of the port dues to be received by 
Commissioners created under the Act. In consequence of this, on 
November 9, 1804, they transmitted to the Treasury and Exchequer a 
certificate reciting the Act and affirming the extinguishment of the 
petty customs. This certificate was rejected for want of stating the 
amount received in lieu of petty customs ; and on 23d November 
another was forwarded by the Corporation estimating the sum set 
apart from wharfage, cranage, anchorage, groundage, storage, &c., at 
one-fourth of the sum paid them by the Commissioners, or one- 
twentieth of the Commissioners' net receipts. 3 The certificate is still 
prepared in the same way every year, and each 9th of November it is 
most humbly signified in the prescribed quarters that no ships called 
'carracks of Genoa' or e galleys of Venice' have arrived at the port. 
In this way ^150 of the old fee-farm is formally got rid of: it remains 
to follow the reduced farm of ^50. 

It had been paid to the Crown from the time of Edward VI. to the Sold by 
death of Charles I. Under the Commonwealth it was sold, September wSdth. n " 
29, 1650, together with the fee-farm of the city of Hereford (^42), 
by the Commissioners appointed for selling the fee-farm rents of the 
late Crown of England under the Act of the then present Parliament, 
to Azariah Husband and his heirs for the sum of ^785, us. 8d. 4 After 
the Restoration, this, with other Crown properties, was resumed ; and 
on the 26th Charles II. (1674), the ^50 fee-farm of the town of South- 
ampton was sold to Sir Robert Holmes, who became the purchaser of Sold by 
several other rents at the same time ; the following note occurring at the Charles n> * 
end of the list of properties conveyed in the ( Enrolment of Sale ' : 

1 Boke of Remembrances, f. 90. 

2 Yet the Town Journal states that, October 3, 1656 (8 Charles II. Common- 
wealth), Roger Pedley, the sheriff, demanded of the town ^200 for the fee-farm, 
which he was commanded to levy by writ of Exchequer. Tuere must have been 
some informality on the town's part. 

3 Journal, Nov. 9, 1804, &c. ; Report on Municip. Corp., 1835. 
* Counterpart deed of sale (Record Office). 


* All which said several rents are discharged by an indenture of bargain and 
sale, dated the 3ist Jany. in the 26th year of the reign of King Charles II., A.D. 
1 674-175], f r an d in consideration of the sum of ^975 1 . 19.0 paid into the receipt 
of his Majesty's Exchequer, as by a tally dated 2oth day of Oct. 1674 may appear. 
Because the same are sold and conveyed unto Sir Robert Holmes Knt. his heirs 
and assigns for ever, and so for their only use and behoof, and not upon any other 
trust or confident whatsoever.' 1 

The fee-farm next passed to John Garland, Esq., and his heirs, 
being sold and conveyed by the trustees for sale of the Crown fee-farm 
rents, 2 under indenture enrolled in Chancery, dated 5th December 
(33 Chas. II.) 1681. It was afterwards conveyed to Thomas Osborne, 
first Duke of Leeds, in whose family it remained till 1737, when it was 
sold by Thomas, Duke of Leeds, great-grandson of the above, to Ann, 
Countess of Salisbury, widow, for a consideration of ^1500. 
Hatfieid The Countess of Salisbury had lately built, at her own costs, a 

School 7 schoolhouse and residence for the purposes of a ( charity school/ in 
which twenty female children of the parish of Hatfieid should be taught 
to read and sew, a provision which it was supposed would satisfy the 
needs of the parish ; and she now purchased this fee-farm with a view 
to the endowment of the school, joining in a tripartite indenture, 
made December 10, 1737 (n Geo. II.), with James, Earl of Salisbury, 
her eldest son, of the second part, and the Honourable William Cecil, 
her younger son, and Matthew Lamb, Esq. of Lincoln's Inn, of the 
third part, by which the site of the school premises, together with all 
the buildings erected on the ground, and this fee-farm for an endow- 
ment, were granted, bargained, and sold for nominal sums to the above 
persons of the third part, and their heirs, as trustees for the school. 
The buildings are described as fronting westward to the street leading; 
through the town, and eastward to Hatfieid Park. The trustees were 
directed to apply ^30 per annum for the salary of the mistress, ^10 
for clothing the children, and the remaining ^lo for the taxes that 
should be assessed on the fee-farm rent and on the premises, and 
towards repairs. 3 Such is the history of the old town rent to the pre- 
sent time, the circumstances of which have been entirely forgotten, 4 
though the fact of a settlement on the charity school appears in the 
Journal of October 28, 1825, an ^ again at the end of the petty customs 
certificate of Michaelmas 1836, thus: ' Ordered that the Treasurer of 
the Borough do pay to the Trustees of Hatfield's charity the sum of 
^40 .2.0, the remainder of the fee-farm rent, land tax deducted/ A 
similar order occurs under November 24, 1837. 

1 Inrolment of Sale of Fee-farm Rents (Land Revenue Office). 

2 A link is evidently wanting, which I am unable at present to supply. 

3 Close Roll, ii Geo. II. (1737), No. 16. 

4 See the Report of Municip. Corp. Commission, 1835, where it is stated that 
little or nothing is known on the matter. 

jBurle Stone, 

..-o - 


GaZlows^J -Well 

THE \\ 


1C O M M O !N 

POUT s//w o o 







'Liberties or Precincts : Account of Boundaries and Encroachments. 

present extensive 1 precinct was granted by King John, as is 1199- 
" set forth below (but I never saw his grant) ; and in 38 Henry III. 
" it is described as under: 

" ' This is the inquest taken by twenty four lawful men [here follow the 1254. 
" ' names of the jury] in the 38th year of King Henry, son of King John, at 
'* ' Shyrlegh before Sir Ernald de Bosco, at that time justice in eyre to the 
" * king's majesty, who say upon their oath that this is the bound and limit 
" * between the forest of Bere and the king's majesty's town of Suthampton : 
" ' viz. From Achard's bridge (now Four-post bridge) as the way lies northward 
" ' by the crosses to Cut-thorn, and from Cut-thorn to Burlestone, and from 
" ' Burlestone to the water course of Furzewells as it goes down to the river 
" * Ytchen. 2 Within which bounds and limits of the liberties of the king's 
** * majesty's town of Suthampton the canons of S. Denys have and hold a 
" * certain wood called Portswood by a grant from Richard, formerly king of 
" * England, in free, full, and perpetual alms. And this wood is without the 
" ' Regard and exempt from impeachment of waste. For which wood and the 
" ' land called Kingsland the aforesaid king remitted one hundred shillings of 
" ' his farm of the town of Suthampton.' 

" The above boundary was confirmed, 3 7 Edward IV., by Henry M 6 7- 
" Bourchiere, Earl of Essex, justice in eyre. In his confirmation the 
" above inquest is recited verbatim. 

1 In 26 Henry II. (1180) William Briewere was made forester of the forest 
of Bere, with power to take any one transgressing therein between the ' bars ' of 
Hampton and the gates of Winchester (Dugd. Bar., i. 700). Dr. Speed, who 
identifies the position of the bars' with that of the Bargate which is by no 
means certain j the original Bargate was standing at the date of the above 
grant, and the ' bars ' may have been at the entrance of the town's liberties 
takes this appointment as an indication that the town precincts were not then 
as extensive as subsequently. 

2 Viz. : * De ponte de Acardo sicut via extendit se per cruces versus Aqui- 
lonem usque Cuthorne, et a Cuttethorn usque ad Burlestone, et de Burlestone 
usque ad aqueductum de Fursewelle sicut descendit in Ychens.' Oak Book^ fol. 56. 

J Liber Niger, fol. 108. 


J 488. " In 4 Henry VII. the precincts are described as under : 1 

" * The perambulacon of the franchies of the toune of Suthampton graunted 
" ' by King John 2 and confermed by mayny other noble kings his successours, 
" ' and of late the bounds of the same franchies by vertue of a writte oute of the 
" * eschequier of the saide graunte, and remaynyng in the Audite house, sett 
" ' oute by Thomas Overey as hereafter followith. 

" ' Item, first, fro Barred gate, the north gate of Southampton unto Acorn 
" ' [otherwise Acard's] brig and crosse, west north west : and fro the Acorn 
" ' brig and crosse unto the Hode crosse, north, thorough the village called Hill : 
" ' and fro the Hode crosse to the Cutted-thorne crosse, suth suth est : and fro 
" ' the Cutthed-thorne crosse to the Berell stone crosse, est, at Burger's strete 
" ' ende, and so along Burger's strete and thorough Kinghern [otherwise Lang- 
" ' herne] yate unto Haven stone in Hilton upponne the water side, est : and 
" ' fro Haven stone along as the water lyeth unto Hegstone at Blackworth, 
" ' suth : and fro Hegstone [latterly Millstone] as the water lyeth to Ichen- 
" ' worth \i.e. by the cross house] suth ; and fro Ichenworth as the water lyeth 
" ' to the Mesyne due [Maison Dieu] yate of Suthampton, west.' " 

It is difficult to reconcile what have become the modern municipal 
and parliamentary limits with those given in the documents above : a 
glance at the map will show what the differences are. It remains, 
then, to examine the old landmarks. The charters will not help us, 
as they only determine from time to time that the precincts are to be 
the same as usual., that is, no doubt, as described in the old inquisitions, 
which are no further explained. 
Western We take first the western boundary. "According to this boundary 

boundary. the eagt g j de of the yi jj of jjjjj ghou]d be w j thin the j urisdiction 

" of the town. That point was disputed so early as 20 Henry VIII. 
t( [1528-29], for in the steward's accounts for that year there is an 
" article charged for a fee 3 to counsel concerning that business, 
" but how it ended then I do not find. Some years after this right 
" was tried at Salisbury assize, and the Corporation, not having 
" exercised their jurisdiction there for many years, were cast upon 
" a non-user." 

Unfortunately there is little to be added to this concise statement. 
Many years subsequently, namely, in 1571, the 'controversy' with 
Mr. Whitehead about the common, as also with Lady Dawtrey, was 
ordered to be tried at law, the nature of the trial being not quite 

1 Lib. Rememoranc. BB., f. I b. 

2 In the ' Boke of Remembrances,' last page, in a copy belonging to the 
reign of Henry VIII., the grant is said to have been made in i John (1199). 

3 ' Costs for the meeting of the Town's counsel and mistress Whitehede for 
the variance of our liberties in Hill lane.' The details of the dinner follow, over 
which the lady of the manor and the lawyer discussed the point ; lastly comes, 
' Item to master Wintershull for his labour hither v 8 .' Several times before 
this, as in 1526-27, we find the town repairing 'the king's high way at Hill' 
(Steward's book ; Temp. T. Overey, sub anno). 


clear. But in the spring of 1596 a suit, apparently in point, was 
6 yet depending undecided in her Majesty's Court of Wards and 
Liveries 5 between Master Whitehead and the town. ' He seemeth 
to lay challenge/ say the court leet jury, ' unto all or the most part 
of the common pasture belonging to us and others the inhabitants, 
leading up within our liberties and perambulation towards Cut-thorn, 
as yet time out of memory ever enjoyed, held, and occupied by the 
inhabitants of Southampton without any lawful challenge or impeach- 
ment/ They therefore think it right to define again their liberties, 
which they do much in the form of 1488. 

Four years after (1600) we find them presenting that ' the vanes at 
Hill bridge doe not stand as in times past. . . . We challenge our 
liberties on the east side of Hill street, and the inhabitants there 
ought to do their suit and service at our Law day, as we suppose, our 
perambulation considered and regarded which leadeth us hereunto.' 
The same presentment was made in the following year. 

A few years later, namely, October 1608, a letter was ordered to be 
written to Sir Henry Whitehead 'in answer to his concerning the 
common and a hogshead of wine which he demandeth as due to him 
yearly for the Friar's head, which as yet to this [house's] memory was 
never paid ; ' but as early as 1478 there had been an agreement of some 
kind about the spring between the burgesses and Master Whitehead. 1 

In 1611 Hill is again stated to be within the liberties, and the old 
complaints about the vanes occur; also the jury present, as they have 
done before, the need of a ' court of survey' for viewing all the town's 
lands and writings, that they may not only know but enjoy their 

In 1651 a trial occurred in reference to Banister's 2 farm, the only 
notice of which in the town books, as far as observed, is the following, 
which is fragmentary : 

' Friday, March 19, 1651-52. Whereas a suit was commenced and brought 
by Sir Edward Banister in the name of Richard Byrnes, tenant of Banister's 
farm, against James Needle and James Flower, collectors of the Parliament 
taxes in the ward of All Saints, within the town of Southampton, for taking a 
distress upon the land of the said farm for the assessments charges thereupon ; 
and by order of the Court of Upper Bench at Westminster where the said suit 
was commenced, the trial of the said suit was ordered to be at New Sarum, in 
the county of Wilts, at the assizes there, and the point in issue was by that order 
to try whether Banister's farm were in the county of Hants or in the county of 
the said town : the town of Southampton in defence of the said suit and in main- 
tenance of the ancient bounds of the said town and county did, among other 

1 Steward's books. 

2 Under December 1474 the sum of eight shillings was given to the town-clerk 
'to pay unto Whytehede for the matter of Banestres Court.' 


evidences, produce at the said assizes before the Lord Chief Justice Rolle these 
writings or evidences hereafter written, the true copies whereof are as follow : 
Henricus Bourochier, comes Essexiae et Tusticiarius itinerans omnium forestarum, 

The document is the confirmation of 1467-68 mentioned above ; 
but no other ' writings or evidences ' are given, nor is anything said as 
to the date or issue of the trial. 1 

It is certain, however, that the Corporation continued to lay claim 
to the largest boundary. Thus about the date of the above entry, 
namely, at the court leet in 1652, they present 

' That the metes, bowndes and precincts of this Towne and County are and 
ought to extend first from the Bargate . . . unto Hood Crosse, w ch standethe 
in the great comon w'out the comon of Hampton, about [blank] paces from the 
corner of the hedge of the s d inclosed comon of Hampton w h waye from Acorn 
bridge to the aforesaid Hood crosse lyeth northward through a village caled 
Hill,' &c. 

They complain at the same time that many great annoyances 
arising within the precincts cannot be inquired of, nor the penalties 
levied for the same, ' for want of an officer within this Towne antiently 
called the Lord Mayor of the Buckinges, wherefore wee desire that 
suche an officer be yearly choasen at the accustomed tyme accordinge 
to the antient custom of this Towne, and that the order belonginge to 
the s d office may, by the authorety of this Coorte, be revived and con- 
firmed for tyme to com/ 

The presentments of the court leet jury slightly vary with the 
opening of the next century. From about 1 704 they present that the 
metes and bounds ' ought to extend through a village called Hill/ as 
if that line were being gradually abandoned, and thence by the long 
route through Langherne gate and by the Haven Stone to the Sandy 
Gate of the town a corruption, after various transformations, for the 
' Maison Dieu Gate/ which having first appeared in the latter half of 
the seventeenth century, is perpetuated in the court leet books of the 
present day. But from the year 1713 the form l through the village' is 
dropped, and the boundary line is drawn ' northward from the village 

1 Dr. Speed in his first book presented to the Corporation (p. 35) says : 
" But these ancient bounds [those described above in the document 4 Henry 
"VII., 1488-89] are at present something reduced, for the Corporation having 
" neglected to exercise their jurisdiction at Hill for some time, and afterwards 
" attempting to recover it, were cast at Salisbury Assize upon a non-user ; so 
" that the rivulet which runs from the common to Achard's bridge is now reckoned 
" the boundary. 

"A.D. 1651. There was a trial at Salisbury Assizes to determine whether 
" Bannister's farm was within the county of the town or no. A\. It was 
" determined in the negative." 


called Hill/ In 1748 the name of Sidford is joined with that of Hill, 
and from that date to the present time the bounds have been formally 
presented each year as extending northward 'from a village called Hill 
and Sidford/ 

The annual perambulations, while they lasted, continued to be 
made along the brook,, as if Bannister's Court were still within the 
liberties, and the freedom of that district from borough dues seems to 
have been regarded as a prescriptive immunity. The Commissioners 
of 1833 adopted the brook along its whole course as the boundary of 
the parliamentary borough in the map annexed to their Report, 1 
and by the Boundary Act (2 & 3 Will. IV. cap. 64) the parliamentary 
borough and the district called the town and county of the town of 
Southampton were to be conterminous. On the other hand, the 
Municipal Corporation Commissioners in 1835 excluded the disputed 
district from the county or municipal borough, and the Boundary 
Commissioners of 1868 have affirmed the exclusion in the map affixed 
to their Report, and the line is so drawn in the beautiful maps of the 
Ordnance Survey. Thus the question of the western boundary now 

Passing to the north-west angle of the borough limits, we observe an Boundary 
ancient boundary stone standing, as the court leet books describe it, J^J 
about a hundred paces to the north of the enclosed common. This is 
the Hode Cross mentioned in every description of the franchises as the 
stone to which the boundary line stretched northward from Acorn 
Bridge, and through which it passed S.S.E. to Cutthorn. There was, 
therefore, at this part, according to the ancient inquisitions, land which 
formerly belonged to the town outside the present municipal and 
parliamentary limits which are simply those of the enclosure. This 
part of the common seems to have been hedged and ditched in 1577, 
not altogether to the satisfaction of the court leet jury if it be referred 
to in the following extract, which gives a curious picture of the helpless 
way in which matters seem to have been overlooked. In 1579 they 

' That whereas of late daies theare hathe bin a peece of our comon and heath e 
ditched and hedged and enclosid in and planted wi th willows under the name of 
a shadow for our cattel w ch have hitherto many yeres past prosperid verie well 
as the comon was beefore, wherefore we dessire yt may be pulled down agayne 
and levelid as before, for we doubt that in short time yt wilbe taken from the 
common to some particuler man's use, w ch weare lamentable and pitiefull and 
not sufferable ; for as our auncestors of theire greate care and travell have provided 
that and like other many benefyts for us theire successors, so we thinck it o r 
dwetie in conscience to keep, uphold, and maintaine the same as we founde yt 

1 Boundary Report, 1832, p. 229. 


for o r posteritie to come w th out diminishing eny part or parcel from yt, but rather 
to augment more to yt yf yt may be.' 

Immediately they continue : 

' Also wee fynd that theare ys a great peice of our sayd comon and heathe 
leaft unclosed from the rest by Hoode crosse, for what purpose wee know not, but 
we doubt that in continuance of time yt will [be] quit lost, and so by littell and 
littel [we shall] loose and diminish oure Lyberties w ch we so long time have 
enjoyed w ch weare greate pitie.' 

Similar presentments were made in other years, e.g., in 1580, 1587, 
1591, with the like warning of there being ' lefte unclosid of the com- 
mon at Hoode crosse a great quantytie of grounde, w ch being left out 
in tyme to come may be lost yf good regard be not had thereof/ Juris- 
diction over the largef boundary has always been claimed, as it is in 
words at the present day ; but, for whatever reason, this portion of the 
ancient liberties has long been abandoned, and the boundary remains, 
as drawn by the Parliamentary Commissioners in 1832, along the 
enclosure, on the evidence of the latest perambulations. 

North-east At the north-eastern limits the ancient inquisitions and the court 
boundary. . . , A 

leet books describe the boundary line as passing the Burle or Borell 

Stone along Burgess Street to Langherne Gate, and thence to the Haven 
Stone. For some reason or other, the modern perambulations appear to 
have confined themselves to the shorter route by the Burle Stone, and 
along the stream there to the river Itchen ; and in accordance with this 
the Commissioners of 1832 drew the boundary, in which they have 
been followed by those of 1868. 

But beyond the evidence from the inquisitions, there is also that of 
the Corporation having exercised jurisdiction in time past as far as the 
Langherne Gate and Haven Stone line. Thus in 1488 x repairs were 
done upon the four crosses of the franchise, upon Acorn Bridge, Lang- 
herne Gate, the Haven Stone, Hegstone, &c. In 1594 one Thomas Betts 
was fined j5 for removing the Haven Stone, which is described as a 
boundary. This was discovered ( in our last circuit riding/ so that at 
that period they took the longer route. The stone was to be replaced 
under a penalty of <^2O. In 1600 the court leet ( present the postes 
and vanes at Langhthorne gate, and lickwise at Havenstone by Hilton 
are sett to be amended and new cullored. Also the passage betwene 
the two postes nere Havenstone is so moyry as is not passable : where- 
fore we amerce Sir Michell Blunt, knyght, that holdeth Stonage furme 
in xij d . Be it comanded to him to cause the same mire and durt to be 
amended thesside the lawdaye next uppon paine of xV In the next 
year, however, matters are not amended as far as the vanes and posts 

1 MS. temp. T. Overey, sub anno. 


are concerned, for they ( are altogether decayed and the vanes taken 
down, whereof we crave redresse and reformation by order of the 
steward/ There also occurs another presentment of Sir Michael 
Blunt which seems to affect the district in question. After this no 
important notice of the north-eastern boundary has been met with till 
the present century. In the year 1819 the Alderman of Portswood 
reported l ' that the boundary stone called Haven stone, situate at 
Portswood, dividing the County of this Town from the County of 
Hants, had been taken away and converted by some persons ' to the 
use of South Stoneham Mill. Strict inquiry was made, and as it 
proved that the stone had been removed by a servant without the 
knowledge of his employers, and that another had been placed in its 
stead, the matter was allowed to drop after ample apology. In the 
same year a new boundary stone, bearing the arms and monogram of 
the town, was placed at Langherne Gate, where it is now standing. 

It seems probable that the ancient boundary line passed from Lang- 
herne Gate through South Stoneham farm, having struck and followed 
a little watercourse, which would thus be the ( water of Furzewell/ a 
name now unknown in the district. It would then cross the Portswood 
road some 250 yards north-east of the present boundary. 

" In consequence of this boundary, including Portswood, the Prior 
" and Convent of St. Dionis, as lords of Portswood, agreed by an in- 
" denture, bearing date 20 Richard II. (1396), that the inhabitants of 
(( Portswood should submit to the jurisdiction of the town, and should 
" attend the Town Court Leet, and should be rated with the town for 
" the king's supplies; their proportion to be for every fifteenth 1, 6s. Sd. 1 
" The Corporation pay a rent of ^4 a year to the owners of the manor 
" of South Stoneham, and it appears in the Journal that in the year 
" 1638 Mrs. Clarke, the owner at that time, produced to the Cor- 
" poration some deeds by which such a rent is granted payable out of 
" certain lands, tenements, and hereditaments in the town of South- 
" ampton and the liberties thereof, by the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses 
" of Southampton. The Journal does not say on what account this 
" rent was granted, but it is supposed to be for riding through part of 
" the lands of that estate in the perambulation of their liberties. The 
" date of those deeds is 9 and 15 James I. 

" The ancient custom was to hold a Court Leet at the Gutted- The Law- 
" thorn, where a place was enclosed for that purpose, and all the day * 
" inhabitants were summoned to ride the bounds and attend the 
" court every year on the 3d Tuesday after Easter on the penalty 

1 Journal sub anno. 

2 Lib. Remembranciarum H., f. 115. 


"of id. for every defaulter: a dinner 1 was provided there at the 
" expense of the Corporation. They came afterwards to hold their 
" court in town in the morning, and rode the bounds in the afternoon, 
" and at their return the sheriff gave a supper to the whole company ; 
" but within a very few years this has been left off, and they hold 
" their court in town, and the Mayor and Sheriff, very poorly 
" attended, ride the bounds in a kind of private manner." 

Present The county of the town of Southampton, as shown above, is 

' almost certainly somewhat shrunk from its ancient dimensions, but 
it has at all events gained accuracy of definition : it is, in fact, 
identical with the borough, comprising an area of 1980 acres, and 
consisting of the parishes of All Saints, Holy Rood, St. Lawrence, St. 
John, St. Michael, so much of the parish of St. Mary as lies west of 
the Ttchen, the tithing of Portswood in the parish of South Stoneharn, 
and Southampton common, which is extra-parochial. 

The district is separated from the rest of Hampshire for certain 
county purposes, though these of late years have again become 
diminished ; but as it is all under the jurisdiction of the Corporation, 
the municipal institutions of the borough are, in fact, those by which 
the county is governed. 

An account of the common lands will follow naturally on the 

The Common and Common Lands. 

The Com- (t What is now called Southampton Common was formerly part of 
" the manor of Shirley or Surlie, and 12 Henry III. or A.D. 1238 

1 " Expenses of the Law-day at Cutthorn, 14 Henry VII. (1499), Steward's 
books : " 


s. d. 

A crope of beffe . . .24 

Four leggs of mutton . .10 

Do. do. . .10 

Three dos. of bred . . .30 

Half a barrell doble beer . .18 

Half a barrell fyne hyl beer . i o 

Ten gallons peny ale . .010 

Twelve chekens . . .10 

Four pyggs . . . .20 

Two lambys . . . .20 

Butter and eggs . . .08 

Chese . . . . .03 

Salt 01 

Half a bushel of flowre . .08 

Half a pond of peper . .08 

Saffryn, cloves, and mace . o 4 

Preuyns and raysyns . .08 

s. d. 

Two gallons claret wyne . .14 
Orengys . . . .02 

Musterd and vineger . .02 
Two hundred of wood . .14 
A man to dresse the mette . o 8 
Two poor men to turn . .03 
Two poor boys . ..02 
A carte to Cut-thorn . .08 
For whyt dysches . . .08 
Making a both . . .03 
Hyre of two garnysche off 

Wessell . . . .08 
The 12 men when they gafe 

ther verdyt . . . .20 
Two men beyring the two long 

plankes, and setting the two 

barrys . , . .04 


" a Fine of it was passed between the town of Southampton and 
" Nicholas de Surlie, lord of that manor^ in whieh the bounds of it 
" are described : 

" This is the final concord 1 made between the burgesses of Southampton, on 
" the one part, and Nicholas de Surlie, on the other part, in the houses of the 
" castle of our lord the king at Southampton on the vigil of Pentecost, in the 
" 1 2th year of the reign of King Henry son of John, before Sir Thomas de 
" Muleton, Robert de Lexinton, Ralph Musard, 2 at that time justices in eyre, the 
" residents in the aforesaid houses of our lord the king, and many other of the 
" king's faithful men then present : Concerning the common pasture of the town 
" of Southampton lying on the north part of the lands of William Wolgar, John 
" Blancbully, 3 Amise Fortin, and of land which belonged to John Chopin, about 
" which contention had arisen between the parties : Namely that the aforesaid 
" Nicholas acknowledges the right of the Burgesses to the same pasture and quit- 
" claims for himself and his heirs for ever whatever right he had, or might have 
" had, in the aforesaid pasture, ' as the land stretches in length from the corner 
and ditch 4 of the aforesaid William Wolgar's land as far as Kotterorne 5 as 
the king's kingway coming from Achard's bridge leads from the corner and 
ditch of William Wolgar to the said thorn-bush of Kotterorne which is upon 
the highway ; and also all the pasture in breadth within the highway that 
leads from the aforesaid thorn-bush of Kotterorne as far as the cross of 
Burlston which is on the great road between Hanton and Winton and all 
the pasture as it stretches in length from the said cross of Burlston to the 
corner and ditch of the land which was John Chopin's as the great high-road 
leadeth that comes from Winton to Hanton ; and all the pasture as it 
stretches in breadth from the corner and ditch (or fence) of the land which 
was John Chopin's to the corner and ditch (or fence) of the aforesaid 
William Wolgar. So that the whole pasture included between the said three 
highways, clear of the fences of the forenamed William Wolgar, John Blanc- 
bully, and Amise Fortin, and of the land which was John Chopin's, which 
was planted [/.<?., the pasture] with trees when this Fine [finalis concordia] 
was passed, shall remain to the said Burgesses, &c. And for this acknow- 
ledgement of their right, and the quitting claim to the said pasture, the said 
Burgesses paid to the said Nicholas ten marks of silver.' 

" At the same time it was agreed that the cattle of neither party 
" should come upon the other's common, but that each should have a 
" free passage to and from their own common. 

" A.D. 1549. It was declared that Northam has no right of Rights. 
" common. 

" A.D. 1570. An order was made that no Portswood people should 

1 Liber Niger, f. 107. 

2 He had fined in^ioo for leave to marry as he liked, 3 Ric. I. (1192). 
Most of the fine was relaxed. Madox, Excheq., ii. 224. 

3 John Blancbully had the King's great ship called the ' Queen ' during his 
life at a rent of fifty marks a year, from the year 1232 (see Madox, Excheq., 
i. 509)- 

4 Fossatum, more widely fence. 

5 So in the original. Dr. Speed, who has given this part of the document, 
has Kottethorne, Cutthorn being meant. 






" put any cattle upon the common till Mr. Knight and Lady Dawtrey 
" show their right. 

" About the same time several people of Portswood 1 and Hill paid 
" fines for trespasses of their cattle upon the common." 

Rights of common belonged only to the inhabitant householders of 
the town. In 1580 a certain Peter Quate was fined for assuming these 
rights, ' and being a battchyller, and not keping howsse, ought not to 
kepe any cattal at all/ 2 The town books, especially in the sixteenth 
century, abound in regulations on turning out of cattle, and ' oppressors 
of the common y that is, persons who turned out too many head, or 
otherwise unlawfully were sharply dealt with. 

Southampton common, which is exempted from building by Act of 
Parliament, remains substantially the same in extent as in the sixteenth 
century, but within its ample circuit many improvements have been 
made by roadmaking and planting. It comprises about 376 acres of 
lovely and varied forest scenery. Before leaving it we must mention 
three spots with very different associations. 

The site of the gallows is covered by the reservoirs on the upper 
part of the common to the left of the Winchester Road. The last 
execution here was on July 27, I7$5> i n the shrievalty of Thomas Mears, 
Esq., the criminal being the late butler of Mrs. Bagenal, of 1 6 Above 
Bar, condemned for having burglariously entered her dwelling and 
stolen plate. He had been committed by the mayor (John Monckton, 
Esq.) and Thomas Guillaume, Esq., justices of the peace for the town 
and county, on February 28, and tried and convicted at the summer 
assizes held in the Guildhall, July 9, 1785. 

Cutthorn was an enclosure near the north boundary of the common, 
and to the right of the Winchester Road, deriving its name from some 
famous ' cutted-thorn ; 9 in ancient times it being common for manorial 
courts to be held in the open air round some remarkable tree an oak, 
an apple, a thorn, as it might chance a practice which recalls some 
most primitive associations. We speak of Cutthorn also elsewhere. 

Under the powers of 6 & 7 Viet. 1843 (July 4), the rights of 
common and all other rights were severed from fifteen acres of the 
common, and that portion vested in the mayor, aldermen, and 
burgesses for the purposes of a cemetery, to be divided according to 
the needs of the place into consecrated and unconsecrated ground. 

1 " There are several affidavits which prove the town's right to the common 
" exclusive of S. Denys (*>., Portswood) : and also the copy of a lease by which 
" the town granted a part of the common to the lord of S. Denys for 60 years on 
" condition that he should fence it (Papers concerning Lady Dawtrey in Audit 
" House)." 

2 Court Leet Book, 1580. 


The service for the dead in the consecrated ground was to be performed 
by the incumbent of the borough parish from which the deceased 
should be removed for interment; and in the case of persons not dying 
in any such parish, the duty of officiating devolved on the incumbents 
of the borough parishes in monthly rotation. The Act gave the Cor- 
poration power to borrow ^7000 upon the fees, and provided for the 
addition of five acres when required. The ground selected, at the 
south-west corner of the common, was left as far as possible in its 
natural beauty : it was fenced, drained, further planted, and intersected 
with roads and paths as its purpose demanded. Three chapels were 
erected one for the Church of England, in the Norman style, another 
for the Nonconformists, and a third for the Jews, both of Early English 
character ; the curators' lodge and entrance gate being Perpendicular. 
The total cost of the cemetery, with preliminary expenses, was about 
^10,000. It was opened in 1846, when the church portion was con- 
secrated by the Bishop of Winchester (Sumner). The additional five 
acres were enclosed and the part allotted to the church consecrated 
in 1863. 

The cemetery is kept in beautiful order under the supervision of the 

The avenue, which connects the common with the town, com- The Avenue, 
mences at the fountain erected near the site of Lubery, afterwards 
Pad well Cross, so named from former owners of adjacent property, and 
subsequently, for a like reason, called John-a-Guernsey's Cross. The 
avenue was originally commenced at this spot in February 1744-45, and 
continued in 1750 and subsequent years. It is said that some of the 
trees were planted in commemoration of the battle of Culloden, which 
was fought on April 16, 1746. It has of late years been considerably 

The common and the avenue are extra-parochial, in consequence, 
possibly, of their having at a remote period belonged to the ancient 
forest of Bere. The land south of the common on each side of the 
avenue has, however, for centuries been included in the adjacent 


Other Common Lands : Saltmarsh Old Controversies Modern 

Formerly there were other common lands of some extent. " In 
'' 1549 several persons made oath that they knew Mr. Baker's close, 
'' Mr. Rigg's close, Mr. James's close, the two chantry closes, Hound- 
" well, Kingsland, Hogland, Maudelin two fields, Lobery mead, the 
" closes in S. Mary's lane, and where the Prior of S. Denys made his 


" garden, common to the use of the cattle and beasts of the commons 
" of the town after the crop was taken away, and also the town ditches 
" common throughout the year. 1 

" The town ditches are leased out by the Corporation as part of the 
" waste; but how the town came to lose their right of common in 
" most of the other' lands above mentioned I cannot learn. They have 
" it still in the same form in Houndwell, Hogland, and the two 
" Maudelin fields, but in none of the rest. 

" There is another article of common belonging to the town, 
" namely, the field called God's house meadow, which is common from 
" Lammas to the Purification to God's house the rest of the year; 
" and the Saltmarsh, which is common all the year." 

Saitmarsh. This Saltmarsh stretched round by the shore from God's House gate 
to Cross House and Chapel, and was surrounded by a bank thrown up 
as a protection from the sea, the repair of which was a constant source 
of feud, the Corporation maintaining that the commoners were bound to 
repair it in consequence of their exercise of common, and asserting that 
their own duties as to sea-banks were confined to such as were at the 
feet of the walls, and so part of the fortifications. 

In order to maintain the banks they sometimes attempted a rate, 2 
sometimes they let the crop of a portion of it, as to the porters in 
1526 ; but efforts at enclosure, for whatever purpose, were constantly 
resisted. Ultimately, in 1681, the Corporation got a commission of 
sewers for this marsh ; and the disputes continuing as of old, a renewal 
of the commission was talked of in 1753, to avoid which some private 
persons repaired the banks. 

Trial of We turn to a more important controversy one with God's House, 

rights with k rou g nt to arbitration in 1503. It was the town's contention at that 
House. t - me tnat a ]j tne l an( j s eastward of Orchard Lane and south of Crampe 
or Marsh Lane, together with a little marsh stretching from Cross House 
to the chapel of the Holy Trinity on the north, were properly common 
and belonged to the town by royal grant, but that in the first part of 
the fifteenth century the authorities of God's House had made serious 
encroachments and erected fences, which the mayor and community of 
the town had broken up in assertion of their rights, apparently about 
1438. After this the land was said to have remained open till the 
mayoralty of John Walker in 1466 and the wardenship of John 
Pereson he became warden about 1459 when the latter disseised 
the town of certain lands, a part of the great marsh or common, 
having bought over the mayor by a grant of some of the land in 

1 Liber Niger, f. 105. See also Court Leet Book for 1550. 

2 See extract at the end of this Section. 


question, which he consented to hold from the Hospital. A few years 
after this, apparently about 1471, in the mayoralty of Robert Bluett, 
the mayor, burgesses, and commonalty again asserted their right by 
forcibly removing the fences; and the controversy continuing, Chris- 
topher Bainbrigge, who became warden of St. Julian's in 1495, pre- 
ferred a petition to the king and council against the Corporation, 
upon which the matter was put to arbitration. The Hospital's case 
does not appear ; but on the town's part a number of ancient inhabi- 
tants made oath on the i8th January 1503 (18 Hen. VII.) before John 
Edmund, Prior of Montsent, and Sir Robert Peck, Knt., of Baddesley, 
in support of the town's claim : there were a veteran named Richard 
Woodleff, e aged 104 and more/ John Millbrook, aged 93, John Burges, 
Abbot of Letley (now Netley), aged 76, Thomas Gage, aged 86, and 
'many others/ 

The land in dispute was at this time partially divided into closes by 
hedge and ditch. Outside God's House gate and north of the present 
bowling-green, at that time unenclosed, the land south of East Street 
and between the town ditches and Orchard Lane, now thickly built 
over and crossed by Bell Street, Mount Street, Union Street, College 
Street, Bernard Street, Britton Street, containing also Brunswick 
Square, Charlotte Street, and many other small streets and courts, 
was then divided into three gardens or closes, of which that to the 
north belonged apparently to John Fleming, the middle one to Thomas 
Thomas, and that to the south, which joined what is now the bowling- 
green, to Christopher Ambrose. The two closes belonging respectively 
to Thomas and Ambrose were in dispute. Immediately to the east of 
these three gardens was a large close or field bounded on the north by 
Crampe or Marsh Lane, and on the east by the Saltmarsh. This was 
the land now included by Marsh Lane on the north, by Orchard Lane 
and Terminus Terrace on the west and east, and by Upper and Lower 
Queen's Terrace on the south, and containing Cross Street, Chandos 
Street, Winchester Terrace, Bridge Street, Oxford Street, Latimer 
Street, Threefield Lane, Queen Street, and several others. South of this 
enclosure was a little field or close lying to the north of the road lead- 
ing from God's House gate towards Itchen Ferry, bounded on the west 
by Newtown or Orchard Lane, and adjoining the garden of Christopher 
Ambrose, and on the east running to the Saltmarsh : this land is now 
known as Porter's or God's House Meadow. The Saltmarsh was the 
whole stretch of land partly now built over by the railway terminus 
and adjacent streets, limited on the west by the before-named en- 
closures, on the south and east by the sea, and on the north by Crampe 
or Marsh Lane as far as Cross House at the ferry, near which was a 
portion of ground called the Little Marsh. Besides the above lands, 


certain rents arising from houses (specified) in the town were in dis- 
pute, amounting altogether to 475. 2jd., to which the master, brethren, 
and sisters of God's House laid claim as theirs from ancient time. 

The award. In the award, which was made by Mr. Justice Kingsmill and Mr. 
Richard Broke, gentleman, on the 28th October 1504 (20 Hen. VII.), 
the two gardens and the great field, as also the town rents, were 
adjudged to God's House for ever, together with the use of the smaller 
field (Porter's or God's House Meadow) from the Purification to Lammas 
each year, after which the meadow was to be common to the town : on 
the other hand, the whole of the Saltmarsh was adjudged to the town, 
to be common throughout the year. Releases between the parties were 
passed accordingly on 6th February 1505 (20 Hen. VII.) In that from 
Christopher Bainbrigge, warden of St. Julian's, to the Corporation, the 
great marsh is described as abutting on the highway which leads from 
God's House gate to Itchen Ferry towards the south and east, upon 
two closes or fields belonging to the warden of God's House towards 
the west, and upon a little lane (venellam) called Crampe Lane, and a 
certain small marsh lately belonging to the said warden but now to 
the Corporation, towards the north. The little marsh by Itchen Cross 
abutted on the great marsh towards the south, upon the Itchen Water 
towards the east, upon Crampe Lane and land belonging to the 
precentor of St. Mary's on the west, and a property belonging to the 
chapel of the Holy Trinity on the north. 1 

Bowling- The bowling-green should here be mentioned. The first probable 

reference to this paddock as a place of recreation which has been 
observed occurs under 1550, in which year a townsman, the lessee of 
the King's Orchard, was presented for keeping ' common playinge 
with bowles, tabylles and other unlawfull games agaynst the kinges 

The King's Orchard, called in Elizabeth's time the ' Queen's,' was 
close to this spot. 

The Act which prohibited ' inferior people' from playing at bowls 
and other games had been passed in 1541, and such persons were 
constantly being fined for infringing the statute. The bowling-green 
was, in short, as described in 1635, and has continued to be, a ground 
' where many gentlemen, with the gentile merchants of this town, take 
their recreation.' 

Orders Before passing to modern transformations of the Saltmarsh, we may 

about J 

Saltmarsh. notice one or two past regulations. Refuse from the streets was 
frequently ordered to be strewn over Saltmarsh, whether as manure or 
for raising the level of hollow places. Brewers in 1567 were ordered 

1 See Corporation documents relating to Saltmarsh and God's House. 


to dig no more clay in Saltmarsh for their bungs until they had 
carefully filled up all existing holes ; wherever they dug they were to 
fill up. In 1576 l and other years, offenders in this respect were 
heavily amerced, sometimes apparently for digging at all. Under the 
former year is an order about pasturage, which we give as a specimen 
of such regulations : Saltmarsh was to be shut from Ladyday to May- 
day, then open till Houndwell should be rid of hay, after which Salt- 
marsh was to be closed and Houndwell and the Heath (the common) 
open till East and West Magdalen cornfields should be harvested. 
Then the cattle were to go into the Magdalens and Houndwell was 
to be closed ; and the Magdalens being eaten bare, Saltmarsh was to 
be opened again till Houndwell and East and West Magdalens should 
be sufficiently grown. 2 

The modern development of the town depended very much on Rights 
the way in which these common lands would be dealt with, occu- 
pying as they did a valuable and extensive zone round the ancient 
town. A railway had been under consideration as early as 1825, 
but the scheme for a railway and docks was not fairly afloat till 
1830. In November that year the Corporation received a deputation 
from subscribers to the railway, and expressed their readiness to, make 
arrangements with any respectable company that might be formed 
for the advancement of the port. Various other questions which had 
been mooted, such as the employment of the poor on the common 
lands, and the nature of the rights over such lands of those whose 
consent (under I & 2 Will. IV. c. 42) had first to be obtained, 
directed the further attention of the Corporation towards the common 
fields. 3 Meanwhile in February 1832 leave had been granted to 
the railway company to pass over the town mud-lands and marsh 
according to a plan exhibited ; and in November 1833, preliminaries 
being completed for introducing the railway bill into Parliament, the 
Corporation again expressed their hearty concurrence and desire to 
co-operate in the scheme. The bill was passed in the following year. 

But the Marsh Improvement Act, 7 & 8 Viet. 1844 (July 4), Marsh 
completed the history of the common lands for the present. The mntAct. 
various portions to be dealt with were the marsh, formerly the Salt- 
marsh, common all the year to the scot-and-lot paying inhabitants, 
and containing upwards of 16 acres, and the fields called East Mag- 
dalens or Marlands, containing about 22 acres, West Marland 
containing 16 acres, and Hoglands n acres, all which were common 

1 Temp. Thomae Overey, sub anno j Court Leet Books, ib. 

2 Court Leet Books, 1567. 

3 Journal, Feb. 18, 1831, March 28, 1831, Nov. 9, 1832, Oct. 32, 1834, 
Feb. 20, 1835, &c. 


six months in the year. The marsh, though intersected by the 
railway and the Itchen Bridge Road, was imperfectly drained and 
liable to be flooded by the tide, and thus a constant source of nuisance 
to houses in the vicinity. This tract of ground, detached and forming 
no part of the common fields, was peculiarly eligible for building 
purposes, owing to its proximity to the railway terminus. Accord- 
ingly the Act gave power to the Corporation to let this portion on 
building leases, all rights of common being extinguished, and directed 
that the money arising from the improved estate should be employed 
in buying up a certain leasehold interest in East Marlands, behind 
Sussex Place and Northam Bridge Road, for ^740, and in the pur- 
chase, at ^250 per acre, of the fee-simple of all the common fields 
which were to be vested in the Corporation, and reserved henceforth 
for the benefit of the public. In the marsh a reservation was made of 
four acres, bounded by Marsh Lane on the north, Itchen Bridge Road 
on the south, the railway on the east, and the road from the terminus 
to Marsh Lane on the west, for a recreation ground. This portion is 
now utilised as a cattle-market, and occasionally as a fair-ground, under 
the authority given to the Corporation by the Act for the removal 
of Above Bar Fair. The Corporation received powers to drain and 
fill up the remnant of the abortive canal in Houndwell, to erect 
lodges for keepers, and otherwise to improve and manage the public 
lands for common use. The issue of the Act has been the formation 
The Parks, of the public parks, which are not only a yearly increasing ornament 
to the town, but of essential service to a growing population rapidly 
surrounding them on all sides. It seems strange to have to record 
that the bill had been petitioned against by the vestries on account of 
the powers taken by the Corporation to enclose the marsh. 

NOTE. The Agreement for the Inhabitants to repair the Banks at the 


After 1505. * Be it knowen to all the Inhabytants and Comyns of this Towne of Suth- 
ampton, that the Meyre, Bailiffs, and Burgesses of the same be content and 
agreyd that the sayde Inhabytants and Burgesses shall have the Saltemershe 
Comyn in manner and form following, and upon such conditions as hereafter 

' Fyrst, if the Inhabytants of the Towne of Suthampton wylbe content to bere 
ther parte of the Charge of 19'. II s . o, and odd money w ch hath be spent upon 
the Saltmershe this last yer past, for makingtof the Groynys and other Charges 
for the defence of the Se agenst the same Mershe, and over and above that, to 
bere ther parte of the Charge that shall be yerely requyred, nedefull for the 
contynual kepyng and defendyng of the See oute of the sayde Mershe, that then 
they to have lyke Liberty and profyte of the sayde Mershe, as the s d . Meyr, 
Bailiffs and Burgesses shall have after the Rate. 

' Or ells, Wher as the sayd Meyr, Bailiffs, and Burgesses have bene at grete 
and importunate Charges for the same Mershe (fyrst in the Lawe by Arbitre- 


ment, and otherwise, and allso) in the makyng of a Gutt or Sluce, and other 
charges, \v ch the sayd Meyer, Bailiffs, and Burgesses have ryght wel and 
lovyngly consyder'd had be to grevous for the sayd Inhabytants to have borne, 
that notwithstanding, if the sayd Inhabytants wylbe content for ther part that 
six or eight of themselves, suche as the sayd Meyer, Bailiffs, and Burgesses shall 
name, wyl be bound by obligation to the sayd Meyer, Bailiffs, and Burg 5 , and 
to ther Successors, that they and ther Successors from hensforth shall defend 
the See oute of the sayde Mershe, and every part thereof, and also when any of 
the sayd six or eight fortune to dissease, or that there be no mo left of them 
alyve but four, or three at the lest, then as many other of the sayd Inhabitants 
to be nue bound, in manner and form as is above sayde, and by the Nomination 
of the sayd Meyr, Bailiffs, and Burgesses and ther Successors, that then the sayd 
Meyr, Bailiffs, and Burgesses be content that then it lye opyn and be comyn for 
every man, as wel to the Inhabitants as Burgeysys. 

' Or ells, To close it in, and lete it to ferme by the yer, till oon croppe be 
takyn thereof yerely, whyche croppe shall be spent upon the same, as shall be 
thought most nedefull, and after the sayd croppe be so taken, the sayd Mershe 
to be opyn and comyn, as wel to the sayd Inhabitants as to the Burgeysys. 

' And notwithstanding the Premisses, if the sayd Inhabitants wyl be content 
at ther Cost and Charge to sufficiently nue make up the Banke from Itchyn 
Crosse to the Groynys, so that it may surely defend the See out of the sayd 
Mershe, and the same Banke so by the sayd Inhabitants at this oon tyme 
sufficyently made, yerely hereafter, when the sayd Banke shall nede Reparation, 
to bere ther parte of the same Reparation with the sayd Meyr, Bailiffs, and 
Burgeysys after the Rate ; that then the sayd Mershe lye opyn and be comyn, as 
wel to the sayd Inhabitants, as to the sayd Meyr, Bailiffs, and Burgeysys. 

'And the sayd Meyr, Bailiffs, and Burgeysys be content to discharge the sayd 
Inhabytants of paying of any penny of the said IQ 1 . io s . o. and odd money, and 
of all other charges w ch the sayd Meyr, Bailiffs, and Burgeysys have bene at 
upon the nue making of the sayd Gutt, Sluce, and Bankes, so that hereafter all 
such Reparations as hereafter shall be nedefull, as wel upon the sayd Gutt and 
Sluce, as upon the sayd Banke, by the sayd Inhabitants so nue made, shall be 
borne at every tyme nedefull, as wel by the sayd Meyr, Bailiffs, and Burgeysys, 
as by sayd Inhabitants Rately.' 

To this the inhabitants replied as under : 

' As to the Salte Mershe your pore Comyns sayn, oute of tyme of mynd hit 
hath ben an opyn Comyn, and occupyed for a Comyn wele, ease, and profett, 
for the Burges and Comyns of this Town, saff unto now late there was a Sute 
and Contraversy between the hooll body of this Town and theym of Gods-hous, 
for the defens of \\ ch Sutes and other labours, your pore Comyns for the 
Recovery of the same bare ther parte of the Charges and Cost everych of them 
Rately, after ther Degre, and more wold have don rather than to have lost it. 
And in lyke wyse your seyd pore Comyns will be ever ready to do for such a 
Comyn Wele if any other person or persons hereafter wold attempt any such 
Sutes, to theyr pore power and Degre, and over that will ever be ready to with- 
stand all manner of persons with theyre bodyes and Goods that wold attempt to 
usurp upon any poynt or parcell of the Libertyes and Fraunchyses of this Town, 
besechyng and praying your honourable Masterships all, that the sayd Salte 
Mershe maybe as of auncyent tyme it hath ben, that is to say opyn Comyn still 
for all Burgessys and Comyns of this Town, without that it in any wyse shall 
be lette to ferme for any Rent yerely in no manner wyse, ne the fyrst Cropp 
taken of it in no yere to come, but it to stand full Comyn, as of old tyme it hath 
ben. Theise Premisses to be by your discretion considered, we humbly 
beseeche you to be good Masters to your pore Comyns. 


' And your sayd pore Comyns sayn, as to pay any money farther for the 
makyng of the Slusse, Brigge, or Cutte makyng there, they prayn your Wissedoms 
in that matter to asses non of theym, for they intend to pay non, in no wyse. 
But this they seyn that if ever in tyme to com it shall happen any more farther 
defens or Reparation to be don all aboute the seyd Mershe, wheder it be grete 
Works or small, what fortune that hereafter shall fall, your seyd pore Comyns 
sey they will ever be redy to bere theyr Rately parte to theyr power and pore 
degrees, as our Masters the Burgessys of the Town shall do for the amendyng of 
the same Mershe, or the defens of it, and that so it may please your Master- 
shipps remembryng your pore Comyns are not as yet at a fordele in richesse, 
trustyng to God to encrese under your Mastershipps so ye be content with this 
theyr answer at this tyme. And so they shall pray to God for you. 

t And Worshypfull Masters, if there be any poynte in this aunswere that doth 
or shold sounde to any greff or displeasure to you, or w ch nedeth amendement, so 
that it may conduce to a good and general Comyn Wele, lete be knowe your 
discrete mynds in Articles by wrytyng, and so we trust to accomplish your 
mynds for the universal Wele of you, Master Meyr, your Comburgessys, and 
all the Comyns who are your own pore Comyns.' 

1517. As a curious picture of the times, the sequel to the foregoing agreement is 

given. The 'pore Comyns' could not bind their successors; and the banks 
needing repair, an order of the House was made, March 1517, for putting up 
half the marsh nearest the town, on which the butts stood, from the Purification 
to St. Peter's Day, with a view of meeting the expenses from the proceeds of the 
crop. On the Tuesday after this order, when the mayor (John Perchard) and 
his brethren were holding the king's law-day in the Town Hall, some three 
hundred of the commons, men and women, swarmed into the Saltmarsh, broke 
down fences and banks, then rushing in a mass to the Guildhall, made ' pre- 
sumptuously and unlawfully a great shout,' to the annoyance of the court within. 
They then walked two and two with picks and shovels as far as Holy Rood 
Church and Cross, close to which was the mayor's house, where one of them 
had the audacity to cry, ' If Master Mayor have any more work for us, we be 
ready.' Then they went home. Such conduct could not be borne. On the 
Saturday following, Sir William Sandes, one of the King's Council, appeared on 
the scene with letters directed to the mayor for the immediate apprehension of 
the chief offenders. That night the ringleaders fled, but six other persons were 
seized, hurried up to London, and lodged in the Marshalsea. What became of 
the chief offenders does not appear, but eternal banishment was proclaimed 
against them unless they returned and submitted. Petitions were quickly got up 
in every parish for the unfortunate six : the banks, it was said, should be re- 
paired, and no such outrage ever repeated, would the mayor and his brethren 
use their good offices towards these unhappy men ? The authorities began to 
relent, and proclamation was made that all, whether men or women, who had 
taken part in breaking down, should now at once put up the banks. This 
done, the mayor and his brethren assured the commons of their good offices. 
A letter was written to my Lord Cardinal, Chancellor of England, showing his 
grace that the commons were very sorry for their sad unlawful deeds ; ' that they 
had repaired damages, and submitted themselves to such further correction as 
the mayor might think good. A letter was also written to my Lord of Win- 
chester, begging him to write to the Lord Cardinal. In consequence of all this, 
the captives were delivered out of the Marshalsea on July 16, and were adjudged 
by the Lord Cardinal and the Council at their coming to Hampton to sit in the 
open stocks under the pillory ; the mayor, the king's lieutenant, and his brethren 
were to take care to walk down the street that way, and the penitents were t,o 



say these words, ' Master Mayor, we have offended the king's grace and all you 
in making a great riot and unlawful assembly, contrary to the king's laws and the 
good rules of the town, whereof we acknowledge ourselves guilty, and beseech you 
and your brethren to be good masters unto us hereafter and to forgive us/ The 
whole program was faithfully carried out. The mayor, in the name of his 
brethren, accepted the apology, and assured the woe-begone figures under the 
pillory that no grudge should be borne against them. < And therupponne [he] 
commaunded them owt of the stokkes, and hadd them to the Audite hous, and 
bound them by obligacon to be good aberyng ageynst the Kinges grace and 
the Mayor and his Brethryn hereafter, and so delyveryd them.' l 

SECTION IV. The Fortifications. 

The fortifications belong in part to the Norman period. Of this 
range of date are the core of the Bargate, with a portion of the present 
walls, some existing works below the castle, and domestic buildings in 
the line of the western wall, and forming part of its original circuit. 

It will be convenient to refer to some of the probable dates of con- Periods of 
struction. The castle was in existence in 1153,, as in that year it is 
mentioned in the terms of agreement between King Stephen and 
Prince Henry. 2 

In the 4th John (1202-3) costs to the amount of ^25, 6s., under 
the supervision of Walter Foran and Robert Hardwin, were allowed for 
carrying timber to the castle to make there ' the king's houses, 3 for 
sinking a well in the castle, and for other repairs ; and in that and in 
the following year the king allowed ^loo each year out of the fee- 
farm towards the walling of the town. 3 

During the latter part of the reign of Henry III. two murages 
were granted, that is, liberty to collect tolls for a certain number of 
years, for the building or repair of the walls. The former of these, for 
ten years, was granted from November 30, 1260; the second, for five 
years, on November 12, 1270. A considerable number of tolls are 
scheduled on these grants. 4 

In 1321 (May 26) a murage was granted for three years from 
date, 5 after which a renewal was petitioned for. 6 By this time the flank- 
ing towers, to be mentioned presently, had been added to the Bargate. 
The quayages and barbican duty, granted from 1323 to 1346 (see Quays), 
should also be mentioned as having an immediate connection with the 
fortifications. To this period we venture to assign the arcade-work 

1 Boke of Remembrances, ff. 11-14. 

2 See below, last chapter ; also above, pp. 29, 30. 

3 Pipe Rolls, 4 and 5 John. ' King's houses ' were also being made or repaired 
at Portsmouth. 

4 Pat. 45 H. III. m. 22 ; 55 H. III. m. 28. 

6 Pat. 14 Ed. II. p. 2, m. 8. Rot. Parl. ii. 439. 


Invasion, described below. The next efforts of construction were called forth by 
the invasion of the town in 1338, for which see below in the last 
chapter. It appears that, in spite of murages, the town was not 
entirely walled. The enemy are supposed to have landed at ' the 
gravel/ or in that immediate neighbourhood, and this weak quarter 
was now ordered to be strengthened. By the advice of his council, the 
king issued a mandate for the building of a stone wall as quickly as 
possible towards the sea, 1 Stephen de Bitterle being commissioned 
(March 30, 1339) to find all necessary timber, and governors were 
appointed with special view to the fortification of the town and the 
reassurance of the inhabitants. A writ in aid of the enclosure was 
issued in I34O. 2 In 1345 (May 20) a murage, at considerable length, 
was granted for six years ; 3 and ten years later the burgesses received 
a further grant for ten years, in the usual form of a penny in the pound, 
a halfpenny in ios., and a farthing in 53., on all goods brought into or 
carried out of the town, whether by land or water, by their own bur- 
gesses or not, in aid of the walls. This was dated 28th June (29 Ed. 

HI.) i 3 55- 4 

Further repairs were ordered in April 1369, and contributions were 
exacted from all persons according to their means, workmen being em- 
ployed at the wages of the community. 5 Accordingly, in 1376 (50 
Ed. III.) we find the poor commons and tenants praying the king to 
take the town into his hands and forgive them the farm for the 
last two years, which, together with ^looo besides, they have expended 
on the fortifications. They say that the town is but half inhabited 
owing to the above burdens, and that those who are left are preparing 
to go. They also ask for soldiers to defend the town and neighbour- 
hood, being themselves unable to hold the place against the force which 
they hear is being prepared by the enemy. 6 They received no relief at 
the time, but there had evidently been a considerable outlay on the walls. 
In the first year of Richard II., under the immediate apprehension 

1 Rot. Orig. 13 Ed. III., rot. 50. Compare also Sir H. Englefield's remarks 
on this wall as it stood in his time. 

2 Rot. Orig. 14 Ed. III. (Feb. 18). 

3 Pat. 19 Ed. III. p. i, m. 12. 

4 The Corporation possess the exemplification of this grant, dated loth Feb- 
ruary (39 Ed. III.) 1365, made at the request of the burgesses. See also Liber 
Niger, p. 109. The above grant of 1355, given at length by Dr. Speed, was 
erroneously supposed by him to have marked the commencement of the fortifi- 
cations. In his version a misreading occurs which helped the above mistake. 
It has not been thought necessary to reproduce his chapter on the fortifications 
as a whole ; any information from it will be specified, and where it appears it will 
be notified, as usual, by quotation marks/ 

6 Pat. 43 Ed. III. p. i, m. 23. 6 Rot. Parl. ii. 346 b. 


of invasion, the mayor and bailiffs were ordered to look to the walls 
and compel necessary contributions (December 8, 1377) ; and a few 
months later (April 9, 1378) provision was made for the reconstruc- 
tion of the castle keep. 1 Sir John Arundel had been appointed gover- Keep, 
nor in the preceding July. 

In 1400 (i H. IV.) a grant of ^200 per annum <^ioo out of the 
duty of wool in the port of the town and c^ioo out of the fee-farm for 
the first year, but after that entirely from the latter source was made 
in aid of the fortifications, provided the inhabitants raised among them- 
selves ^100 each year for the like purpose. This ^300 per annum 
was to be spent under the supervision of Richard Mawardyn, king's 
esquire, of the mayor, and the controller of the port. 2 By this time the 
beautiful octagonal projection had been added to the front of the Front of 
Bargate. Bar s ate - 

Henry V., in the second year of his reign (1414), released 140 
marks (^93, 6s. 8d.) from the fee-farm for ten years, with license to 
purchase lands in mortmain to the value of ^100 in aid of the fortifi- 
cations. 3 At this period possibly, or not long after, the spur-work and 
tower outside God's House gate were added. Under the act of resump- 
tion of 1482 (2,2, Ed. IV.) grants for repairs of the walls were especially 
saved to the town ; 4 but at this very time we have a note of their 
miscarriage. Thus the steward's book of 1483 (rather 1484) contains 
an account of the town's suit e ayeynste Roger Kelsale, 5 Elizabeth 
SorelL, and Thomas Nutson, as to the xl u the which was graunted to 
the reparacon of the walles by Kynge Edwarde for vij yeres : and they 
and Richard Wystard have take alowance of the same as for iiij yeris, 
and have not paid hit to the towne/ 

In 1486 (November 9) license was given to export thirty sacks of 
wool free of custom, in aid of the maintenance of the walls, stathes, 
and quays of the port. 6 

" 8 Henry VII. [1492-93]. The king granted ^50 out of the fee- 
"farm toward the making of the new wall on the west side of the 
" town. Several private persons 7 contributed at this time, among 
" other the Lord Arundel, whose name was given to one of the towers 
" called ' Arundel tower ' to this day. There was another tower called 
" ' St. Denis Tower/ from whence it is probable that the canons of 
" that priory had contributed to the fortifications of the town." 

1 Pat. i R. II. p. 2, m. 7, and p. 6, m. 7. 

2 This document is printed in Madox, F. B., p. 290. 

3 Rot. ParL iv. 53; Pat. 2 H. V. p. 3, m. 1 3. 

4 Ibid. vi. 201 a. 5 See under Members of Parliament. 

6 Materials for Hist, of H. vii. (Rolls Series), ii. 38. 

7 See Steward's books, 1493. 


In 1511 (February 7) the Corporation obtained license to export a 
hundred sacks of wool, free of custom, towards the repair of the town 
walls inundated by the sea. 1 It will be convenient now to take up Dr. 
Speed's narrative, which gives a good account of the precautions used 
against such damage. 

Sea-banks. " i Mary [1553-54]. It is entered in the Journal that it was an 
" ancient custom for the lightermen of the town to bring yearly their 
" lighter-loads of stones to lie between the piles or town walls, and they 
" were ordered to go forthwith to the isle of Wight, either to Sandye 
" bay or the Nedelles, to load with chalk. e And they shall have for 
" ' every lighter of 20 ton a barrell of beer, and under 20 ton a verkyn 
"'of beer/ which agreement was made at the building of the south- 
" side next Catch-cold ; and they are henceforth, upon warning given 
" by any officer of the town, to bring or cause to be brought, the 
"lighter of chalk or stone for the defence of the town walls, and to 
" discharge it in such a place as seemeth good to the town. 

" 1634. The boatmen of Heath [Hythe] were ordered to bring 
" stones according to ancient custom. 

" 1683. Heithe boatmen. Their ancient duty and service is to 
<( bring every half year one boat or lighter-loading of stones and to 
"throw or put them against the town walls within the piles, or else to 
" pay 4d. every time they land any passenger or goods, to be levied by 
" the water-bailiff upon their cordage, sails, &c. 2 The meaning of all 
" this is that the sea-shore is piled all along at the bottom of the town 
" walls, and the stones were to be laid between those piles to save the 
" foundations of the walls from being washed away. There was for- 
" merly a horse ferry to Hythe which was under the government of 
ee the magistrates of this town, and most probably the boatmen who 
" plied the ferry were the persons of whom this duty and service were 
" required. These piles thus filled up with stones are called Banks in 
"the Journals: thus c A.D. 1609. The bank under Arundel tower is 
" ( ordered to be speedily amended/ '' 

Though the boatmen had to contribute the stones, the town 
originally put in the piles and kept them up : thus, in 1469 the town 
purchased ' a grove of wood 9 from the Abbot of Netley for 533. 4d., in 
order to make piles by the seaside. 3 

" In all their general charters, since the town was fortified, the 
" charges and expense incurred by the town on the fortifications are 
" mentioned as the reason for granting them such extensive privileges ; 
" and the general charter of Edward VI. does for this reason release 

1 Papers, &c., of H. viii. (Rolls Series), vol. i. 

2 "Journal." s 

Journal." s Steward's books. 















18_Goos HOUSE 




22.BowLiNc GREEN 

25-OLDAuDIT Ho. 

/27S. LAWRENCES_,,_ 











a year of the fee-farm rent of the town on certain conditions 
" (as mentioned elsewhere). For the same reason one of their privi- 
" leges, viz., the forfeiture of all strangers' goods sold in the town by re- 
(< tail or to strangers, was confirmed by Act of Parliament, 4 James I.; 
(C and in the year 1719 Mr. Serjeant Pengelly gave his opinion that 
" the town's right in this matter was good ; but upon a trial the town 
" was cast." l 

Having noted above the chief periods of construction, we may now 
survey the fortifications, leaving to the end of this section the story of 
their decay. 

The Walls. 

Medieval Southampton was defended by a lofty wall, some 25 to 
30 feet in height, forming an irregular parallelogram, measuring on the 
north side about 217 yards, on the east 786, on the south side from 
east to west as far as the arch by the site of Bugle Tower within 
Madame Maes's garden, about 435 yards, and from that point to the 
north-west angle of the town some 543 yards. The wall was strength- 
ened at intervals all round by twenty-nine towers. 2 

There were seven principal gates, four of which remain. These The Gates, 
are North or Bar gate, God's House or South Castle gate, West gate, 
and the postern, now called Blue Anchor gate. Those which have 
disappeared were the East gate, Biddle's gate on the west, and the 
South or Water gate. In addition to these there was a Castle Water 
gate now walled up, and a postern near the Friary and God's House, 
the site of which is lost. The insertion a little to the north of West 
gate in front of Collis's Court is of old date, though not original : that 
called York gate in the north wall east^of the Bargate is of the last 

The Bargate or north gate is a fine structure of various periods in Bargate. 
two stages, the upper of which is occupied by the Guildhall, and the 
lower pierced by a principal or central archway, with a postern of 
modern construction on either side. Remains of the original Norman 
gate-house, also in two storeys, are to be seen under the central passage 
and above within the present Guildhall. Confining ourselves first to 
the north side of the Bar, we observe two half-round towers set well North side. 
back, one on either side; these started boldly from the original gate- 
way, and were additions to it in the Early Decorated period. 3 Subse- 
quently to this addition and to the alterations on the south, that 

1 "Journal." 

2 Speed's Theatre of Great Britain, first published in 1596. He died in 1629. 

3 See a paper by G. T. Clarke, Esq., F.S.A., on the * Ancient Defences of 
Southampton,' in the Builder, December 28, 1872, and Archaeol. Journal, vol. xxix. 


beautiful projection was added on the north side, consisting of three 
sides of an octagon, which gives the gateway its distinctive character. 
This was probably in the reign of Richard II. On the front and 
broader face of this projection a narrow buttress well advanced flanks 
the central archway on either side, running up into a bold corbel table 
supporting large and handsome battlements carried round the build- 
ing; there being on this north side five embrasures on the broad front 
of the octagon and two on each of the narrower faces, but the merlons 
on these are fallen away and should be replaced. Between these 
buttresses, on the north face, there are four machicolations in the 
battlements over the central archway, two to the east of the eastern 
buttress, and only one to the right of the western buttress, the width 
on one side being greater than on the other ; the reason for this differ- 
ence not being apparent. On each of the narrower faces of the pro- 
jection there are three machicolations. 

The central archway has been pared and cut away to make the 
opening as wide as possible. It may be divided longitudinally into 
three or four periods, according as the gate was altered as above 

Bargate The posterns are perforations of the flanking towers : that on the 

east was completed in February 1764; at each end were posts and 
a turnstile; and in March 1774 the Commissioners of Pavement had 
permission to construct a similar passage on the western side, 1 though 
prints of 1777 continue to show but one postern. 

The posterns are open to the central roadway by two cross arches on 
each side, the two next the north being in part original. These latter, 
belonging to the Perpendicular work of the end of the fourteenth 
century, terminated by oillets or loopholes having view and command 
of the ditch on either side ; but when the posterns were made these 
terminations were carved away, and the openings subsequently 

Underneath the gate the inner mouth of these loopholes, on either 
side, is observed to open from the wider of two arches composing an 
arcade in the wall of the roadway in advance of the Norman work ; 
and within the narrower of the arches which adjoins the Norman pier 
part of the basement of the decorated tower flanking is seen to be 
framed with the old loopholes still defending the inner or Norman 

The cross or lateral arches to the south may have been insertions 
in the place of old recesses. 

1 Comp. Journals sub annis. 


The upper stage of the gate between the buttresses is pierced by Upper 
three narrow loopholes, that in the middle being crossed. These are north 
partially restorations, for at one time two sash windows disfigured this Slde< 
face, while a picture of Queen Elizabeth, 1 set up about 1594, and 
subsequently the royal arms, placed there in the mayoralty of Alder- 
man Steptoe in 1664, covered the central loop. This royal picture 
was sadly abused by a certain Michael Craddock, who was arraigned 
for his critical remarks and made to give ^5 to the poor. The arms 
were the work of Walter Crocker, whose predecessor, Alexander 
Crocker, enjoyed European fame as a ship-carver. On July I, 1664, 
the town agreed with Walter that 

' If he shall for all future tymes be of good and honest behaviour, and approve 
himself to be a compleate and sufficient workman in his profession, and at his 
own costes shall make, carve, and coulour, according to arte and approbacon, the 
Kings Majesties armes, and them set up (being of a sufficient proporcon) over 
Bargate in the place where Queen Elizabeth's picture formerly was fixed, and 
also give sufficient security to the Towne to save them harmlesse from his charge, 
that then he is to be admitted a free commoner to exercise his said arte in this 
Towne : But if he shall not fulfill all and singular the conditions above said, 
whereby he shall not be admitted as above said, then he shall have the said 
Kings armes to his own use and benefit!.' 

These arms, by which Walter Crocker purchased his freedom, were 
removed in 1852. On the same stage there is a loophole in each of the 
narrower sides of the projection, also in part restorations in place of 
modern sash windows. 

We may now examine what are called in the court leet books Monu- 
the ' monuments at Bargate/ First, there are the two lions 2 on lofty ^ 
pedestals, one on each side of the buttresses flanking the central arch- 
way. These originally stood at the end of the bridge which crossed 
the ditch here, and struck terror into the mind of a certain traveller 
in 1635, who, speaking of the town as the ' neatest and completest in 
all these western parts/ describes his entering 

' At the North gate thereof with no little fear, between the jaws of two ramping 
lions and two thundering warriors, Exipat, that fearful giant, on the one side, 
and brave Bevis of Southampton on the other, if above them had not been 
placed our late renowned virtuous Queen Elizabeth [see above] to daunt their 
courage and quell their fury, and to suffer peaceable passengers to have quiet 
and safe entrance.' 3 

The earliest observed notice of lions at the Bargate occurs in the 
court leet book of 1619, where is an order for their being varnished 

1 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 182, January 1594-95. 

2 See a very interesting paper on the ' Heraldry and Exterior Decorations 
of the Bar Gate,' by B. W. Greenfield, Esq., Barrister-at-law (Rayner, South- 
ampton, 1875). 3 see Duthy, p. 440. 



to prevent them from rotting,, the lions of that period being of wood ; 
their representatives of the present day having been cast in lead in 
1743, during the mayoralty of Richard Raymond, Esq., whose name 
is inscribed on their pedestals. They are said to have been the gift 
of William Lee, Esq., son of Lord Chief Justice Lee, who received 
the freedom of the borough in June that year. 1 

Until lately the panel paintings of Sir Bevis and his giant esquire 
Ascupart, referred to above, rested on the footing of the buttresses ; 
Sir Bevis on the right hand, looking towards the Bar, with the date 
1644 in the left-hand corner, probably that of the repainting; in the 
middle the letter M, the initial of the mayor that year; and in the 
right-hand corner the date 1319, possibly a conjecture as to the 
antiquity of the work replaced. The court leet books of 1635 and 
1640 had presented these ' monuments ' as much in decay. The 
paintings constantly referred to in descriptions of Southampton, as 
by Samuel Pepys in 1662 have been touched up from time to time, 
but have now been removed into the townhall in preference to any 
further restoration a matter rather to be regretted. 

Heraldry. The heraldry of the Bargate has been elucidated for the first time 
correctly by Mr. Greenfield in the treatise already mentioned. The 
gate bears eleven shields on its northward projection, two in the 
spandrels of the archway, and nine in a frieze of sunken panels carried 
round the buttresses above the bold string-course which divides the 
building into two stages. Of these nine, there are one upon the face 
of each buttress, one in the space beyond each, and five between them. 
The escutcheons in the spandrels probably belong (not of course the 
blazonry) to the original construction, but those in the frieze may be 
insertions. Unhappily, the tinctures on all the shields are nearly 
obliterated: they should certainly be restored with judgment : mean- 
while it may be well to describe them here. 

We commence with the frieze. The shield to the east or extreme 
left bears the cross of St. George of England ; that to the extreme 
right the cross of St. Andrew, for Scotland. In the middle of the 
frieze, over the apex of the arch, is the coat of Noel : Or,fretty gules 
a canton ermine, placed there in honour of two Noels, Viscounts 
Campden, father and son, successively Lords- Lieutenant of the county 
and town and county of Southampton : (i) Edward, who married 
Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, 
by whom, on the death of her father in 1667, he succeeded to the pro- 
perty of Titchfield, received the freedom of the borough in 1675, 

1 Mr. Greenfield thinks that they may have been the gift of one of the Leighs 
of Testwood near Totton, whose coat he finds on the Bargate (pp. 7, 25). 


becoming in the next year Lord-Lieutenant,, and M.P. for Hants in 
February 1678-79. Created Baron Noel of Titchfield in 1681 during 
his father's life, he was advanced to the Earldom of Gainsborough 
in December 1682, after his father's death in October that year. 
(2) Wriothesley Baptiste, son of the last, was appointed to the Lord- 
Lieutenancy when Viscount Campden, on his father's resignation in 
1684. In May 1685 he was returned to Parliament for the county of 
Hants; in 1687 he resigned his Lieutenancy, and on the death of his 
father in 1689 succeeded to the Earldom. 

The shield on the eastern buttress bears the arms of Pawlett : Sable, 
three swords in pile point downwards, argent, pomels and hilts, or ; in 
honour, no doubt, of the first and second Dukes of Bolton. (i) Charles 
Pawlett, son of John, Marquis of Winchester, who from November 
1643 to October 1645 held out his house at Basing for the king; as 
Lord St. John was elected M.P. for Hants to the Parliament of 1660 
and 1661, and as Baron St. John of Basing became Lord-Lieutenant in 
1667, holding that office till 1676, having received the freedom of 
Southampton in 1668. He had succeeded his father as Marquis in 
1674, and was again appointed Lord-Lieutenant in April 1689, being 
created Duke of Bolton about the same time. (2) Charles, second 
Duke, upon the death of his father in 1699, na -d been returned for the 
shire in 1681, 1685, 1688, 1690, and 1695. In 1702 he became Lord- 
Lieutenant and Lord Warden of the New Forest; in 1708 governor of 
the Isle of Wight; and on the accession of George I. in 1714 he again 
received the Lord-Wardenry and Lord-Lieutenancy, with other 
appointments. He died in June 1722. 

To the right of Pawlett is the shield of Tylney : Urgent, a chevron 
gules between three griffins' heads erased gules with beaks or. Frederick 
Tylney, of Rotherwick, in the county of Southampton, Esquire, 
admitted burgess in 1676, and in August 1702 returned M.P. for the 
borough ; in the following month he presented to the Corporation a 
large silver-gilt tankard. He again contested the borough, but un- 
successfully, at the general election in 1705. He died in 1725, at the 
age of eighty, having, among other charitable works, founded some 
scholarships at Oxford, augmented several benefices, and been a bene- 
factor to the city of Winchester. 

To the right of Tylney is De Cardonnel : Argent, a chevron voided 
azure between three trefoils slipped vert. Adam de Cardonnel, ad- 
mitted a burgess in 1662, was in 1690 excused serving the office of 
Sheriff on account of his age. He was for some time collector of 
customs at this port, and dying in January 1710-11 at the age of 
ninety, was buried at God's House. His son, Adam de Cardonnel, 
secretary to the Duke of Marlborough, returned for the borough in 


seven Parliaments between January 1700-1 and November 1710, was, 
at the disgrace of Maryborough, expelled the House for corrupt practices 
in 1712. No doubt the arms were on the Bargate before this year. 
Adam de Cardonnel was a subscriber to the rebuilding of St. Mary's 
Church in 1711. 

To the right of the escutcheon of Noel, already described, is that of 
Fleming: Gules, a chevron between three owls argent. The Flemings 
were for centuries connected with this town and neighbourhood (see 
under Mayors, Conduits, &c.) Thomas Fleming, Solicitor- General in 
1594, knighted in 1601, Chief-Justice of the King's Bench in 1607, was 
Recorder of Southampton while Solicitor-General, and was returned 
for the borough to the Parliaments of October 1601 and March 1603-4. 
His eldest son, Thomas, knighted in 1608, sat for the borough in 1614 
and 1620-21. Edward, great-grandson of the last, of North Stoneham, 
successfully contested the borough with Sir Charles Wyndham, knight, 
of Cranbury, in 1689, but subsequently was unseated. His son Richard, 
of North Stoneham, sat for the borough in 1710 and during twelve 
successive years. It was probably in his honour that the Fleming 
shield was placed on the Bargate. 

The next shield on the right hand is attributed to the Leighs of 
Test wood : Gules, a cross engrailed within a I ordure engrailed argent. 
Thomas Leigh, Esq., of Testwood, son of Sir John Leigh, Knt., 
who became possessed of Great Testwood through his marriage with 
Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Sir Thomas West, Knt., second son 
of Lord Delawarr, was admitted a burgess of Southampton in 1620. 
The same compliment is recorded of Philip and Edward Leigh of 
Testwood, Esqs., in 1659 and 1677. 

The shield on the western buttress is that of Mill : Per fosse argent 
and sable, a pale and three bears salient, two and one, counter changed 
muzzled and chained or. The escutcheon bears the Ulster badge, and 
doubtless belongs to Sir John Mill of Newton-Bury, in the parish of 
Eling, Hants, and of Camois Court, Sussex, Bart., so created December 
31, 1619. He was the eldest son of Lewknor Mill,. Esq., of Camois 
Court, by Cicely, daughter of John Crook, Esq., of Southampton (see 
under Mayors and M.P.s). Sir John Mill sat for the borough in the 
Parliaments of 1624 and two succeeding years. He died in May 1648, 
aged sixty-one years. The name of Mill is of constant occurrence on 
the burgess roll of the town. 

In the left spandrel of the arch we have the shield of Wyndham : 
Azure, a chevron between three lions' heads erased or. Sir Charles 
Wyndham, Knt., who represented the town in Parliament from August 
1679 to July 1698, was the son of Sir Edmond Wyndham, Knt., of 
Kentsford, Somerset, one of the first who, in 1641, appeared in arms 


for the king. Sir Charles married, in 1665, Jacoba, only child of 
Major-General James Young, formerly one of the gentlemen of the 
privy chamber to Charles I., and niece and heir to Dr. John Young, 
Dean of Winchester, Master of St. Cross and owner of the Cranbury 
estate. Sir Charles, who became tenant of the estate through his wife, 
resided at Cranbury for upwards of forty years, and dying there in 
1706, was buried at Hursley. On the death of Lady Wyndham in 
1720, the property was sold to John Conduit, Esq., who successfully 
contested the borough in 1734. On his decease in 1737, the Cranbury 
estate was purchased by Thomas Lee Dummer, Esq., through whose 
family it passed to that of Chamberlayne. 

On the right spandrel is the shield of Newland : Argent, on a chev- 
ron, the upper part terminating in a cross patte'e, three lesaiits. Benja- 
min Newland, merchant, of London, knighted in August 1679, sat 
in Parliament for this borough from February 1678-79, when he was 
returned in company with Thomas Knollys, Esq., of Grove Place, till 
July 1698. He married Ann, daughter of Robert Richbell, merchant, 
of Southampton (see under Mayors and M.P.s). Sir Benjamin New- 
land was possessed of the estate of Drayton, in the parishes of Farling- 
ton, Widley, and Wymering, Hants, by purchase from Mary Richbell, 
his sister-in-law, in 1689. 

The south side of the Bargate presents a handsome but restored South side 
elevation, the basement showing the archways of the central road- 
way and of the posterns, with an entrance doorway both right and 
left. Beyond that to the right are further remains, and there are 
indications of work in advance on the east side of this door south- 

In the upper stage, upon a bold string-course, are the four windows 
of the townhall, restorations under Mr. Edward Roberts, F.S.A., each 
of two lights and filled with stained glass, the gift of Mr. Edward 
Lanham, a member of the Council in 1864-65, when the whole of 
this front was cleared from a surface of rough-cast; the sashes of the 
previous century were abolished, and hoods and corbels supplied to all 
the arches and windows. Resting upon the string-course, and between 
the middle windows, there is a niche, now occupied by a figure of 
George III. in Roman costume; and above this is a sun-dial. The 
whole front is surmounted by wide battlements on a somewhat lower 
level than those of the north, with six embrasures, the westernmost of 
which carries a watch-bell ; the second and fifth merlons being pierced 
with crossed loopholes. The whole of this front is the result of enlarge- 
ment or re-facing, probably in the early part of the fourteenth century. 
Its restoration, as mentioned above, was effected in the mayoralties of 
Aldermen Brinton and Bowman, and was greatly due to the energy of 


Details of 
south side. 




Alderman, now Sir Frederick, Perkins, Knt. It was carried out by 
Mr. Poole, then borough surveyor. 

Taking now the outside details, the entrance doorway to the left 
communicates with the modern police-station and with a staircase ad- 
mitting to the hall above ; much of this is ancient work. The police- 
station is on the site of the old prison establishment at Bargate, which 
also occupied a third of the gate itself. Repairs of the Bargate prison 
and that of St. Michael's (of which more hereafter) are mentioned in 
the steward's book of 1441 and in subsequent years. 

In January 1553 (6 Ed. VI.) the house to the west of the Bargate 
the site of the present police-station was assigned as c the counter' for 
debtors, the keeper receiving from each inmate sixpence for every meal 
and twopence for his bed. 1 The two departments of the prison establish- 
ment continued side by side ; but in March 1774, when it was determined 
to carry a postern through the old prison, it was provided that a new 
gaol should be made in God's House Tower, the estimate for which 
was given at ^140. Of this sum <^ioo was advanced by the Com- 
missioners of Paving and ^40 charged on the county. 

The watch-bell in the embrasure was one of three or four bells at 
different stations in the town which answered one another in ringing 
the watches or sounding alarms. In 1579 the court l e t complained 
that the watch-bell of the castle was not kept in order, and recom- 
mended that one should be set on Bargate at the west end of the hall, 
and that the bells should properly answer one another, ' for that yt is a 
comfortable hearing/ The present bell has the inscription and date, 
1 In God is my hope. R.B. 1605.' 

The niche is probably coeval with this face of the gate, but we do 
not know how it was originally filled. In the mayoralty of John 
Thornburgh, in 1705, it was ordered that a statue of her Majesty 
Queen Anne be erected over the Bargate facing English (High) Street, 
and that a sun-dial be placed over the statue. The above date and 
mayor's initials are still to be seen on the dial. It measured out for 
the Queen below little more than a hundred years, for in 1809 her 
memorial was dismounted and relegated to a niche in the Guildhall, 
where it may still be seen, and the present statue of George III., 
imitated from that of the Emperor Hadrian in the British Museum, 
was placed in its stead. It was the gift of John Henry Petty, second 
Marquis of Lansdowne, who, presenting it to the Corporation, de- 
scribed the figure as ' bearing no mean resemblance to his Majesty.' 
The statue was placed in the niche, where the Marquis had desired it 
might stand, on September 12, 1809. 

1 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 66. 


The door of the eastern staircase bears the shield of the town arms Guildhall. 
in facsimile of that placed there in the mayoralty of John Ayres in 
1725. Ascending, we enter the Guildhall,, an apartment constructed 
within the shell of the gate, projection, and flanking towers in 1852, 
under Mr. W. J. Elliott of Southampton, measuring 52 feet long by 
40 feet in the broadest part, and fitted up as a court of justice; the 
grand jury room, which had been in the northward projection, having 
been at this time thrown into the hall, and a new room carried out to 
the west for the accommodation of the grand jury. In this new room 
the weekly petty sessions of the borough are held. Before the altera- 
tion, the justices' seat, with a picture of Solomon's judgment above it, 
was placed at the west end of the long and narrow hall. The picture 
may still be seen in the adjoining room. The following entry concerns 

'May 7, 1725. John Ayres, Esq., Mayor. Ordered that M r . Mayor have 
a new King's arms painted in the Town hall, and the picture of Solomon's 
judgment refreshed and repaired and Bevis and Ascapart's pictures painted 
anew, and all the carpenter's work relating thereto for 4 guineas and a half, at 
which price the said M r . Mayor has undertaken to procure the whole to be done, 
and the same to be borne at the county charge.' 

Immediately to the right of the hall as we enter is the niche con- 
taining the statue of Queen Anne. Beyond this is a plain round- 
headed arch belonging to the original Norman gate-house. Within 
the flankings and projection are the usual arrangements of a court of 
justice. On the western side is the entrance from the old side tower 
staircase. It now connects the hall with the police premises below, and 
may for centuries have served a similar purpose. Beyond this again, 
and facing the entrance to the hall, are the doors into the apartment 
constructed in 1852. On the south side are the four pointed windows 
of Decorated aspect filled with stained glass (see above), descriptive of 
the history of the borough, as represented by the shields and devices of 
some of its early benefactors. 

It is possible that the alterations to the gate on the south side in NO Guild- 
the first half of the fourteenth century may have been carried out to 
provide a fixed Guildhall ; or there may have been no such hall till 
after the octagonal front was projected. In the earlier history of the 
gate, the space required for working the portcullises and drawbridge 
would have left little room for civic purposes ; but after the addition 
on the north side the regulation of the defences may have been con- 
fined within the projection, and thus ample room left for the hall. 

The ordinances of the Guild-merchant (see below) make no refer- 
ence to a Guildhall. The Guild meetings were held at different places 
(ord. 4); the community assembled for the business f in a place pro- 


course of 

A run del 

vided/ as if perhaps for each occasion (ord. 32) ; the common chest, 
with the treasure and muniments, was kept in the chief alderman's 
(i.e., the mayor's) house, or in that of the seneschal (ord. 35) ; in much 
later times it was ordered to be kept in the Guildhall or Audit-house. 

In the steward's book of 1441, under the heading 'Bargatte,' the 
first observed notice occurs of a 'town hall' in repairs to the lead of 
its roof: mention is also made of a new key for the ' tresory dore in 
the hall.' A few years after (1468) we find the hall made a receptacle 
for guns in an account of the distribution of artillery among the various 
towers of the fortifications. ' Fyrst, in ye Guyld halle over ye Bargate 
j gonne of Bras chawmbred of hymself. Item, in the same place ij 
gonnes and v chawmbres w* treselz to ye sam. Item, in the sam 
plas ij gonnes w'owght chambres. The wheche ij gonnes lay in ij 
towrs the wheche beth next to ye seyd Bargate estward to seynt 
Denys towr/ 

We now follow the westward course of the walls. At about 100 
feet from the gate is the site of a half-round tower, which in 1468 
seems to have carried ' ij gonnes w* ij chawmbres.' A few yards be- 
yond this, the wall, destroyed to this point in 1854, is traced behind 
the houses on its way to Arundel Tower, a drum now in ruins, at the 
north-west angle of the walls, 22 feet in diameter and from 50 to 60 
feet high. In 1490-91 an account of repairs gives the following names : 
from the ( Corner tower next Hille to Cacchecold tower and about the 
walles to Bridelles gate,' 1 Corner tower being that which was after- 
wards called Arundel. 2 The court leet books of 1587 and following 
years presented ' Corner tower on north side Catchcold 9 as greatly 
damaged by the sea, which washed the west wall from this point to 
the re-entering angle south of the castle. After many dolorous pre- 
sentments of this tower and of the walls in its vicinity, of the necessity 
of the banks under the tower being mended to prevent its falling, 
together with one or two announcements about 1627 that the wall 
without Arundel Tower has fallen down/ the House (i.e., the Town 
Council) authorised certain freemasons named to rebuild the corner of 
the wall and repair the buttress. The wall was to measure in length 
40 feet, to be 12 feet high, 4 feet in thickness at the base and 3 at top. 

1 MS. Temp. T. Overey, sub anno. 

2 It is not possible to identify all the towers round the walls, though very 
many names occur in the town books. Some were called after their lessees, for 
the towers were generally leased out by the Corporation whether to private 
individuals or for purposes of trade. In 1517 one of the towers was let to Master 
Dr. Fawne, Rector of All Saints, at twelvepence a year, 'as long as it shall please 
the said doctor to occupy it, except in time of war.' Similarly we have Overey's 
and Brodock's Towers, Shoemakers' and Coopers' Towers, and the same tower 
may from time to time have gone under different names. 



The masons were to receive ^24, and enter into a bond for the security 
of their work for ten years. 1 This was in 1651. But the court leet 
continued to present the tower itself, till in 1658 the word fiat is 
written in the margin, as if no more delay could be hazarded. But it 
does not appear that very much was done. The level within the walls 
here is some 30 feet or more above that of the road or beach below. 

About 130 feet southward from the north-west angle is ' Catch- Catch cold, 
cold/ which gave its name to a plot of ground from Arundel Tower to 
the old castle enceinte. 2 From ' Catchcold (i.e., the tower) to Bidels- 
gate the walls are much decayed 9 in 1587. In 1615, Arundel, St. Denys 
at the north-east angle of the town, all the west towers, and ' Catch- 
coald ' were to be looked to for various reasons, and great stones were 
to be laid at the foot of the latter to act as breakwaters. Catchcold, 
which, with the adjacent curtain for some feet, Mr. Clarke considers 
to be a Perpendicular addition to what seems to be a Decorated wall, 
is a fine half-round tower, about 20 feet in diameter and 30 in height, 
with bold machicolations at the level of the connecting wall. A path 
from the castle chapel, common time out of mind to the town's people, 
led into Catchcold, and from thence to Bargate. 3 

South of Catchcold a flight of steps, built against the face of the Albion 
wall in 1853, ascends from the western shore road some 30 feet to a teps ' 
point nearly 100 feet from the tower. From thence the wall, in sub- 
stance Norman, runs obliquely south-west some 60 feet to a rectangular 
buttress heading a salient, the angles of which are crossed with low 
pointed arches pierced as garde-robes. About 20 feet to the south of 
this, the north wall of the castle baily struck the town wall, the 
abutment of a plain rectangular buttress supporting the junction. 

The walls, probably of Norman date and about 38 feet high, now Town and 
continue southward some 370 feet, being common both to the town C 
and castle, as far as the remains of a tower at the south-west angle of the 
castle baily. Somewhat more than half-way the bonding in the face 
of the curtain is broken for about 15 feet perpendicular in two lines, 
giving something the appearance of a coped buttress cut back flush 
with the wall. In a straight line with this, foundations as of a strong 
wall have been discovered in the rear, curiously coinciding with a line 
of wall drawn in Speed's (1596) plan, though too much reliance must 
not be placed on him, as he totally omits the north ballium wall, unless 
this line be blundered for it. Close south of this broken bond there 
commences a series of six rectangular buttresses of various dimensions 
and at slightly different intervals, the first three being additions upon 
the Norman wall, the rest perhaps original, though all have been 

1 Journal. 2 Terrier of 1634. 3 C. L. Book, 1579. 


partially renewed. The fourth of these buttresses, about 13 feet broad, 
bears on its face two slight traces of broken bonding. Sir Henry 
Englefield described it as having a doorcase in it, high above the foot of 
the wal^ which, he conjectured, was the water gate of the castle. This 
buttress divides a portion of the wall which is very interesting. Imme- 
chambers ^iately to * ts n rt h is a vaulted chamber, lying north and south, 55 feet 
and Castle 3 inches long by 19 feet 6 inches wide and 25 feet in height, the only 
indication of which from without is a narrow pointed window like a 
large loophole. On entering through this aperture the floor is dis- 
covered to be on a higher level than the ground outside ; the roof is a 
perfect wagon, the ribs of which, now ruthlessly cut away, sprang from 
Norman corbels, which have mostly disappeared a dilapidation which 
occurred about 1775. A doorway leading outward to sea exists in the 
wall to the north of the loop, but is completely masked, no trace of it 
being observed from outside. The communication from the vault to 
the surface above, some 30 feet higher than its floor, is not apparent : 
movable steps were no doubt used for its water gate. To the south of 
this vault, and cut off from it externally by the wide buttress mentioned 
before, the wall exists in two stages for about 32 feet as far as the sixth 
and last buttress. It is divided horizontally by a plain string, above 
which are indications of two round-headed windows, and below two 
narrow apertures similar to that before described. There must have 
been chambers in this part of the wall beneath the modern ' Castle 
Gardens.' Outside this part of the castle wall there was probably in 
ancient times something of a quay. In the Close Rolls of John and 
Henry III. we frequently read of the ' Castle Quay/ as if it actually 
belonged to the castle, 1 which West Quay, separated by a portion of 
the town, never did. The occurrence of these chambers would seem 
independently to suggest that there must have been a quay or landing- 
place beneath them. This point will be further touched when we come 
to the ' King's houses/ About 20 feet from this double-staged wall 
are the remains of the tower at the south-west angle of the baily. 

The Castle. 

The castle wall, which we will now follow, turned nearly due east, 

portions of it still existing behind the houses on the south of Castle 

Gardens. At about no feet from the south-west angle it crossed 

Castle Castle Lane (south). Here was the south gate of the baily, demolished 

about 1770. Beyond this the wall continued eastward some 40 feet 

1 The * Castle Quay' does not seem to have been repaired by the townsfolk. 
The Sheriff of the county was occasionally, as in 1218, ordered to repair it with 
the king's cellars in the castle. 


till it struck the lofty mound of the keep, deeply intrenched and boldly 
scarped, round which it described three parts of a circle for about 400 
feet, the hill's diameter being 200 ; it then started off obliquely with 
a north-eastern inclination for about 60 feet, then in a north-westerly 
for another 85 feet, crossing at this point Castle Lane (north), where 
was the principal gate of the castle, destroyed also in the last century, 
though a fragment may still be seen on the north of the lane. Beyond 
this the wall made a curve to the north-west till it struck the curtain, 
as above described, south of Catchcold. A considerable and curious 
portion of this enceinte remains, the foundations of which, on square 
piers and rounded arches, were sunk some 15 feet into the ground. 
The wall is described as having stood e on the top of a high bank with 
a deep ditch at its foot/ 1 but towards the end of the last century the 
surface was lowered considerably, and the foundations of the baily wall, 
denuded of earth, have since exhibited an abnormal and extensive 
arcade of fourteen or more perfect arches, some of them slightly pointed, 
at a height of about 12 feet above the present level, the span of the 
arches averaging 9 feet and the piers about 7 feet square. This founda- 
tion carried a battlemented wall, some of the ashlar of which may still 
be detected. 2 

The keep, of which nothing now remains, was probably a bold The keep, 
shell of masonry with a chemise or encircling wall about it. It stood 
upon the southern front of the lofty semicircular area, proudly domi- 
nating the town, and forming part of the enceinte of the castle fortifi- 
cations, according to the usual arrangement. We have no earlier 
account of it than that of its rebuilding under Sir John Arundel, when 
a patent, dated April 9, 1378, directed Henry Marmesfeld, John 
Pyperyng, and Richard Baillyf to procure the erection as quickly as Rebuilt, 
possible of a certain tower on the ' old castell hill ' with two gates, a 
mantelet, and barbican of stone, that is, an encircling wall about it with 
an outwork before the gate. 3 Material was to be procured and carriage 
provided at the king's cost^ the charges for which would be met imme- 
diately; and all necessary stonemasons, carpenters, or other workmen 

1 Buller's Englefield, p. 47. 

2 In 1856 this interesting work was threatened with destruction, together 
with other remains of walls and towers. However, a meeting convened in Janu- 
ary by the mayor (Mr. S. Payne), supported by Mr. Kell, Mr. Stebbing, Mr. 
Brannon, Mr. Falvey, and others, determined to address the Town Council on 
the subject. In consequence of this movement the borough continues to possess 
some of the most singular and interesting architectural remains in the kingdom. 
See Journal of Brit. Arch. Assoc. xii. 207. 

3 Super quendam montein vocatum l oldcastellhill ' quandam turrim de petra 
et cake, et duas portas in eidem turri, et unum mantelettum cum quodam barbi- 
cano de petra et calce circa dictam turrim, <Src. (Pat. I R. ii. p. 6. m. 7). 


were to be taken from the counties of Somerset, Dorset, Wilts, South- 
ampton, Oxon, Berks, Surrey, and Sussex, and kept at the works as 
long as needful at the king's wages. 

Leland in 1546 says of it : ' The glorie of the castelle is in the 
dungeon [keep], that is both larg, fair, and very stronge, both by worke 
and the site of it/ l Speed, writing at the end of the same century, 
describes it as ' most beautiful, in forme circular, and wall within wall ; 
the foundation upon a hill so topped that it cannot be ascended but by 
stairs/ 2 In 1599 Hortensio Spinola, in his report on the southern ports, 
described the castle of Southampton as being strong, with sixty pieces 
of artillery and 100 soldiers. 3 Yet in 1618 the keep was ruinous: 4 in 
1635 the traveller quoted in a former page speaks of it as an f old 
ruinated castle, on a high mounted hill, environed with a round strong 

Chapel. Within the baily was the chapel of the castle, and apparently 

towards the north-west of the enclosure, for we find it occasionally 
reckoned in the beat of the town watch. Thus about 1504, when pro- 
vision was made to receive the king's grace (Henry VII.), four aldermen 
with their 'vynteners' or inferior officers were assigned to see the 
town in good order, their wards being thus set, starting from the 
castle southward, and so going round the walls. The first, from the 
castle wall to the site of the old wool-bridge ; from that to the Friar's 
tower and garret ; from thence to the Eastgate ; and thence to the 
chapel in the castle. 5 This chapel, dedicated to St. George, had an 
endowment by royal letters of ^10 per annum on the customs of the 
town. Among the chaplains were Friar John Bury ; Sir John Chewe, 7 
September 20, 1485 ; Thomas Vasse, August 2, 1508 ; Robert Tawley, 
December 23, 1572 ; John Clerk, 8 on death of last, 1526 ; he was 
there ten years later. A chantry was founded here by Edward IV. in 
1478, and in 1553 Nicholas Hill, incumbent of the chantry, received 
a pension of ^6. 

Baily. It would appear that some dismantling of the baily had taken place 

at the close of the fifteenth century, when the 'castle wall' is said to 
have been pulled down, 9 and by 1550 the ' Castle Green' had become a 
place where rubbish might or might not be shot; in 1591 it had been 

1 Itinerary, iii. 107. 2 Theatre of Great Britain, reprint 1650, p. 13. 

3 Cal. State Papers. 

4 See below, where also other details. 
6 Lib. Remembranc. i. f. 14, 27. 

6 Dec. 13, 1483. Pat. i R. III. p. I, m. 25 (i). 7 Rot. Parl. vi. 377 a. 

8 Papers of Hen. VIII. sub dat, and Valor. Eccl. 

9 After the last passage given from Dr. Speed he continues : ' 13 Hen. VII. 

[1498-99]. The castle wall was pulled down/ The remainder of his chapter 

is given below. 


for some years let to the butchers by Captain Parkinson no doubt 
the governor and the court leet jury presented that the ( sheep have 
spoiled the hilP that is, the hill of the keep 'most ruinously;' they 
beg that no more sheep or cattle be allowed there; they also state that 
the windows and gates of the castle tower lie open to all the inhabitants, 
whereof they desire reformation. This letting of the herbage was 
further presented as a grievance in 1594, on the score that Captain 
Parkinson had ten years previously granted it to the town for the term 
of his life ; it seems also that right of passage through the castle to the 
archery butts had been questioned by the tenant. 

These butts, atone time called the great butts, though it is difficult The butts. 
to see how a proper range could have been secured, were on the east 
side of the Castle Green, because the St. Laurence people were constantly 
being presented for throwing refuse from their back-doors by the castle 
butts. 1 The ditch at this part may therefore have been filled up, 
or the butts may have been in the ditch, a not unlikely position if 
length could have been found. It is also possible that the range may 
not have been long, as in 1587 these butts were pronounced 'meetest 
for the younger people/ 

The castle was the seat of military government and defence in the 
Middle Ages. It was also in the castle that the king's justices itinerant 
held their court. 2 

The following notices concern the early governors, their duties, or Notices. 
the castle itself. 

In February 1205 (6 John) ROBERT DE CANTILUPE was custos of Constables, 
the town. In the same year the constable was ordered by writ to 
deliver to Brian de PIsle a tun of wine from the royal store. In the 
next year he was ordered to restore wine detained from a burgess of 
Rochelle, and to release a ship which he had seized in error, it appear- 
ing under certificate of the mayor of Rochelle that the vessel belonged 
to that port. 

In April 1206 (7 John) he was charged with the duty, in common 
with Walter Fortin and William de Langetot, of seizing for the king's 
use ships at Southampton and neighbouring ports. The vessels were to 
be capable of carrying eight horses each at least, and were to be 
assembled at Portsmouth by Whitsun Eve. They were to be provided 
with bridges and hurdles for the landing and protection of the animals. 
The names of the owners were to be enrolled, as also how many 
mariners were in each ship and how many horses each , could carry. 
Vessels happening to be laden were at once to discharge their cargoes ; 
owners who hesitated were to be taken for enemies. 

1 Court Leet books, 1574, ^577, 1579, &c.J 

2 See document above, p. 49. 


The next year the constable received from William Briewere, the 
king's forester, under writ from Winchester, twenty rafters from the 
royal wood of ' Kmites wude ' for the repair of the king's hall at South- 

In 1213 (14 John) WILLIAM BRIEWERE received the county of 
Southampton, with the custody of Southampton Castle,, during the 
king's pleasure. 1 

ADAM DE PORT was governor 2 in 1213. 

In 1215 (16 John) two trusty messengers, Thomas de Erdington 
and Henry de Ver, were dispatched from the king to WILLIAM DE 
ST. JOHN (son of the last), constable of Southampton Castle, with 
instructions which the king had been unwilling to commit to writing. 
The constable was to expect other messengers the following day, 
meanwhile he was to receive as certain what he would hear from those 
now sent, or from Thomas alone if the other could not be present, 
concerning the safe custody of the royal castles and person. A similar 
visit was directed to various other officials in different places. 

A few years later (1222, 7 H. III.) the needs of Southampton Castle 
had to yield to those of Winchester; and the bailiffs of William 
Briewere were directed to deliver to the mayor of Winchester, for the 
repairs of the castle there, the sixty beams from ' Cnichte wude' which 
the Prior of the Hospital had given the king for the repairs of South- 
ampton Castle. 

A portion of the castle at least was dilapidated in 1246 (30 H. III.), 
and the townspeople were fined 270 marks for withdrawing several 
duties belonging to the castle, and for selling timber, lead, and stone 
from that now demolished building. 3 

On June 17, 1273 (^ EcL I.), the custody of the town was committed 
to ADAM DE WiNTON 4 during the king's pleasure. 

In 1330-31 (4 Ed. III.) the custody of Southampton and Christ- 
church castles was granted to THOMAS DE WEST (afterwards Lord la 
Warre), with other holdings, at a rent of ^435. In the next year the 
custody of these castles, together with the manor and park of Lynd- 
hurst, and the new forest, the hundred of Redbridge, and forty shillings 
rent paid by the abbot and convent of Reading, and other perquisites, 
were renewed to him for life at the annual rent of ^130, the sum 
generally maintained. 5 

In October 1338 the c French 'invasion occurred (see below, last 

1 The above are from printed Patent and Close Rolls. 

2 So Dugdale Bar. i. 463, but his reference (Pat. 15 John, p. i. m. 9) ap- 
pears to be faulty : the appointment is not on the Roll. 

3 Madox, Exchq. i. 568. 4 Fines Rolls, 2 Ed. I., m. 19. 
6 Rot. Orig. Abbrev. 


chapter)^ immediately after which the town was seized into the king's 
hands, in active censure on the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses, who had 
fled before the enemy. It was then 1 committed to JOHN DE SCURES 
and THOMAS CONDRAY, to hold during pleasure, on October 12. The 
commission (as are the following documents) is tested by Edward, 
afterwards the Black Prince, who had himself been left guardian of 
England in his father's absence at the ripe age of nine years. On 
November 10 JOHN DE PALTON and JOHN DE BORLAND 2 were com- 
missioned in the same terms ; and on November I3th, among other 
steps taken, John de Hampton, Walter de Estcote, and others, were 
commissioned to inquire into the loss of the king's wools by fire ; how 
much, and of what quality, had been left after the enemy had retired. 3 

Under one influence or other the mayor and bailiffs recovered heart, 
and humbly begged for the restoration of their town and liberties; 
receiving them back on March 15, 1339, apparently on no harder 
terms than that they should do their duty in future, and hold the town 
vigorously against the foe ; 4 and orders occur to John de Flete, clerk, 
keeper of the arms in the Tower of London, to send forthwith all kinds 
of weapons for the use of the town. 5 

BITTERLE were appointed chief guardians, for the safe custody of the 
town, with a certain number of men at arms, on April 13, 1339, and 
on the same day Philip de Thame, Prior of the Knights Hospitallers in 
England, was desired to send thirty men-at-arms as an auxiliary, to 
remain in the town, or at St. Denys's Priory, or close at hand, in readi- 
ness against any foreign attack. 6 Robert atte Barre was the king's 
receiver and victualler to the troops at Southampton, May 13 ; Nicholas 
atte Magdalene being appointed to the same office, June n. 

THOMAS BEAUCHAMP, Earl of Warwick, was next made constable 
or chief guardian ; his commission, running in the name of the Black 
Prince, is dated Kennington, July 13, 1339 (13 Ed. III.) 7 The guar- 
dianship was committed to him from the Monday (July 36) after the 
Feast of St. James for a quarter of a year. He was to have with him 
a hundred men-at-arms, their quality specified, fifty being of his own 
men. He had power to muster the men-at-arms of the Prior of the 
Hospitallers, and those of Berkshire, and others who should be sent 
to aid in keeping the town. The inhabitants had in considerable 

1 Rot. Orig., 12 Ed. III., rot. 15. 2 Ibid>j rot< I?< 

Ibid., rot. 30. 4 ib^., 13 Ed. III., rot. 4. 5 Ibid., rot. 29, 38. 

6 Rot. Alemannise, 13 Ed. III., m. 8, m. n. 

r The original document was purchased at a public sale in London in 1849 
by R. Laishley, Esq., then mayor, and presented to the Corporation. It hangs 
in the Council-chamber. See also Rot. Alemanniae ; 13 Ed. Ill m. 6. 


numbers deserted the place, and the Earl was enjoined to compel the 
return of the fugitives, on pain of forfeiture of their goods; while ^50 
in silver were granted towards repairs. The Earl accordingly at once 
issued a proclamation on the day he received this indenture. By the 
roll of Nicholas atte Magdalene, he appears to have entered the town 
with his retinue of fifty men-at-arms and fifty archers on July 25, and 
to have remained till August 25th. 1 

On August 29, four days after the retirement of the Earl, Brother 
PHILIP DE THAME, Prior of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem, 
superior of the Knights-Hospitallers in England, was appointed guar- 
dian with similar powers ; and on September 15 a further effort was 
made by royal proclamations and threats to induce the return of the 
burgesses and inhabitants. 2 

On November 3 the same year (1339) STEPHEN DE BITTERLE and 
WILLIAM DE WESTON, sergeants - at - arms, were appointed chief 
guardians to superintend the men-at-arms and archers of the counties 
of Berks and Wilts, assigned for the defence of the town. 3 

In the same regnal year (13 Ed. III.) Sir RICHARD TALBOT re- 
ceived the guardianship, with fifty men-at-arms and one hundred 
archers, at the king's wages, to be paid him in advance. He was him- 
self to receive a guerdon of ^100, and ^100 in part payment of an 
old debt, and was enjoined to see the town fortified at the expense of 
the inhabitants, with help from the king if necessary. The Bishop of 
Winchester, the Prior of St. Swithin, and the Abbot of Hyde, were 
desired to arm their men in the manors nearest to Southampton, and 
to be ready to enter and defend the town if required. And further, 
two pinnaces, one belonging to Millbrook, another to Roger Nor- 
maund, 4 were assigned to wait on the commands of Mons. Richard 
in the port of the town. He was to take order about the fugitive 
burgesses. Commission at the same time was given to Stephen de 
Bitterlye and William de Weston, sergeants-at-arms, to take timber 
and other commodities from owners, at a certain price, for the safety 
of the town. All the arms in the place, of whatever kind, 5 were to be 
delivered by list to the guardian, and a writ of attendance was directed 
to the Sheriff of the county requiring him to provide Mons. Richard 
with all necessary supplies. 6 

1 An order was also issued on the day of the Earl's appointment (July 10) 
to the Sheriff of the county to make proclamation and compel the return of the 
people, on pain of confiscation of their goods. 

2 Rot. Alemannias, 13 Ed. III., m. 5 and m. 4. 

3 Ibid., m. i. 4 See under M.P.s. 

5 Item qe les espringalx, engyns, arblastes, actines, launces, payneys, 
blasouns, targes, purkernels, fer, plum, esteantz en la dite vile, &c. 

6 Rot. Parl. ii. 108 b. 


After this, on July 4, 1342, the PRIOR OF ST. SWITHIN, Win- 
chester, and the ABBOT OF HYDE were in commission as guardians 
against foreign enemies. 1 

JOHN DE BEAUCHAMP of Warwick received the custody of the 
castle, &c., for good service 2 in 33 Ed. III. (1359-60). 

HENRY PEVEREL was appointed guardian 3 April 10, 1360, and 
desired to repair the fortifications, which were in much need of it: 
within two years he died seized of lands and tenements in the town of 
Southampton, as well as, among other possessions, the manor of Lynd- 
hurst, and holdings in Mansbridge and Peniton, and of Middleton and 
Chilworth manors. 

RICHARD PEMBRiDGE 4 succeeded (35 Ed. III. 1361-62), receiving 
the custody of the castle for life, with that of the manor and park of 
Lyndhurst, the keepership of the New Forest and of the hundred of 
Redbridge, together with the forty shillings rent from a tenement 
in the forest paid by the Abbot of Reading, at the annual rent of ^130. 
He was to have the burden of repairs, but in the next year the king, 
as a mark of affection, remitted for his life ^40 and forty marks from 
the rent. 5 

On June 12, 1369 (43 Ed. III.), HUGO DE ESTCOTE S was appointed 
captain, with full powers of arresting all rebels against the king or the 
government of the town ; his attention was also called to all regrators, 
artisans, or workmen, who should offend against the several statutes 
respecting them. No time was specified for the duration of his office. 
The captaincy of the castle or town, and the custody, wardenry, or 
guardianship were not always identical appointments. 

ALMARIC DE ST. AMAND T was appointed guardian on August 13 
the same year, and by letters of that date, directed to the keepers of 
the peace and arrayers of men-at-arms in the county of Wilts, &c., 
order was given for 100 men-at-arms and 200 archers to be sent to 
Southampton. Two days after (August 15) Almaric was confirmed as 
captain and guardian, always to be ready to resist the king's enemies 
from France. 

In the next year, August 22, 1370 (44 Ed. III.), HUGO DE ESTOTE, 
Knt., and JOHN PULMOUND, mayor, 8 were appointed to array all 
men sound in body in the town and suburbs for defence ( against our 
French enemies, who have often invaded and burnt towns on the coast : ' 

1 Pat. 1 6 Ed. III., p. 2, m. 34. 2 Rot. Orig. Abbrev., p. 255. 

3 Pat. 34 Ed. III., p. i, m. 21. 4 Pat. 35 Ed. III., p. 3, m. 25. 

5 Rot. Orig. Abbrev., p. 258. 6 Pat. 43 Ed. III., p. 2, m. 44. 

7 Ibid., m. 23. At the same time men-at-arms and archers were ordered 
for Portsmouth. Warin de 1'Isle was captain and custos there. 

8 Pat. 44 Ed. III., p. 2, m. 5, a tergo. 



men too feeble to serve were to find substitutes. Under the same year 
payment of 1 occurs to John Tipet, 1 valet of the king's chamber, 
lately sent into Hants,, Wilts, Berks, and Oxon, to collect and train 
archers, and bring them to Southampton to be ready against invasion. 

In the 46 Edward III. (1372-73), JOHN DE FoxLE 2 received for 
life the custody of the castle, with the other emoluments as in the case 
of Pembridge, but at the full rent of ^130, from which his executors 
were cleared Michaelmas 1382,3 the grant being renewed in the fiftieth 
and fifty-first years. 

The next year (i R. II. 1377) was one of singular trial and glory to 
the town, under the guardianship of Sir JOHN DE ARUNDEL/ who 
was appointed on July 9th, to have with him'ioo men-at-arms and 100 
archers, who were to be gathered from any quarter and retained at 
the king's pay. We have already mentioned the works at the castle 
under this governor. 

Ivo FITZ-WARYN was governor of the town I Henry IV. (1399) . 5 

EDWARD, EARL OF RUTLAND, who appears to have held the 
honours which went with the castle of Southampton in the latter years 
of Richard II., had been restored to those emoluments, and was holding 
the castle of Southampton towards the close (1411) of the reign of 
Henry IV. 6 

In 1414 RICHARD SPICER, Esq., with forty archers, was appointed 
for the safe keeping of the king's carracks, ships, and vessels in the 
port, for a quarter of a year, against invasion. 

In the next year (1415) JOHN POPHAM was constable of the castle, 
and to his custody Richard, Earl of Cambridge, Henry, Lord le Scrope 
of Masham, and Sir Thomas Grey were committed on charge of 
high treason, for which they were executed. 7 

Possibly HUMPHREY, DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, murdered February 
28, 1447 (25 H. VI.), was constable of the castle, as he died seized 
of the lordships which went with it. 

JOHN HOTON was constable, with the honours and emoluments 
next below described, in the time of Richard III. (1483-85). 

Sir JOHN CHEYNE, Knt., received the appointment March 3, 
1486 (i H. VII.), with the wages of ^10 per annum out of the customs 
of the port ; he was also made constable of Christchurch Castle, steward 

1 Issue Roll, sub anno. 

2 Rot. Orig. Abbrev. for 46 and 5 i Ed. III., and Pat. 50 Ed. III., p. 2, m. 27. 

3 Memorand. Rolls, Mich, record, 6 R. II. rot. 24. 

4 Pat. i R. II., p. i, m. 20. See further, under date, in last chapter. 

5 Pat. i H. IV., p. 5, m. 23. 

6 Memorand. Rolls, Mich, record, 13 H. IV. rot. 5. 

7 Rot. Parl. iv. 66. See further below, last chapter. 


of the lordships and manors of Christchurch, Ringwood, and Hunton, 
keeper of the New Forest, with custody of the manor, and wages of 
fourpence a day out of the customs. Other stewardships were granted 
him at the same time. 1 

In the latter part of this reign THOMAS THOMAS was constable; he 
was excepted from the general pardon in the first year of Henry VIII. 
(April 30, 1509), but received it a month later (May 30). He died 
shortly after. 

Sir WILLIAM SANDIS, Knt. was appointed, vice the last, on Janu- 
ary 10, 1510, at the salary of ^10. This patent being invalid, the 
office was regranted him April 9, I5I2. 2 

In 32 Henry VIII. (1540) Sir THOMAS WRIOTHESLEY, Knt., 
afterwards Earl of Southampton, was made constable of the castle. 8 

In the latter quarter of this century CAPTAIN PARKINSON (see 
above) was in command. He seems to have been no great friend to 
the town, especially if a petition refers to him, bearing date about 
1599, m w hich the mayor, &c., appeal to the Council for redress against 
James Parkinson, captain of Calshot Castle, who detained ships at the 
castle under pretence of castle dues, and forbade them going up to the 
town, ' to the ruin of its trade and custom.' 

In 1616 Sir ROBERT LAND was captain at twopence per day ; but 
the castle was falling more and more into a neglected and ruinous 

In 1618 the ruined castle, its site and ditches, passed by a grant of Site 
King James I. (July 16) in consideration of a sum of ^2078, os. I Jd., 
to Sir James Ouchterlony and Richard Garnard, citizen and cloth- 
worker of London, who in the next month (August 10) consigned their 
interest to William Osey, of Basingstoke, who in his turn made it over 
to George Gollop, of the town and county of Southampton, merchant, 
on July 10, 1619 (17 James I.) In 1636 (i4th March n Charles I.) 
George Gollop obtained the royal grant 4 of the castle and its ditches to 
himself and heirs at the yearly rent of thirteen shillings and fourpence. 
The property remained in the Gollop family some few years. Under 1650 
we find Peter Gollop in possession, and on October n that year he 
gave permission to Major Peter Murford, commandant of the town, 
to take such stones from the castle as he might think needful for the 
repair of the fortifications. 6 

Subsequently to this ""the site became parcelled out to several 
" people who have built houses and made gardens upon the ground ; 

1 Materials for Hist, of Hen. VII., i. 344. 

2 Brewer's letters, &c., of Hen. VIII., under dates. 3 Dugd. Bar., ii. 383. 
* Pat. ii Charles I., pt. 8. 5 Journal, October n, 1650. 


" and the ditch of it is converted into gardens to some houses in the 
" town that lay round it. The hill on which the castle stood remains, 
" and has a summer-house upon it built with the materials of the old 
" castle : this was formerly a windmill. There is enough of the walls 
" left to shew the compass of it ; and within its precincts some arched 
" vaults have been found in digging the foundation of houses, &c., 
" which some people fancy were private ways to other parts of the 
" town, but I take them to have been magazines and storehouses for 
" the use of the castle. There is one in a garden adjoining to the town 
" wall." 

Subsequently to Dr. Speed's death in 1781 the castle hill was pur- 
chased from Mr. Watson in 1804 by Lord Wy combe, afterwards (May 
7, 1805) Marquis of Lansdowne elected burgess August 21, 1805 
who resided near Peartree Green. On his coming into the family estates 
he laid out large sums of money on the castle hill, and by degrees 
erected an extensive castellated mansion of brick and stucco, which 
appears to have contained within it some remnant of the old fortress. 
On his death, November 15, 1809, his successor and half-brother, 
whose great delight was in driving about with four foresters not much 
bigger than Newfoundland dogs, eventually sold the mansion for 
valuable building material. It was put up for sale July 1816, together 
with the freehold site of the castle, having a frontage towards the 
river of 277 feet. 1 The mansion was taken down in 1818, when the 
mound was lowered; 2 and in 1823-24 Zion Chapel (now Zion Hall) 
was erected, and opened June 9, 1824 R CV - J- Crabbe, minister on 
the site of the Norman keep. 

The We may now return to the town walls. Starting from the south- 

resumed. west angle of the baily, we immediately leave the high level of the 
castle platform and cross what was the mouth of the ditch. The wall, 
which is here low and fragmentary, now runs south-west, at an angle 
of about 1 8 degrees, to a tower heading the salient, at a distance of 
some 100 feet from the baily, into the remains of which one of the 
small houses in Lansdowne Place is built. It then runs southward for 
about 80 feet, where we should expect another tower, and re-enters 
sharply to the east, so as to cover Biddie's gate, which was set some 50 
feet back. 

Biddie's This gate, variously called West gate next the castle, and even 

Castle gate, and ultimately Biddie's gate, is described as having been 

1 Hants Telegraph, June 24, 1816. 

2 In 1 822 a silver penny of Offa was found at the castle keep with the name of 
the moneyer, BANHARD, in two lines. It is preserved in the Hartley Institute. 


'merely an arch in the wall/ f a low gate with a pointed arch, over 
which are the brackets of two machicolations. 1 

Biddle's gate appears to have been a favourite place for depositing 
refuse, although one of the chief inlets to the town. In i$n his 
Majesty was expected that way, hence, though a poor man had already 
been set to make f clene the doyng hyll at the Bedelles yatte/ receiving 
twelvepence for his pay, so great an event deserved an extra scrub. 
' Item, paid for the reddyng of the Bedelles yatt at the Kynges comyng, 
iiij.' 2 In short, our ancestors were not over-nice. Suffice it to say, 
that sewers, drains, and other conveniences did not receive the atten- 
tion which civilised life now exacts. Latrines placed near the gates 
there was one by Biddle's gate serving for the mass of the towns- 
people, were constantly requiring attention, which not being paid a 
catastrophe of common occurrence the indignant court leet jury had 
frequently to complain of the state of the walls and streets as ren- 
dered ' corrupt, verie filthie, and noyssom to passe by/ Let us leave 
this quickly. 

We are now upon the ancient quay of the town. From the north- Ancient 
west angle of the fortifications the sea washed the foot of the wall as 
far as the turning in to Biddle's gate till within the last thirty years ; 
for the handsome roadway beneath the western wall is of recent con- 
struction, having been due chiefly to the exertions of the late Rev. 
T. L. Shapcott, a former vicar of St. Michael's. The ancient quay on 
which we are supposed to be standing was of considerable extent. 
Speed's map (1596) makes the shore extend to Bugle Tower, the remains 
of which are just beyond the house of Madame Maes. If this be 
taken as accurate, a length for the whole shore of about 700 feet is 
given. What was distinctively called West Quay was projected some 
distance into the sea like a broad pier opposite West gate. Much of 
this land frontage deserves special attention. 

Immediately below the site of Biddle's gate an arcade commences, Town wall, 
which is believed to be perfectly singular and unlike anything in 
England ; 3 it stretches for some 360 feet southward. Beyond this 
the wall passes behind houses for some 120 feet, coming occasionally 
into view, till we arrive at the opening into Collis's Court, where to 
the left we observe the picturesque fragment of a tower, three sides of 
an octagon, the front being carried up from a broad and bold rectangular 
buttress, which has its hollow angles crossed by arches to support the 
other sides. Fifty feet farther is West gate, beyond which the wall 

1 Buller's Englefield, p. 1 6. 2 Steward's books, sub annis. 

3 On this construction see Viollet-le-Duc's " Walls of Avignon " (Military 
Architecture, ed. Parker, p. 149, &c.) 


passes within the garden of Madame Maes's premises for some 230 
feet to the remains of Bugle Tower. 

Towers This line of defence was strengthened by several towers, three ] of 

destroyed. w hi cn at least were in the arcade; for on April 7th, 1775, Mr. Martin 
of the Long Rooms, who catered for the rank and fashion of the place,, 
obtained leave to take down parts of three round towers on the West 
Quay opposite his own houses; and on June sd further permission 
to remove the top of the wall over f Beidles gate/ which appeared to 
be dangerous. It must be remembered that when a ' highly genteel 
and polite society ' came flocking to Mr. Martin's rooms, the only 
approaches were through Biddle's and West gates. Mr. Martin, more- 
over, helped to attract and retain the visitors ; thus the Corporation 
did not hesitate when it became a question whether Mr. Martin or 
the towers should go. 

Pilgrim's The ^ rst f these destroyed towers was probably ( Pilgrim's Pit' 

Pit Tower. Tower, close to Biddle's gate, deriving its name, as did the gate itself 
sometimes, and a garden there, and the immediate vicinity, from what 
was called the ' Pilgrim's Pit ; probably some famous well, which I 
cannot help connecting with the pilgrimages to St. Thomas of Canter- 
bury. In 1348, Agnes le Horder bequeaths a tenement in the parish 
of 'St. Michael, in the street called ' Pilegrimes putte.' The name 
' Pylgry'mes put' occurs in an inquisition taken at Southampton in 
1367. In 1441 we read of the ' west gate next the castle called pyl- 
grymys pyt.' In 1468 we hear of the c towr at pylgryms pyt,' which 
carried ' j gonne w* iij chawmbres.' 2 

The second tower may be placed in front of the fourth arch of the 
arcade, where we observe broken work aloft and two rectangular piers, 
each four feet wide, which do not bond with the arcade work, but run 
up to the top of the wall with straight joints, the width of the arch 
between them being 6 feet 4 inches. 

For the site of the third tower we must pass on to the broad pier, 
with a modern house-door in it, next beyond the ninth arch. Now, 
this very broad pier, with the adjoining flat arch of 18 feet and the 
pier beyond, has been partially rebuilt. But looking attentively at 
it, we find that it is really made up of two rectangular piers, each 
four feet wide, with a flat arch of 6 feet 4 inches between. The 
identity of measurement will be noticed with that of the arch above 
mentioned. Such was the arrangement in Englefield's time; but to 
accommodate a house in the rear the wall has been brought forward from 

1 Speed's map (1596) gives three towers between Biddle's and Blue Anchor 
gate : Dr. Speed's plan gives two, one half drum, the other square : Milne's 
Survey (1791) shows two half drums. 

2 Steward's books, sub annis. 


between the piers flush with their outer face, thus reducing the whole 
in effect to one breadth of wall space of over 14 feet, and com- 
pletely altering the original features, though high above the modern 
doorway unmistakable signs of broken vaulting are left. The piers 
also are unconformable with the arcade. Of this now filled-up arch, 
with that of 18 feet adjoining and the pier beyond, Englefield says: 
' These two arches and their three piers, together with another similar 
narrow arch and its thick piers [the one above described], seem as if 
they had belonged to a building which projected beyond the present 
front of the wall ;; for the face of the small arch is rough, as if broken 
off. 9 At the beginning of this century, moreover, there appear to have 
been no signs of crenellation over these rectangular works, as if they 
were unfinished at the top, while there was an embrasure over every 
pier of the arcade. It is impossible to say what may have been the 
character of the building in front of the two last-mentioned arches ; 
but we may with great probability place here our third tower. 

The fact that the arcade was originally fitted to or furnished with 
towers has not, I believe, been noticed ; and it is singular that Sir H. 
Englefield should not have mentioned this destruction, which had only 
occurred some twenty-five years before he wrote. 

We may now turn to the arcade. It runs south from Biddle's gate, The 
as we have stated, for about 260 feet, and is composed of the walls, ca e ' 
four feet thick and thirty high, of Norman buildings of domestic and 
mercantile character, together with a fronting or masque of piers and 
arches of a more or less pointed character, applied against the former 
for additional strength. The work at the rear of the arcade is pure 
Norman, belonging apparently to the middle or early part of the 
twelfth century. Numerous door and window spaces may still be 
traced in this older work, several of which have been cut across or 
partially blocked by the arcading. 

The arches of the arcade are nineteen in number, or rather now 
we must say eighteen, since No. 10 has been filled in, as before 
explained. They are of various span, but the average is a trifle under 
eleven feet. The piers on which they are turned have a footing of 
eighteen inches above the ground, with a total height to the spring of 
the arches of about twelve feet, a breadth of 2 feet 2 inches, and a 
depth of 3 feet 3 inches from the more ancient wall. To this 
wall the piers are joined through their entire height, but between 
the arches which spring from them and the wall behind a wide chase 
is left, something like the groove for a portcullis, only having an 
average breadth of I foot 8 inches. The front work or masque 
raised upon these arches is bonded at unequal distances to the wall 
behind, at the parapet level, with long stones, which from below give 


the effect, as they served the purpose, of machicolations completely 
screened from view. An ample rampart walk was thus afforded with 
a strong breastwork in front, cleft by a somewhat narrow embrasure 
over every pier. 

Details of Commencing at Biddle's gate, the first of the series of arches 
differs from the others in being sharply pointed. Within this first bay, 
which is only 5 feet 3 inches in width, and extending into- the second, 
Englefield describes a low semicircular arch, now hidden behind the 
modern plinth. The second and third bays are each eleven feet broad ; 
the second containing a semicircular archway, which was filled up 
when this defence was made, and was pierced with a loophole still to 
be seen on the inner side of the wall ; similar loops being also observ- 
able at breast-height in other parts of this defence. The third arch- 
way, blank in Englefield's time, now contains a modern doorway lead- 
ing into a court beyond. There may also have been an opening above. 
We now come to one of the rectangular-looking works before men- 
tioned^ against which the arcading rests on both sides, and which is, 
therefore, probably more ancient than the arcade. It consists of two 
piers, each four feet broad, with a flat arch of 6 feet 4 inches- 
between. Within this archway to the left was a low Norman door- 
way. Arch No. 5 is 9 feet 3 inches in breadth : in the wall behind 
it there may be seen the trace of a small loop. The sixth, seventh, 
eighth, and ninth arches are each eleven feet broad. No. 6 has a 
semicircular arch in the wall behind it to the left ; No. 7, a segment- 
headed door and a Decorated niche ; No. 8, two ancient pointed door- 
ways, that to the right half hidden by the next pier ; that to the left 
probably opened in lieu of it, and now again in use as the entrance to 
a house in the rear ; No. 9, a blank wall, but now pierced by a car- 
penter's Gothic window belonging to the house behind. This brings 
us to the other rectangular work, presenting a breadth of pier or wall 
surface of over fourteen feet, as already described, and showing the 
remains of broken vaulting high above the modern street door. Next 
is the rebuilt flat arch of eighteen feet, and the pier of six feet beyond, 
also rebuilt, forming the remainder of the same rectangular work. 
The wall behind the broad arch is blank and bears traces of plaster 
on its surface. The arcade work commences again with the eleventh 
arch, that and the three next arches being each eleven feet wide. It 
contains behind it, according to Sir H. Englefield, a rough pointed 
arch, which may be concealed behind the plinth. Within No. 12 is 
the wide opening into Blue Anchor Court, over which, just within, is 
the date of this insertion, 1644, in the mayoralty of Thomas Mason. 
No. 13 may have had a couple of openings above; No. 14 contains one 
small loop. The fifteenth arch, 1 1 feet 9 inches wide, has within it 


the ancient postern, now called Blue Anchor, but formerly Lord's Lane Blue 
gate, and still more anciently Postern gate. This gate has been much 
cut away to obtain width, but the grooves of its portcullis remain in 
the head of the arch. No. 16 has within it on the ground-floor a large 
semicircular arch, the old entrance from the twelfth-century house 
behind to the quay or beach. In the second stage a plain double light 
Norman window existed in Englefield's time, but has since been im- 
proved into a common wooden loft door. This archway is n feet 
4 inches wide. Nos. 17 and 18 are each twelve feet wide. The wall 
behind No. 17 contains on the right one half of a lofty segment-headed 
opening cut off by the right pier, and on the left a segmental insertion 
of smaller proportions, possibly substituted for the other when the 
arcade was built. Above this latter opening is a good two-light Nor- 
man window with a loop to the right. No. 18, the last now in the 
arcade, has within it the wide modern opening of rough doors leading 
into the remains of the above twelfth-century house called King John's 
Palace. Over this till late years there existed another two-light Nor- 
man window, similar to the last, though partly cut off by the arcade; 
but all traces of this are now gone, and the wall is much patched 
about with brickwork. The arcading was continued farther south, 
but there are no means of judging how far. 

In estimating the probable date of this construction, attention must Date of 
be given to the character of the arcade, the style of the work displaced 
by it, and any documentary evidence which may bear on the matter. 
It is submitted that no trace exists in the arcade itself of Norman or 
even transitional character, and that there is nothing to negative its 
being of Edwardian origin. But special regard must be had to the 
character of the work against which it is built. Thus, turning to the 
foregoing description, we observe the piers of the arcade blocking up 
and cutting across, not only Norman windows of the date of King 
Stephen, but also a pointed archway (No. 8) and a segment (No. 17). 
These and probably more instances point to a much later age. 
General documentary evidence from murages and quayages indicates a 
great activity along this quarter in the Edwardian period ; more money 
was spent on the walls at that time than before or after. Whether or 
not in connection with the arcade, but certainly with the quay-work 
about this part, the burgesses had about 1326 constructed a wooden 
barbican towards the sea, which they subsequently constructed of stone, 
obtaining a ' barbican duty 3 for some years in consequence (see under 
Quays). Upon the whole, we venture to ascribe this partial conversion 
of Norman mercantile buildings for purposes of defence, the looping 
the wall, and the erection of the arcade, to the period marked out 
above the earlier part of the fourteenth century. 


Buildings Of the buildings in the rear, whose front openings we have de- 

' scribed, some of the houses (e.g., that in arch No. i) would seem to 
have had vaults below; in other cases the openings indicate floors on 
a different level. Immediately joining Biddle's gate there was an 
ancient building, into the remains of which the present Castle- 
house has been built. The first openings of the arcade were probably 
connected with this building. But there are two houses, separated by 
the postern gate, well known to students of ancient domestic architec- 
ture, which should be described here. 

Norman The more important of these houses is that to the south, occupying 

the space immediately behind the last three bays of the arcade. Its 
internal measurements are on the south side 44 feet, on the east 
41 feet, on the west along the town wall 35 feet, and on the north 
along Blue Anchor Lane 43 feet. The principal part of it is now 
a mere shell, the roof and ancient woodwork not having been re- 
placed, but a portion of the second floor immediately to the rear of 
the west wall has been kept up. The house was in two stages through- 
out, the chief rooms being on the second floor. In the north wall of 
this storey are the remains of a handsome Norman fireplace 1 in a fairly 
preserved state, with a perfect shaft in each jamb, and a chimney carried 
to the top of the building. On this floor were the only windows of 
the house, five in number, one being a mere loop and four of two lights 
each, all of which looked to the front or town-wall side, except one 
double window on the north, which faced the lane and the Norman 
house opposite. The double windows were divided into their two lights 
by a shaft with cap and base, except in the case of one (in arch- 
way 16), now gone, which seems to have been formed simply by the 
grouping of two small apertures. On the inside the windows are con- 
tained within round-headed recesses, having a bold round bead on their 
inner edge. On the same floor are the remains of an intramural 
passage which started from the middle of the east side and was carried 
to the south wall, where light was admitted by a small aperture, and 
then westward within the south side. It communicated with the town 
wall. Part of this fell away in 1866. On the ground-floor are two 
Norman doorways, one above mentioned under arch 16. Against the 
south wall and not bonded into it are two low piers, projecting some 
five feet, upon which arches have been turned, probably for cellar or 
stable accommodation. There are no traces of a staircase, which was 
probably therefore of wood and within the building. We have already 

1 Mr. J. K. Dymond, who has lately paid some attention to this building, 
has observed four courses of Roman bricks in the fireplace, not in the position of 
firebricks, but higher up, and, as he conjectures, for the sake of ornament and 
variety of colour. 


described the west exterior when speaking of the last three bays of the 
arcade. The north exterior in Blue Anchor Lane contains on the 
basement a Norman doorway, and farther on a later insertion. On 
the second stage are the chimney shaft, projecting from the wall like a 
flat Norman buttress and carried on a table of four corbels; and to the 
right of this, a two-lighted window divided by a shaft with cap and 
base, the weather having been excluded by wooden shutters. 

The house on the north of the lane was smaller, and owing to its 
having been constantly inhabited, and for some generations as an inn 
or lodging-house, it has preserved fewer original features. Its external 
measurements are, from west to east 45 feet, with a total depth from 
north to south of about 20 feet. It preserves in front the original 
Norman doorway., and in the rear some ancient work may be detected 
from Blue Anchor Court. 

The tradition which makes these houses, or the larger of them, to 
be King John's Palace is of recent origin, 1 and may be traced to Mr. 
Duthy, whose interesting posthumous work appeared in 1839; other 
local names have been given from the conjectures of Sir Henry Engle- 
field. There is no doubt, however, that John was frequently at South- 
ampton, and that he had here a ' king's house 5 or 'houses' separate 
from the castle platform, though not necessarily for his own dwelling 
purposes. ' King's houses' also existed in Winchester, Portsmouth, 
and many other places. 

Under 1189 and 1201, and other years, we have notices of the ( king's Where and 
houses' in the ' tower' or ( castle' of Hampton; and the hall spoken theting? 
of before, for the repair of which rafters from Knutswood were supplied houses? 
(9 John), may have been in the castle, also the king's gaol (7 H. III.); 
so also the king's court, for which a door was to be made without delay 
(8 H. III.) Walter de Karron was keeper of the ' king's houses' at two- 
pence a day in 1224, and Richard the Poor, Bishop of Sarum, the keeper 
also of Winchester and Porchester castles, in 1225. But the following 
entries relate either to houses which must have been distinct from any 
buildings on the lofty castle platform, or to a quay with which they 
were connected. In 1214 (16 John) the bailiffs of Southampton were 
directed to repair ' the quay of the castle ; ' and in the following year 
' our chamber, and our cellar of our castle, and likewise the quay of the 
same castle.' In 1218 (2 H. III.) the sheriff (county) is ordered to 
repair ' the cellar of our castle for the storing of our prisage wines, and 
likewise the quay of the same castle.' In August 1221 (5 H. III.), 
and in the year following, the king directed the bailiffs of Southampton 

1 But the tradition of King John's pond is much older. The pond, destroyed 
a few years ago, is mentioned by that name in the Court Leet Book of 1670. 


to repair ' our quay before our houses/ and, in November 1322, to 
repair without delay c our quay during the winter, lest owing to that 
quay any damage occur to our houses at Southampton ; ; and at a fitter 
season they were to carry out the work more perfectly. In 1225, too, 
writs direct the bailiffs to cause repairs ' upon our houses at Southamp- 
ton, and on our quay there ; ' and to repair the quay, ' that no loss 
occur to us on account of our houses through neglect of such repairs.' 1 
The house or houses here spoken of were certainly not much above 
high-water mark, and stood by or upon a quay connected apparently 
with the castle. Why should not the king's storehouses have been 
partly identical with the old castle vault and the chambers adjoining, 
the quay being a landing-place attached to the castle immediately 
below those chambers ? The e king's houses' may have been little more 
than offices connected with the storage department and the reception 
of royal dues in kind, over which it was needful to place a highly 
responsible official to look to the king's ' rights.' Such places may have 
been specially required for purposes of business connected with an ever- 
moving court; and some of them may have actually been erected on the 
quay, and of less substantial character than castle walls. Certainly 
there appears no reason why the monarch should have resided in Blue 
Anchor Lane, or elsewhere, when he had at his command the ample 
space of the Norman fortress. 2 

West gate. We have already described the walls as far as West gate. This is a 
plain rectangular work, flush with the wall in front and without but- 
tresses, 23 feet broad and 30 deep. It is in three stages, 3 the lowest of 
which is pierced by a roadway 10 feet wide, covered by a low pointed 
vaulting, and formerly kept by a heavy doorway set back towards the 
middle of the vaulting, having a couple of portcullises to defend it on 
the side away from the town ; while immediately on the inside there is 
a wide chase, 18 inches broad, which suggests some arrangement for 
preventing the door being forced. The flanks and headway of this 
central doorcase have as usual been much cut and pared for the sake 
of width, and its original features can hardly be detected. In the 
vaulting between the two portcullis grooves may be observed nine aper- 
tures, three along the crown line, and three in the haunch on each side, 
for the purpose of worrying a foe from above : they are about six inches 
square at the mouth, but diminish upwards. The gate defences were 
worked from the second stage, above which is a third, surmounted by 

1 See printed Close Rolls, under dates. 

2 So late as Queen Elizabeth, royalty dates missives * from our tower of 
Southampton.' See last chapter below. 

3 The tower over West gate was constantly called, and let as, the Pigeon 
House. In 1642 the rent was 135. 4d. (Steward's books). 


a crenellation of two embrasures, front and back, and of three on each 
side, the whole being capped by a plain roof. On the town side a stair- 
way, immediately to the left and adjoining the tower, leads to the 
rampart walk 011 the walls. 

This gateway has stood fairly well through many vicissitudes. An 
early notice of paving occurs in connection with it in 1441. l ' Payd ]?e 
x daye of Marche to Emond Pavyer . . . for pawynge of J>e West hethe 
3ate, viij s . Item, payd j?e x daye of Marche for xviij lodys of stonys 
fro J?e Waty^ate to ]?e West hethe 3ate to ]?e seyd pavynge, I s . viijV 
One of the last notices of this gate occurs in the Journal for February 
15, 1744-45, when its portcullis was ordered to be removed as a ' nui- 
sanse, and of no manner of use.' 

From West gate the curtain stretches for about 230 feet, with a 
south-west inclination slightly convex, having a broad rectangular 
bastion of no great depth on its front, as far as the early eighteenth- 
century house of Madame Maes, beyond which there appears a lofty 
arch something similar to those of the arcade^ connected with a tower 
of which some vestiges remain. Immediately in the rear of this wall, 
starting almost from West gate, is a curious fifteenth-century timber 
house on a stone basement, built against the town wall, but preserving 
the rampartwalk throughout its length, along which defenders might pass 
without interfering with the house or houses, the ( walk ' being entered 
from the side of West gate, as mentioned above. A similar arrange- 
ment was observed in other parts of the town. The length of this 
building, originally divided into two principal chambers, is about sixty 
feet; its width, exclusive of the rampart walk, about twenty feet; the 
roof is extremely good. 

To the south of the tower and behind the wall is a plot of ground 
formerly called the ( Spanish burial-ground/ 

The tower just spoken of was probably that called ( Bugle Tower 5 Bugle 
' the tower beneath Bull Hall Garden > 2 Bull or Bugle Hall being just T wer ' 
above it on the east. The ancient shore or quay seems to have come 
as far south as the tower, and there to have stopped. 

From this point the wall still exists in ruins, or is to be traced, run- 
ning south-east by east for 300 feet, as far as the remains of a square 
tower probably that called Square or Corner Tower in the books 3 Square or 
at the entrance to Cuckoo Lane, adjoining the modern Bugle Hall. Tower. 

On the face of the wall, a little short of f Square Tower/ are to be 
seen the arms of the town under a Tudor moulding, together with 
several huge gunstones worked into the wall, in memory, as some have 

Steward's books. 2 Court Leet Books, 1571, and Muster Books. 

3 Ibid., 1625, and ditto. 


supposed, of the direful French invasion of a previous century, when 
the town was burned. The foe are believed to have landed in this 
quarter, which was formerly called the ' Gravel/ The arms may per- 
haps mark the rebuilding of this portion of 'the defences in the six- 
teenth century. 

From Square Tower the wall passed the ends of Bugle Street and 
French Street, and joined the Water-gate, which crossed the High or 
English Street. This portion of the wall was removed in consequence 
of quay extension improvements by the Harbour Commissioners under 
the Act of 1803, but a portion of it appears again in front of Castle 
Hotel, near where it joined the Water-gate. In its convex sweep of 
St. Barbara about 6oo.feet from Corner Tower there were two towers St. Barbara's 
bridge and Woolbridge the latter ' the round tower at the corner of Wool- 
house ; n which building, judging from the direction of the watch 
patrols of the sixteenth century, in which it is mentioned, must have 
been in this locality, and may have been the ancient store at the south- 
east corner of French Street, near the present mouth of Porter's Lane, 
which, at one time called Le Cheyne, 2 was afterwards called sometimes 
Wool Street, and may have had more than one building in it devoted 
to the trade (see next paragraph). 

Porter's This lane formerly ran behind the wall at the ends of Bugle Street 

and French Street, having been much more extensive than at present, 
and forming the connection between the streets at the south end of the 
town. Commencing at its ancient mouth is a fine old building at the 
south-east corner of Bugle Street, a memorial of the town's mercantile 
grandeur in the Middle Ages, presenting the appearance of an ancient 
hall of remarkably solid construction : it has a Spanish chestnut roof, 
and curious cylindrical buttresses along the street. Its length is about 
80 feet, breadth 40 feet. This building was certainly called the ' wey-hous' 
and 'wolhous' in the middle of the fourteenth century. 3 It is now 
usually known, from its more recent occupation, as the ' Spanish prison/ 
Immediately on the north of this building was an ancient lane. 
Adjoining it on the east, and all along the southern quay, are traces of 
handsome stores of considerable importance. At the south-east angle 
of French Street is the ancient store which may have been called the 
'Wool House' in the sixteenth century it was certainly close to this 
spot; or 'Canute's Palace/ which adjoined this store, may have been 
the 'Wool House/ 

1 Court Leet Books, 1625 ; Lib. Rem. H. f. 14, 17 Muster Books, &c. 

2 Part of this was probably the holding of John Slegh a void piece of ground 
called La Chayne, worth 35. 46. granted him for good conduct in 1382 (Pat. 5 
R. II. p. i, m. 12). 

3 Deeds of R. Mascall, 1365, R. Bechefounte, 1388 (Westhall docs.), &c. 


' Canute's Palace/ so known since the publication of Sir H. 'Canute's 
Englefield's 'Walk/ is an interesting relic of a late twelfth century P 
house which has been gradually destroyed,, and will, it must be feared, 
be swept away under modern improvements. Sir Henry Engle- 
field has accurately described this building as it existed in his 
time. 1 Its front extended in feet, being probably the whole of the 
original frontage : the height to the top of the wall was seventeen 
feet, the ground may have risen some two feet. The building is in two 
storeys, a string-course ten feet from the ground runs below the upper 
windows. Formerly there were two ancient archways in the basement ; 
above, in the middle, were the two large Norman windows, something 
of which still remain, and which appear to have formed part of a 
composition of three; on the right of these windows were remains of 
two other Norman two-light windows, more or less perfect; on the 
left hand were two others symmetrically placed, and beyond these a 
single-light opening. The thickness of the front wall is 2 feet 9 
inches; the back wall appears to have run about 16 feet 8 inches 
in the rear, so that the whole interior^ having no traces of partition 
walls in stone, represented two long galleries, one upon the other, of 
about 105 by 16 feet 8 inches. The wide central windows are dropped 
two feet below the string-course^ and probably came down to the floor. 
Sir Henry Englefield erroneously conjectured that this interesting 
building might have been Canute's Palace, and from his time the 
tradition obtained that it was such. It may have been a building for 
commercial no less than residential purposes, possibly forming part of a 
larger plan ; and the wide and low windows, before which there could 
have been originally no town wall, may have been designed on a plan 
of convenience for taking in stores. 

Before 1833 about thirty feet of the front from the west angle had 
been destroyed to make way for a mean house; since then further 
dilapidations have occurred. 

The Water-gate crossed the High Street a few feet to the rear of Water- 
the ancient machicolations still to be observed on the front of Castle S ' 
Hotel and slightly to the north of the present entrance to Winkle 
Street. Thus that street would have been left without the gate had 
not the wall struck boldly out to sea south-east by south from the east 
side of the gate to a lofty round tower Watch Tower on the sea- Watch 
line at the distance of about no feet, now marked by the bow window Tower - 
of the Sun Hotel, which stands on its basement. On its west side the 
gate was recessed . and protected by the rounded curtain or flanking 
tower, while on the east its approaches were completely covered, as 

1 Archseologia, xiv. 8489. 


was also a considerable part of the quay, by this salient wall of no 

Winkle feet. The original entrance to Winkle Street from the High Street 

Street. V vas by a narrow passage, the mouth of which opened a little due east 

of the gate; thus the street or alley very much followed the bend of the 

wall ; l and in old times its mouth in the High Street was crossed by 

the archway of the ancient custom-house, or of a house adjoining. 

We know from the Steward's book of 1468 and other sources that the 

Custom- " kynges custum hows dore ' was ' by J>e Water gate/ and ' j gret gonne 

upon wheles ' stood before it. 

The above arrangement of walls and gate was at length found in- 
convenient. The Water-gate blocked the bottom of the High Street, 
and there was no communication whatever with the quay except through 
that gate. The sea washed the town walls on each side of the quay ; 
and the only way from the platform, that is, from the land side on the 
east, was through Godhouse gate and Winkle Street, with its bend 
Water- northward. In 1789 a postern was ordered to be made at Water-gate 
Postern, to increase the accommodation ; and it may have been carried through 
the rounded curtain or flanking tower on the west side. But this addi- 
tional help was insufficient; and shortly after a breach was made in 
the wall on the other side, adjoining and immediately to the south of 
the gate, a house which had been built against the wall being removed 
for the purpose of connecting the quay more directly with Godshouse 
gate and the platform beyond. This breach is represented by the present 
entrance into Winkle Street, after the opening of which the disposition 
of the houses on the north became slightly altered, and the former 
narrow mouth of the street built over. The loss of the abutment of 
the above wall and house (in August 1800) shook the gate ; some of its 
machicolations fell, and the structure remained an object of desolation 
till it was removed in 1804, with some ancient buildings attached to it. 
Among these were part of the curtain on the west, and the ancient 
custom-house on the east flanking of the gate. 

Water-gate was a wide and deep structure, with a low pointed arch 
and the usual defences to its opening. Above was a boldly projecting 
parapet with seven machicolations : all the windows in the second 
stage faced the High Street. 

Water- This gate, like the Bar, was formerly adorned with lions and the 

royal arms. Thus, in May 1501, ' Hew Carpenter ' was paid for ( iij 
peces of tymber for the lyons at the Water-gate, v .' : other payments 
occur about these lions. Also f payd to John Stayner and his 

1 Winkle, sometimes from Vinkel, a corner (suggestion of Mr. Ferguson in 
'Northmen in Cumberland'), see Notes and Queries, 6th series, vol. v. p. 476. 
In the present case, probably a more commonplace derivation may serve. 


felow for makyng of the armys at the Water-gate, xiij s iiijV l Under 
April 1609 we find this entry : ' Ordered that the king's majesty's 
armes shalbe sett upp in a frame uppon the Water-gate in the outer 
side thereof towards the sea betwene the two lyons.' 2 There were a 
couple of large brackets supported 011 corbels, one over each haunch of 
the arch, for what purpose does not appear. A print of 1784 shows a 
modern pediment, crowned and flanked with pinnacles rising out of 
the roof of the gate just behind the corbel table ; it seems to have been 
furnished with a sun-dial. 

This gate probably was not erected much before the reign of Richard 
II. It is mentioned in a patent 3 of the first year of that king; but it 
was still called the 6 New gate ' novam portam vocatam Water-gate 
in a patent of the twentieth year. 4 It seems indeed to have been left 
incomplete, since the roofing-in of the tower over Water-gate or 
' Flood-gate/ as it was also called formed part of the stipulation in a 
lease of that tower, with one contiguous on the west, granted by the 
mayor and community to William Ravenston, burgess, for the term of 
twenty years from Michaelmas 1403. He was to render all services 
due to the capital lords of the fee, and render to the mayor one red rose 
each St. John Baptist's Day. 5 

Oddly enough we find the whole work in a weak and ruinous con- 
dition a few years later; and William Soper, a wealthy and patriotic 
burgess, possibly the builder of the ships 'Holy Ghost' and ' Grace 
Dieu ' in 1414, or his immediate descendant, having put the towers in 
repair at his own heavy cost, received a lease of the premises from 
September 1439 for the term of a hundred and twenty years, at the 
annual tribute, as before, of one red rose on the Nativity of St. John 
Baptist. The premises are thus described. The lessee was to hold, 
from the Watch-bell station 6 to the east of the gate, the Gate Tower 
itself with its western flanking, and a void plot of ground beyond as 
far as the first stone-way leading up to the ramparts on the west. This 
was in a line with the south side of the present Porter's Lane. In 

1 Steward's Book, 1501. 2 Journal. 

3 A void place by <le Water-gate' had been granted to John Slegh in 1377 
(Pat. i R. II. pt. 6. rn. 16). 

4 Quit-claim from W. Brugis and Gilbert Harry, chaplains, to Walter Nicoll 
and Elena his wife of a cellar and bakehouse ' in venella jacente inter novam 
portam vocatam Water-gate et portam lanarum ; ' the premises were thus in 
Porter's Lane. Date Oct. 21 (1396), 20 R. II. (among Corporation documents). 

5 Lease dated August 1403 (4 H. IV.) 

6 A quodam gradu et loco ubi jam pendet le Watchebelle ex parte orientali, 
&c. There was a watch-tower on the town walls over God's House Conduit in 
this position just to the east of Watergate in 1615, 1618, 1670, &c. (See. 
Court Leet Books.) 



addition to this, on the east side of the gate, he obtained an equally 
important grant of the void plot of ground or street between Water-gate 
on the west and the house of a certain John Bacon on the east. He 
had permission to build over this space afresh, provided he left between 
the said John Bacon's house and his newly to be erected edifice a 
certain highroad (via regalis), 13 feet broad, with a headway of at 
least 1 6 feet below the solars or upper chambers, which he might con- 
Winkie struct over it. This was, no doubt, the original mouth into Winkle 
Street. The above dimensions were specified to ensure proper room 
for the passing of carts and men-at-arms and their serving-men with 
lances and arms. The premises thus demised extended southward 
towards the town wall, and the lessee was to be furnished with the 
key of a wicket made in the great gate, outside of which he probably 
possessed some sheds. William Soper covenanted for himself and his 
successors to repair and maintain the towers and all buildings erected 
or to be erected on the premises, and in time of war to defend the same, 
with their own arms and at their proper costs. The Corporation had 
the right of re-entry if the buildings fell out of repair, and so remained 
for a whole year. 1 It does not appear when Soper's tenancy actually 
ended, but John Ingoldsby, the recorder, surrendered a lease of the 
towers at Water-gate in May 1477 (17 Ed. IV.) 2 A somewhat similar 
grant of the Water-gate Tower and e mansion ' adjoining was made in 
the mayoralty of John Walssh, in April 1496, to Richard Palshid, 
who obtained licence to erect a solar or solars between the Gate Tower 
and the Custom-house, leaving a space below for the lading and 
unlading of carts, &c., so as to be no hindrance to the business of the 
town. 3 He had alsoa'skelyng' or shed by the gate just outside the walls. 
Palshid was to bear all the burdens of war and defence, and enjoy his 
premises for eighty-four years at an annual rent of twelve pence. 4 He 
was holding the property in 1509^ the town-clerk at that period being 
Richard Palshid, perhaps the same person. A hundred years later 
(September 1609), the lease of the ' house over the Water-gate,' which 
he had held from Robert Knaplock, was renewed for forty years 
to James Courtney in his own name ; but no topographical marks 

From Watch Tower below Water-gate, the wall, some vestiges of 
which still remain, passed eastward with a southerly inclination for 
about 250 feet, when it touched the south flanking of God's House 

1 Lease and counterpart (one of these is exhibited at the Hartley Institution). 
For the will of W. Soper, see Lib. Niger, fol. 54. 

2 Deed in Audit House. 

3 Quoddam solarium sive quasdam solaria in alto et non in basso edificanda. 

4 Indenture in Lib. Niger, fol. 67. 5 Steward's Books. 



gate, thus forming the south-east corner of the town, the gate itself 
standing east and west. This portion of the wall did not exist at the 
end of the thirteenth century, as we have proof that the south side of 
the quadrangle of God's House was exposed to the sea. 1 

In order to describe God's House gate and the adjacent work at God's 
right angles with it, we will take our stand on the platform or quay, 
which gives one of the most striking views the town affords. The work - 
gatehouse is a plain oblong structure in two stages, 23 feet deep and 
30 feet broad, with its south end projecting as an obtuse angle beyond 
the line of the south wall. A lofty vaulted roadway, 10 feet wide, 
pierced through it, communicates with Winkle Street ; and no other 
ancient opening occurs on the basement, which was used as a dungeon. 
This roadway is divided longitudinally in the middle by the heavy arch 
of a doorcase, now much cut away. Its front was defended by a port- 
cullis, between the chase of which and the central doorway the vault 
is supported by two massive cross ribs; while in the rear of the central 
arch three ribs of slighter proportions carry the vaulting on rather a 
higher level. The appearance of this gateway from below is decidedly 
handsome. The second stage is lighted by three single windows, with 
one in each face of the angular projection probably enlargements 
from loops and one in the rear looking up Winkle Street. The 
whole is capped by a plain roof with eaves. 

The position of the gateway passage at the extreme right was partly 
governed by the necessities of the town wall, which abutted on the 
opposite side within. It must also be noticed that the gatehouse was 
in existence before the erection of the handsome gallery and tower to 
our right, which have in effect thrust the old entrance into a corner. 
These latter buildings belong to the close of the fourteenth or begin- 
ning of the fifteenth century, while the gatehouse may be placed a 
hundred years earlier. The object of the addition was to secure a more 
extensive flank defence for the gate and completely cover its approach, 
which along the length of the new building was a shore-way of no 
more than 30 feet wide. The tower also was constructed to protect 
the sluices of the ditch, while a large additional accommodation was 
afforded by the whole for troops and stores. 

This handsome work projects at right angles with the gate about Details of 
85 feet from its north flank. The building connecting the gate with 
the tower is about 55 feet in length by 30 feet in depth, and is in two 
floors, the lower of which had no apertures on this side, but the upper 
is adorned by a loop or oillet next the gatehouse, and by three good 
flat-headed two-light Perpendicular windows. A coped parapet sur- 

1 See under ' God's House.' 


mounts the front. The tower called sometimes God's House Tower/ 
from its proximity to that house is a finely proportioned structure 
of three stages with bold corner buttresses, those at the open corners 
being diagonal, divided into stages, and finally setting off at the parapet 
line. The upper storeys are furnished with flat-headed two-light 
windows, one in each open side ; and the whole is crowned by a large 
and strong battlement work, having only one embrasure, very widely 
splayed on every side, designed for fire-artillery. A staircase turret on 
a squinch between the wall and left-hand buttress leads out of the top 
storey to the flat roof and parapet. Beneath the basement is an arched 
space, through which the canal projected at the beginning of this 
century was to have passed, the sluices of the original ditch having 
been in the same position. The south front of the tower has been 
sadly mutilated by the partial defacement of the original windows 
and the insertion of various openings to accommodate its compara- 
tively recent use as the town prison. Yet it is in a better condition 
now than a few years ago. The sheds and buildings at its foot on the 
south and east sides, in connection with its former occupation, having 
been cleared away, it stands out in something of its pristine dignity. 

The earliest mention of this tower which I have found is in the 
account of military stores l in 1468, when, among other things, we find 
in e Goddes hows towr j broken gonne. Item in ]?e sam towr ij holl 
gonnes and j serpentyne. Item in |?e sam towr x chawmbres for gonnes 
and serpentynes. Also in ]?e sam towr a gret spruce cheste w* xix 
chawmbres longyng to )?e Orgons after specifyed. Item in )?e sarn 
chest j baner steyned vp on lynyne cloth w t J?e kynges armes and oder. 
Item in J?e same towre iij hold pollaxis. Item in )>e sam towr . . . iij 
qrtes of barell gonne powder. Item in ]?e sam towr gonne stones of 
dyvers sorts.' 

Mill-house. Close by the tower was the ' Mill-house,' which I am unable to 
identify, unless indeed the connecting building between the tower and 
gate were so called, or it were in the angle of the town wall overlooking 
the ditch to the rear of this spur-work, and protected by it. At all 
events, it occurs in the account of the defences between God's House 
Tower and the tower next to it in the east wall. The Mill-house 
was on the curtain, as apparently guns might be ranged from it: 
' Item paid to labores that sette owte the gonnes of the Mille-house, 
iiijV 2 It was also a receptacle for military stores : ' Item in the same 
hows j gret brokyn chawmbre Y servedd for a gonne callyd Thomas w* 
]?e Berd [beard], the wheche seyd gonne called Thomas w* )?e Berd, 
new bownd and pencylled, as in J?is sam bok shew*, w* ij holle chawm- 

1 Steward's Books, 1468. 2 Ibid., 1469. 


bres to J?e sam, w l viij gonne stones and viij tampons to )>e same were 
delyuered by Master Andrew James, leftenaunt, J>e xxx day of May 
An viij R. E. iiij to my lord Scales by endenture, as y onderstond. 
Item in the towr next Goddes hows towr in pe est party ij gonnes. 
Item in Gebon Cornmongers towr ij gonnes w* chawmbres. Item in 
Mechell Lukes towre ij gonnes w* vj chawmbres.' These were the first 
three towers up the east side. 

In connection with the preceding may be placed the following: 
' Item rec d of Syr John Walker for ij howses, J) 1 is the Longhouse 
afore Goddyshowsse w* a skelyng and a gardyn w* the stabelys beside 
the Mylle, paying yerly to the Toune and he to repayre hit . . vi s . 
viijV 1 The Longhouse with its stable and loft before God's House is 
frequently mentioned, 2 and is probably to be identified with the Per- 
pendicular building whose remains we see opposite God's House, with 
the town wall behind it. 

Leland describes the tower or South Castle as a 'castelet welle 
ordinauncid to bete that quarter of the haven/ This was in 1546. 
No subsequent notes of interest have been found about it. 

The circumstances have been already related under which the old Town 
tower became the town gaol in 1775. It was but ill adapted for the S " 
purpose, and the condition of the borough gaols became a subject of 
frequent complaint within a few years. The establishment at the 
South Castle embraced a gaol for felons and debtors and a Bridewell, 
the gaoler in each case being one of the sergeants-at-mace^ who by 
ancient custom received the prisons to eke out their salaries. 

The Bridewell was over the gate, and had been settled here since 
1707. The keeper's salary was 1 in addition to his payment of ^15 as 
sergeant-at-mace. There was a surgeon, but no chaplain. Prisoners were 
allowed the usual sixpence a day, and a bushell of coals weekly among 
them all. The premises subsequently they embraced Solent Cottage 
and Platform House consisted in 1810 of three rooms, a dayroom 
about 15 feet square, and two bedrooms each 12 feet by 9 feet. There 
was also a room in the keeper's house for those who paid four shillings 
per week. The borough allowed a crib bedstead, straw-in-ticking bed, 
two blankets and rug for each. There was no courtyard, nor any 
employment for the prisoners, nor a proper division between the sexes. 

The debtors' prison was in the tower. The gaoler received no 
salary, but was paid by fees, these being: entrance, four shillings; 

1 Steward's Books, 1486. 

2 e.g. t Steward's Books, 1469, 1493. In 1474 the Longhouse was let in two 
tenements under the arrangement of Ric. Gryme, the lieutenant : the part towards 
the west at forty shillings, that towards the east at thirty shillings per annum. 


discharge, two shillings of first action; ten shillings the second, and 
every other action ; and two shillings to the turnkey. A surgeon was 
sent by the mayor when wanted. The allowance to paupers was 
sixpence a day, and a bushell of coals per week served for the whole 
prison. The wards consisted .of two rooms, with glazed windows and 
fireplaces, 16 feet by 12 feet each, to which the Corporation allowed a 
bedstead with woollen mattress, two blankets and a rug. The room at 
the top of the tower was furnished by the keeper, for which he charged 
two shillings and sixpence per week. There was a small courtyard (46 
feet by 36 feet) attached ; it was well supplied with water, not paved, 
and ducks and fowls were kept in it. 

The felons' gaol was within the gallery, between the tower and the 
gatehouse. The gaoler, who at the beginning of this century was also a 
tailor, received a salary of ^20, in addition to ^15 as sergeant, but he 
had no fees. There was no chaplain, nor was divine service ever per- 
formed ; there was, however, a surgeon. The allowances were sixpence 
a day each, and one fire for all, a bushel of coals being apportioned 
for the week. A narrow slip, 34 feet by 7 feet, immediately behind 
the front wall, was the only courtyard ; it was furnished with a stone 
sink ami a pump, frequently without water, especially in summer. 
There were four small rooms for prisoners, each about n feet square, 
with iron grated and glazed windows and fireplaces. Each of these 
had a bedstead with straw-ticking bed, two blankets, and a rug ; but 
there was no proper separation of men and women. The entrance to 
the prison was through a small square door inserted in the wall, 
and now again filled up, immediately to the left of the recent store 
opening. Over the door was painted, ' Pray remember the poor 
prisoners' box. n 

With the increase of population the evils of the old gaol were 

intensified. The Commissioners of 1835 reported its condition as very 

bad ; and at this time the population of the borough had risen to nearly 

20,000. It was finally abandoned upon the erection of a new and 

spacious gaol in 1854-55 ; but this has been closed under the operation 

of the Prisons Act, 1877. Upon the removal of the gaol, the South 

Castle remained vacant, until the gatehouse and gallery were again 

brought into requisition, at the end of 1875 an< ^ * n tne Y ear following, 

Spur-work for permanent storage accommodation. The business of the town was 

TumecHnto so ra pidly increasing that all available space was needed. In conse- 

stores. quence of which, the old buildings were cleared of every vestige of their 

former occupation with the exception of the tower. When gutted, the 

basement of the gallery was seen to have been covered with a groined 

1 Imperial ar.d County Register for 1810 ; Gentleman's Magazine, October 1810. 


vault ; at the west end a newel staircase, now removed, communicated 
with the floor above, and with the chamber over the gateway by means 
of a mural stairway branching from it, which latter portion still re- 
mains. Out of this chamber another passage, through its north-east 
angle, constructed in the thickness of the wall, and betraying some 
sign of itself across the hollow angle outside, still admits into the long 
gallery, lighted by its three perpendicular windows, over the formerly 
vaulted basement. When clearing the buildings, occasion was taken 
to restore carefully the south and east fronts, every external feature of 
the original being preserved. Two doorways were, however, inserted, 
one of large dimensions in the basement of the gallery, and a smaller 
in the south-east face of the gateway flank. It is to be hoped that 
when the time comes the handsome tower may be well treated : it 
wants but to have its prison windows abolished and the old lights 
fully opened out. 

Before passing on, we may remark the statue in terra cotta of the statue of 
late Prince Consort, presented to the town by Sir Frederick Perkins in consort. 
1877. It does not appear to advantage in this position, while the 
venerable tower and adjacent buildings owe nothing to its presence. 

From the north-west corner of the spur- work just described the East wall, 
wall is seen above the houses in front of it as far as a half-round 
tower, 23 feet in diameter, at the distance of 160 feet, into which a 
small house has been built. Farther on, at a distance of about 90 feet, 
are the remains of a small rectangular tower, 22 feet broad ; and at 
another distance of about 90 feet is the root of a second rectangular 
tower, 30 feet broad. These two last were conjectured by Sir H. 
Englefield, probably erroneously, to have been added in the time of 
Edward VI. ; l Mr. Clarke considers them much older, and perhaps bear- 
ing out this view we have an entry of the towers c by the Friars' being 
let for two shillings in 1509 : these rectangular towers being just behind 
the Friary. 2 Nothing remains of the other towers as far as East gate, 
so that no means exist of comparing their relative age. But it may be 
observed that while Leland (1546) says ' there be vj fair tourres in the 
walle betwixt the Est gate and the South gate/ the Muster Book of 
1544 enumerates seven, and possibly omits one as too small for special 
defence. Speed's map (1596) gives eight, in which number both 
Englefield and Dr. Speed 3 agree, six 4 being circular and two square. 
The wall is traceable along much of this line. Leland says of East gate 

1 Buller's Englefield, p. 9. 2 Steward's Books. 

3 On his plan. 

4 One of these, of which I have a drawing, crossed the pavement of the 
modern Bridge Street on the south side, where Back-of-the-Walls runs into it. 
Another tower 'behind the Star' often occurs in the books. 


Eastgate. that it is ' stronge, but nothing so large as the Barre-gate.' It was a 
heavy structure, with flanking towers projecting boldly into the ditch. 
Grose's drawing, taken in 1772, seems to suggest that the front part of 
the gate had been thrown out beyond its flankings, something after the 
manner of the Bargate. Its front was defended by four rows of loops, 
two in each row, one above the other : the mouth of its entrance being 
kept by a portcullis, behind which was a heavy door. The east front 
had prominent diagonal buttresses setting off at the corbel table, 
on which,, in place of battlements, were large embrasures for fire- 
artillery, one in each of the three fronts. In 1670 the ancient bridge 
before the gate was pulled down and rebuilt of one arch eight feet 
wide, with stone taken from the castle. The mason found all other 
materials and received jP8. In 1775 leave was granted to the Com- 
missioners of Pavement to take down Eastgate, on paying ,16 to the 
Corporation. There was a chapel over Eastgate dedicated to St. Mary. 
Agnes le Horder 1 left a bequest to it in 1348. In 1641 we find the 
chapel let to Alderman Exton, together with a tenement and garden 
close by. It had apparently for many years been desecrated, and let 
as a warehouse. 2 Between Eastgate and the north-east corner of the 
town there was one small tower, as we know from the Muster Books, 
Lelandj and Speed (1596) ; but it must have disappeared in Englefield's 
time, as he does not mention it. Its site is shown on the Ordnance 
Survey as just south of the East Street Brewery; it may have been 
the tower called 'Little Tower 5 in the Journal of March 3, 1775. 
St. Denys's At the north-east corner of the walls stand the remains of St. Denys's 
mond 7 " Tower, or Polymond's, as it is styled in the Muster Book of 1544. It 
Tower. was a drum, 38 f ee t in diameter, in three stages ; and in November 
1828 leave was granted to remove the two upper storeys, and in the 
following month the whole. However, there are considerable remains 
to this day. Leland speaks of it as very fair and strong; Englefield de- 
scribes it as having been a high round tower, which seemed to have been 
built with embrasures for cannon. In 1468 it was furnished with 
' j gonne w* owght chawmbres.' Afterwards heavy guns were provided 
for this tower. In 1654 it had fallen into great decay; one great gun 
on the top of the tower had a rotten carriage, ' and the whole loft on 
which the said gun standeth is rotten, and in great danger of a sudden 
fall. Allso there is another great gun on the rampier by the said tower 
nere buried in the ground, which we desire may be carried to the 
tower' i.e., God's House Tower. From the position of this last gun 
we may perhaps gather that there was a work in front of St. Denys's 

1 Addit. 15, 314, pp. 85,^86. 2 Steward's Books, 1641-42. 

THE WALLS. 1 05 

Turning westward towards Bargate, much of the wall remains be- 
hind the houses; there are also the remnants of two half-round towers, 
which we have noticed before, the former of these, distant 160 feet from 
St. Denys's Tower, having a diameter of 16 feet; the latter about 120 
feet farther, with a diameter of 22 feet. Another distance of about 
1 20 feet brings us again to the Bargate. 

From the Muster Book of 1544 we learn certain other details of 
the walls, together with the names, number, and position of the 

From Catchcold to West-gate there were 79 loopholes in the wall ; to *544- 
each of these men were assigned, the town being then divided into eight crenels 
parts for the purpose of defence, a certain specified district (see under m 
f Watch and Ward ') being assigned for the safeguard of each piece of 
wall. From West gate to St. Barbara's Tower were 59 loopholes ; from 
St. Barbara's to God's House Tower were 56 loops ; then on to the Friar's 
Garret or Tower, next beneath the Friars, 53 loops ; then to the tower 
behind Holy Rood Church, 52 loops ; thence to the East gate, 49 loops ; 
from East gate to Bargate, including what were over East gate, there 
were 53 loops ; from Bargate to Catchcold, including 22 over the gate, 
there were 64 loops. It is evident that, at all events, over the gates, if 
not entirely so, the crenels or embrasures in the battlements are meant 
in the above enumeration. 

From an assignment for the defence of the towers made by the Towers 
mayor and his brethren at the same date we gather the following names 
and curious particulars. 

Arundel Tower and one little tower towards Bargate were assigned 
to the shoemakers, curriers, cobblers, and saddlers. Bargate Tower with 
one little tower towards Polymond's was held by the town ; the next 
small tower and Polymonds were assigned to William Knight and John 
Capleyn. The next little tower towards East gate, and the East gate 
Tower itself, were intrusted to the goldsmiths, blacksmiths, lockiers, 
pewterers, and tinkers. Next come seven towers enumerated from 
East gate to God's House Tower. The first five were known by the 
names of the citizens opposite whose gardens they stood ; the sixth was 
over against the Friars; the seventh was next to God's House Tower: 
for the keeping of these no appointment had as yet been made. God's 
House Tower, the Watch Tower, and Water-gate Tower were kept by 
the town. The tower by the Wool-house was given to the mercers 
and grocers; that f callyd now St. Barbara's Towre and the Corner 
Towre next to Beaulieu Selde ' were assigned to the brewers and bakers. 
The tower behind Bull Hall was given to the coopers; West gate to 
Mr. Baker ; the tower behind Thomas Marsh's house to the vintners, 
mariners, and lightermen; that against Mr. Huttoft's to the weavers, 



Decay of 

walls and 

Back of 
the walls. 


fullers, and cappers ; and the tower next ' Bedille's gate ; to the butchers, 
fishers, and chandlers. 

Having completed our survey of the walls, l we may finish the story 
of their decay. The keeping in repair a mile and an eighth, or more, 
of walls and towers had been a burden for centuries, and, to do the 
townfolk justice, they had never disguised their grief. They seem to 
have taken revenge on the walls and towers as soon as the necessity for 
such protection was relaxed. In 1550 Mr. Mylles, who may have been 
the recorder, wanting to cart some chalk into his premises, calmly 
opened a passage through the town wall, and stuffed the hole with clay 
and stone, 'which/ say the leet jury, 'we thincke ys not sufficient; 
whrefore we require yt to be made w* lyme and stone as the rest of 
the walle ys for the safegard of the same.' 

It was of course essential in a fortified town to have a clear and 
passable way at the rear of the walls. On the east or more remote side 
of the town this seems to have been a frequent difficulty from one 
cause or other. The gardens of the High Street (many of them) ran 
down to the Back-of-the-Walls; and by custom the inhabitants on the 
east side of the town were bound to keep that passage properly gravelled. 
This they not seldom neglected. A complaint to this effect occurs in 
1566. But a few years later we find this roadway choked with houses, 
and in 1596 the court leet wake as from a dream, and make the 
following extraordinary presentment : 

' We present that all the small Towers behinde the east side of the towne 
bowses within the Towne walls are all converted into dwellinge howses of verie 
poore people w ch is like to growe into great inconvenience as well for endama- 
geringe the Towne by harbouringe of lewde persons therein as impayringe the 
walles in that they have all of them made great wholes through the walles for 
their lights, whereof we pray redresse.' 2 

In 1606 the mayor was desired to see to the repairs of the walls, 
and to charge the expense in his accounts. In 1650 a certificate of 
their decay was sealed and directed to the barons of the Exchequer. 
During the spring and summer of 1667, under apprehension from the 
Dutch, the fortifications of Southampton, with those of Portsmouth, 
Calshot, and the Isle of Wight, were put in order under the eye of the 
Lord Gerard. By April 9 the fortifications of the town and dock of 
Southampton were going on at great pace, three companies of foot 
being wholly engaged on the work. 3 In 1676 the portcullises were still 
in working order but beginning to be disregarded, as about that time 

1 A further notice of the walls and towers will be found under ' Watch and 

2 Court Leet Books. 3 Calendar State Papers under date. 


raids seem to have been made on the sheers and ropes by which they 
were worked : they were ordered however to be restored. After serious 
complaints to the Government in 1683 an< ^ I 72 on tne state f tne 
fortifications and their burden upon the inhabitants, with little relief 
in answer, the Corporation directed that the walls should be repaired 
' where there is a necessity in the most frugal manner,' under the inspec- 
tion of Mr. Mayor. But in 1764,, the enlargement of Water-gate quay 
being on hand, the crumbling parapets of the town walls were largely 
utilised for this purpose ; and in the same year such of the gates (that 
is, the doors of the gates) as were a nuisance were ordered to be re- 
moved. Dr. Speed; writing about 1770, continues with the omission 
of a short paragraph from where we left him off, " the walls are still 
" standing all round the town, but are in a very ruinous condition ; 
" only those on the south and west sides, which lie next the sea, are 
" kept in such repair as to prevent damage from the sea." It was a 
practical joke of the period to shut the town gates at unheard-of times, 
and in 1786 an order was issued for securing the gates to prevent this 
improper sporting of the town's oak. 

We have already mentioned some serious destructions in 1775, 
about which period the Corporation seem to have made no special 
favour of permitting the removal of portions of wall or towers. But 
in 1791, in contemplation, we must suppose,, of a more radical excision 
of the old defences, they presented a memorial to the Treasury for 
leave to take down some parts of the town walls which had become 
ruinous, and to convert the material. 1 Subsequently to this nearly the 
whole of the south wall, together with the Water-gate, was removed 
under the powers of 43 G. III. c. 21 (1803) by the commissioners there 
appointed for the improvement of the harbour. 

Leland (1546) describes the town ditch as being double on the The 
whole of the north side, and on the east nearly as far as South or God's D 
House gate ; it was well supplied with water through its course. The 
tide was admitted on the south, but this was probably not the case on 
the north, where the natural ^elevation of the ground was so much 
greater. This portion of the ditch may have received drainage from 
the town : thus in 1478 a hole was made in the wall above Bargate to 
let the water into the ditch ' by commandment of Master Grym beyng 
leutenaunt/ Speed's map (1596) shows that the whole of the ditch to 
the west of the Bar and as far as the first tower to the east had been 
filled in. This half of the north ditch, being probably unconnected 
with the tide, had a greater tendency to become choked, and the in- 

1 Journal sub annis. 






Lease of 
the town 

habitants of above Bar were constantly throwing their refuse into it, 
in spite of penalties of five shillings on this nuisance and the present- 
ment (1579) that ' allso yt wer very necessary that a tome pycke were 
ther made to avoyd yt. J l Even on the east side of the Bar a portion 
of the ditch had been filled up, kine being kept there, ' which rubbeth 
down the butts/ All this part, on both sides of the bridge, we find 
permanently filled in by Speed's time (1596). This ground, as having 
belonged to the ditch, was considered a part of the town waste. The 
portion to the left of the Bar was for some time previous to 1777 
known as the Rope Walk, but at that date its name became changed 
into Orchard Street. 2 

To the right of the Bargate, and immediately adjoining the plot 
filled up, which extended to the first tower, stood the archery butts on 
the bank between the ditches, approached by a bridge from the north. 3 
They are mentioned in 1485,* and constantly afterwards. The exis- 
tence of these butts on the bank in the middle will help us, failing 
direct evidence, as to the width of the ditch. Considering the room 
which our ancestors must have required for their favourite and indeed 
commanded pastime, we can hardly place the counterscarp of the moat 
nearer than the south side of Hanover Buildings, that is, at about 100 
or 120 feet. Notices of Bargate Bridge do not help us as to the breadth 
of the ditch. The roadway of Hanover Buildings marks the ancient 
road which led round by the moat. 

In reference to the east and north-east sides, the leet jury present, 
in 1571 and 1573, that it were 

' Needefull that the sluse at Codes house weare opened wheareby the water 
might have his course and recourse into the towne dyches from the sea, and out 
of the said dyches into the sea againe, for by the meanes of the stoppinge thereof 
the town dyches are drye and growen almost to pasture ground.' 

There was water enough, however, for the ' cu eking stool ' for scolds 
in 1579.5 

It had been the practice from early times to let the town ditches, 
In 1483-83, the rent of that between* Bargate and East gate was two 
shillings; between that and God's House, three shillings and fourpence. 
The renting of the ditches went on, like the leasing out of the towers, 6 

1 Court Leet Books. 

2 Journal, April 1777. There was a roper above Bar, if not on this spot, in 
1698-99 (All Saints Reg.) In the latter part of last century a rope-walk existed 
to the north of Hanover Buildings. 

s In 1618 Thomas Lee was presented for not making (z>., perhaps re- 
making) a bridge across the ditch to the town butts. 

4 Steward's Books. 5 Court Leet Books. 

6 Steward's Books, 1482-83, 1485, 1493, &c - 

THE WALLS. 1 09 

only interrupted at critical periods. In 1625 tnev were leased, with all 
their fishing, pasturage, banks, islands, &c., to Mr. Edward Exton for 
forty years, at a fine of ^5 and a yearly rent of six shillings and eight- 
pence; 1 but under October 1648 we find Mr. Exton excused his rent 
in consequence of the ditches having been used for defence and of no 
profit to him. In 1687 the ditches were leased to William Crop for a 
fine of ^24 and a yearly rent as above of six and eightpence. 

Traces of the north ditch exist behind the houses on the south of 
Hanover Buildings, but on the east side it is to be distinguished through 
its whole course, the back of the walls marking the immediate rear of 
the ancient fortifications, and the ditches or canal 2 walk the counter- 
scarp of the old town moat. 

The platform dates from the end of the thirteenth century, if we The 
are right in considering a quay made by the Prior of God's House near 
his close to be identical with it; 3 but its enlargement may have occurred 
soon after the introduction of fire-artillery. It was without God's 
House gate, opposite the bowling-green, but its ancient form and size 
have now become obliterated under handsome modern extensions. 
There was formerly a ' bulwark y somewhat to the rear of the platform 
and immediately at the foot of the bowling-green. In 1457, under the 
terror of French invasion it was seven years after the loss of Nor- 
mandy, and the year in which Sandwich was burnt there was some 
activity along the shore-line between God's House gate and Itchen Outwork. 
Cross, where in the last century, in the fashionable period of South- 
ampton's history, was a lovely and far-famed drive, with its row of elms 
at the side. Some of the accounts of this year may relate to work on 
the platform. Perhaps also to the same neighbourhood may be referred 
an entry in 1469 of a fee to William Tempull, master of the king's 
ordnance, for observing ' the making of bulwarks.' 4 By 1559 the ' bul- 
warks ' over against God's House had fallen into bad repair, and were 
to be put in order by the Provost of God's House. A little later (1577) 
the sea-banks beneath the bulwarks demanded attention, as also the 
' bulwark ' and the weather-house by the ferry ; this latter being Cross 
House, 5 and the 'bulwark' just spoken of probably the defensive work 
referred to by Dr. Speed as a ' wooden fort ' in his sentence on the 
platform and ditch : " A.D. 1647 the platform was built and repaired. 
< There is a broad ditch all round the town on the land side ; and on 
" the shore opposite to the mouth of the river Itchen was a wooden fort, 

1 Lease. 
, 2 So called from the unfinished canal brought through it in 1795. 

3 See under ' God's House.' 

4 Steward's Books. 5 Court Leet Books. 


" the piles of which remain still." Under the above notice (Feb. 1647-48) 
it was ordered that the platform without God's House gate ( be built 
and repaired with stonework four feet thick, and a range of stones set 
against the bulwark over against the bowling-green / l Thomas Mason 
and Peter dungeon, who had both filled the civic chair, being ap- 
pointed to overlook the work. The platform was furnished with great 
guns, which constantly seemed to want new carriages. Later on, in 
1761 and 1769, the old guns were ordered to be sold and a peaceful 
saluting battery formed. But some improvement was desired in 1835, 
when the mayor applied to the Board of Ordnance for some ' cannons 
to place on the platform to fire on joyful occasions/ and received from 
Portsmouth the six nine-pounders which are still in their places. Be- 
sides these there is an ancient culverine, made by order of Henry VIII., 
as its inscription states ; and there are some relics of the siege of Sebasto- 
pol presented by the War Office in 1857. 

Cross The 'Weather House/ or Cross House, mentioned under 1577 in 

connection with ' the bulwark ' or wooden fort close by, bears within 
it the town's escutcheon and rebus with the initials of Peter Clungeon, 
mayor, and the date 1634, that of its restoration under this mayoralty, 
after its tottering condition had been presented for many years. 2 It 
stands at the ancient landing-place, and being formed of two inter- 
secting walls covered with a conical roof, was 'profitable,' as the court 
leet remark in 1596, ' not only for those who wait for the boat, but 
fora shelter against rain/ A tradition, which is older than ijiyf assigns 
its erection to the bequest of an old lady in the seventeenth century, 
who caught her death of cold while waiting for the ferryboat; but 
tradition has failed to put the lady far back enough. Cross House 
most probably represents, or is the basement of, the old boundary cross 
at Itchenworth so the spit or landing-place on which it stands was 
called; and if so, it possesses considerable antiquity. As a 'weather 
house ' it was old in 1577, and wanted serious repairs. It is frequently 
mentioned in the town books. 4 In 1813 there was a question of 
removing it to some other spot, and it is supposed to have been in 
danger since. In 1835 the town were said always to have repaired 
it ; since then, however, it has been put in order by private liberality, 
at least on one occasion. We trust it will be suffered to remain ; a 
very fractional expenditure now and then will preserve this curious 
little building for centuries. 

1 Journal. 2 See Court Leet Books for 1615, 1633, c. 

3 The tradition is mentioned in Addit. 14, 296, a collection of notes on 
Hampshire of that date. 

4 e.g., Court Leet Books, 1667 ; Journal, 1695, &c. 


At this spot, the ancient landing-place as well as a boundary point 
of the borough, the ferrymen of the Itchen did homage to the mayor 
and corporation at the stated perambulation of the town, engaging to 
carry over the burgesses and their families free of charge, in return for 
the permission to land passengers on the town side of the river. 

In 1767 the ferrymen having refused free passage to a burgess, the 
town clerk reported to the proprietors of the ferry Thomas Dummer, 
Esq., and James Mylles, Esq. the conduct of their tenants, who, on 
October 20, urged no doubt by the proprietors, appeared and made 
their submission, acknowledging that their right of landing passengers 
depended on their service of carrying the burgesses and their families 
free of toll. 

This state of things went on till the establishment of the new ferry. 1 

SECTION V. The Quays. 

There was a ' Castle Quay ' (see p. 74) in the early part of the WestQuay. 
thirteenth century distinct from that of the western shore ; but this 
latter quay, whenever constructed, was the centre of life and trade in 
mediaeval Southampton. A quayage in the usual form was made in 
aid of repairs to this quay for one year in 17 Edward II. (1323) ; and 
two years later a similar grant for seven years was obtained, the letters, 
dated Lichfield, i8th March 1336 (19 Ed. II.), reciting that the 
burgesses had begun to construct the quay and enclosures of the town 
by royal mandate, but after serious outlay were not able to finish 
without such relief. 2 In the following year (i8th March, i Ed. III., 
1327) they obtained from the new monarch what was really a confirma- 
tion of the former quayage for six years. 3 

In connection with these works on the quay, the townsmen had Barbican. 
constructed a wooden barbican as a defence towards the water, and for 
greater security against foreign invasion had commenced rebuilding it 
in stone. On this plea they further obtained (10 Ed. III., 1336) a 
grant of a penny in the pound on all merchandise for five years, and on 
the expiration of that term (1341) secured a renewal for a similar 
period. 4 In 1339, a controversy about the payment of this barbican 
duty, which had arisen with the men of Winchester, was terminated 
(February 26) by a release to them from this impost for five years. 5 

1 From the Journals. See further under ' Admiralty ' and * Itchen Ferry 

2 Pat. 17 Ed. II. p. i, m. 9. ; 19 Ed. II. p. 2, m. 17. 

3 Pat. i Ed. III. p. i, m. 5. 4 Pat. 15 Ed. III. p. i, m. 39. 
6 Indenture among Corp. Archives. 


In 1502 the quay from Biddle's gate for some distance was let to 
John Dewtrey, 'to occupy with mylstonys, canestone, sclattis, colys, 
&c.', other burgesses having right to use any part they might choose to 
pay for. 1 Leland calls this a ' large key for shippes :' a few years later 
(1569) it occurs in the books as ( galley key.' 2 

" This quay was lengthened in 1576. 

" A.D. 1583,, a decree 3 was sent down under the Exchequer seal, 
" signed by several officers of the customs, certifying that West Quay 
Water*"* 1 " ^ n ^ Water-gate Quay are the only quays to this port. 
Quays. " In 32 Chas. II. (1680), the lawful quays of Southampton, a head 

" port, were thus by commission returned into the Exchequer : 

" South Quay or Water-gate has one pair of stone stairs at the south end, and 
" two other pair on the east side. It measures about 223 feet in length from the 
" Water-gate and town wall to the head of the said quay ; and in breadth, by 
" the said gate and wall, about 190 feet, and only about 63 feet at the head. 

" West Quay measures about 225 feet in length from the West gate to the 
" head of the quay, and in breadth, near the said gate and wall, about 58 feet, 
" but at the head of the said quay not more than 37 feet." 4 

In the middle of the last century, West Quay served for the 
Channel Islands trade, which was very considerable, and the Guernsey 
and Jersey vessels always anchored off it. 

Water-gate Judging from a patent of 12 Ed. IV. (1411), it would seem that 
South or Water-gate Quay was then new. The patent sets forth that 
the burgesses, with the assistance of Thomas Mydlington, one of their 
number^ had constructed at great cost a certain bank called a { wharf,' 
with a crane upon it, at ' la Watergate/ in aid of the fortification and 
merchandise of the place, and for receiving custom, and that they 
had incurred the indignation of many who had been accustomed to 
evade or purloin the dues : the king, therefore, desired the work might 
be maintained henceforth, and authorised such toll from all parties 
using the wharf or crane as was levied in London, or at other ports 
where such accommodation (ripa et crana) existed. 5 

In 1441 the town books mention this wharf and crane : in 1457 
the quay was ' paved * with gravel, and at the same time a e gret gone ' 
was laid upon it. 6 Other notices occur in 1468 and 1470 ; at the 
same time mention is made of an ' East Key/ which must mean the 
same, unless, as is possible, the platform be intended. 

1 Lib. Rememb. H. sub anno. 2 Court Leet Book. 3 Journal. 

4 Guide to Merchants, or Modern Practice of Court of Exchequer, 1730, 
p. 105. 

5 Pat. 12 H. IV. m. 1 8 (March 26). 6 Steward's Books. 


" In 1525 the new quay at Water-gate was piled, and the next year 
" it was paved and gravelled." Leland describes it as a ' faire square key 
forcid withe Piles into the Haven water for shipps to resort to/ 
Speed (1596) speaks of both quays as being c stately/ "In 1613 this 
" quay was lengthened sixty feet/' and the town being at this expense, 
petitioned the king, without sucess, for five hundred trees from the New 
Forest for their walls and quays. In 1724 Mr. John Grove proposed 
to enlarge the quay by adding two circular piers according to a plan 
produced by him. The Corporation gave their approval, recommend- 
ing him to raise subscriptions, and promising ^izoo on the completion 
of the works. The encouragement seemed insufficient, and nothing 
resulted. 1 However in due course an enlargement came. "In 1765 
" South quay or Water-gate was again lengthened forty yards " to gain 
six feet in depth e{ towards the expense of which the two members of 
(C Parliament for the town, Hans Stanley, Esq., and Henry Dawkins, 
" Esq., contributed ^558 each ; and this is the present state of that 
" quay which is the principal one. The Corporation paid ^450 out of 
" their common stock/' 

The great improvement of this quay dates from the commence- Harbour 
ment of the present century under the Pier and Harbour Commission, 
called into being and empowered by the 43 Geo. III. cap. 2,1 (1803), 
subsequently to which the Acts of 50 Geo. III. cap. 168 (1810), and 9 
Viet. (June 18, 1846), were passed, each amending the former. 

The Royal Pier, of which more hereafter, was erected under the I 
and 2 Will. IV. cap. i (1831), the powers of which were extended by 
i and 2 Viet. cap. 63 (1838). 

The Harbour Board was reconstituted and all the above Acts were 
consolidated in 1863, subsequently to which (1877) a, further Act was 
obtained. Under the powers thus given very extensive additions have 
been made from time to time ; the quay was extended from the Royal 
Pier eastward for about 300 yards along the south side of the town, 
while opposite the end of the High Street the town pier was projected 
for some 150 yards at right angles with the quay, forming a part of it. 
Still eastward a farther considerable extension of the quay has been 
made of late, completely absorbing the old platform, the whole forming 
an ample space for the ever-increasing traffic, and a handsome approach 
to the town. 

The general duties of the Harbour Board are the regulation of the 
snipping in the roads and harbour, the marking out, maintaining, and 
lighting channels, &c., much as in the old Act of 1803, an analysis 
of which is given under " Modern Trade/' 

1 Journal sub annis. 



SECTION VI. Conduits and Waterworks. 

Grant to Nicholas cle Barbeflet or de Shirlee, on June 16, 1290(18 Ed. I.), 

1290. ' obtained licence to grant, and the Friars Minor of Southampton to 
receive, and to enclose with a stone wall, the fountain of Calwell or 
Colwell, in the manor of Shirley, and thence to take the water under- 
ground beyond the land of the said Nicholas to Achard's Bridge, and 
from that bridge by the king's highway to their church in the town of 
Southampton. 1 

The Friars carried out their work as soon as they could ; and ' le 
Conduit hede ' at Hill, or Friars' Conduit at Spring Hill House, still 
remains as a monument of their industry. It was made over by the 
Town Council a few years ago to the Rev. J. L. Carrick, the owner of 
the surrounding property,, by whom it has been cleaned out and put in 
order. It is an interesting structure, in three vaulted chambers, the 
outermost of which was evidently an addition to keep the whole under 
lock and key. Next to this, through a short passage, is an inner vault, 
originally used as the water-head ; then at a sharp angle a low tunnel, 
about 10 feet long, 2 feet 9 inches broad, and 5 feet high, leads to 
the third chamber, about 6 feet in diameter, in which the water rises. 
There is still a good supply, though it has been shortened by the cutting 
of the main sewer down Hill Lane. From ( le Conduit hede' the Friars 
took their water by a large leaden pipe to the neighbourhood of Ach- 
ard's Bridge, where they built the water-house, remains of which still 
exist close to St. Peter's Church. Into this water was subsequently 
conveyed from Lobery Mead the modern Grosvenor Square and 
Polygon where the remains of a small ancient stone conduit called 
Lobery, and by corruption Lubberly, or middle conduit existed some 
short time ago. There was also a ' little conduit/ the modern remains 
of which in brick are still to be seen above Achard's fountain in 
Goswell or Waterhouse Lane. 2 

Friarsgrant The Friars granted the use of their water to the town on the Feast 
town, 1311. of the Purification, 1310-11 (4 Ed. II.), out of their singular reverence 
to Henry, Archdeacon of Dorset, and their good-will to the community 
of the town of Southampton, in the presence of Henry de Lacy, Earl 
of Lincoln, at that time the King's Lieutenant, 3 and John Sandale, 
the King's Treasurer ; 4 allowing the burgesses to carry one pipe, with a 

1 Pat. 18 Ed. I. m. 24. See also ( Friars Minor,' below. 

2 Court Leet Books, 1670 and 1652 ; Steward's Books, 1493, 1474, 1461. 

3 Appointed Regent, September 1310, during the King's absence against the 

4 Afterwards (1316) Bishop of Winchester ; appointed Treasurer, July 1310. 


key, from the cistern of their lavatory to English Street through the 
Friary wall ; the burgesses also erecting at their own cost outside the 
wall of the Friary a cistern to receive the water, and providing for the 
waste to be conveyed back into the cloisters of the Friary. 1 

" In process of time the pipes ran to decay, and the Friars were not 
te rich enough to put them in repair : so one of the burgesses having left 
" a legacy towards the repair of them, the Friars conveyed all their right 
" and title to the conduit head, pipes, &c., to the mayor and corporation 
" by the following grant : " 2 

To all the faithful in Christ, &c., Robert Horewoode, warden of the Order of 'Le con- 
Friars Minor of the town of Southampton, and the convent there: Whereas duit hede> 
our conduit-head at Hill, together with the system of leaden pipes from it, has town^a 
fallen into decay, we, on the requisition of John Flemyng and Thomas Winter- 
bone, executors of the will of John Bennett, late a burgess of Southampton, 
grant the same, for the good of his soul, to John Mascall, mayor, and to the 
community of Southampton : the executors engaging to erect a conduit opposite 
Holy Rood Church, and to bring the whole of the water thither through leaden pipes 
newly made at their expense, though partly with the old materials, and at this 
conduit to fit two pipes of equal capacity, one to discharge into a cistern for the 
use of the mayor and community, the other to be carried, also at the expense of 
the executors, to the old place for the supply of the Friars within their cemetery 
wall. The date of this patent is Southampton, October 3 (8 Hen. V.) 1420. 

In 1515 (7 Hen. VIII.) John Flemynge, of the town of Southamp- 
ton, Esq., in a deed of gift dated June ist, sets forth that 

Whereas the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses possess a waterhouse in Lobery 
Goswell Lane, into which water is conveyed from a water-head in Lobery Mead conduit 
belonging to him, he conveys to the mayor, &c., the head in Lobery Mead and con yeyed, 
the watercourse, with permission of entrance for repairs, as well in Lobery Mead ' 
as elsewhere between the said spring and the head in Goswell Lane. His seal 
of arms being unknown to many, the deed is attested by a notary public in 
presence of the right honourable and prudent men, John Dawtrey, Esq., and 
Richard Palshyd, collectors of customs in the town and port of Southampton, 
Nicholas Cowarte, Richard Hyll, and John Husee, gentlemen, with many 

By indenture of agreement with the Corporation (Aug. 21, 1515)^ 
the same John Flemynge obtained leave to put a 

' Sosprey, otherwise called a small pipe of lead made with a stop, ' into the main 
pipe of the conduit ' at the south-west corner of All Hallows Church unto the said 
church wall, and there to issue out at a cock of brass to be made staunch ' at the 
cost of the said John Flemynge ; to be used at all times between All Hallows Tide 
and the beginning of August, provided there were sufficient water at the other 
conduits. He undertook to enclose the place ; and the warden of the Friars 
(now Observants) 'because the conduit first moved and came by the said Friars' 

1 Lib. Rememb. H. f. 113 b. 

2 Ibid., rT. 1 14, 115. The document, transcribed at length by Dr. Speed, is 
only given in substance above. 


and the mayor of the town were to have keys, with power to stop the water if 
the other conduits gave out, and to close the sosprey permanently if it were 
proved detrimental to the other supplies. 1 

Pediey's Many years after this a certain Roger Pedley of Southampton, 

yeoman, undertook to bring a stream of water, four feet broad and two 
feet deep, to the Bargate, and thence a stream into the town, one foot 
broad and one deep ; or, failing this, to use the existing springs and 
bring water into a conduit-house to be erected at the east end of St. 
Michael's Church, whence water should flow for all, day and night. 
In consideration of this the Corporation leased to him, 2.6th June (37 
Eliz.) 1594 

All their banks, ponds, and ditches round the town walls, together with their 
garden plot on the south side of the George, on part of which lately stood a 
pound, and a strip of waste along the highway leading from the town towards the 
common, for the term of 1 60 years at forty shillings annual rent. Leave was given 
him to petition the Queen in the name of the Corporation for power to bring water 
from any stream within ten miles of the town, for the said work through any 
man's ground ; it being arranged that any grant or privilege coming to the Cor- 
poration in consequence of such petition should be reconveyed by the town to 
Pedley, &c., for 160 years at the yearly rent of twelve pence. (It does not appear 
that he made such petition.) Pedley was to have the monopoly of water supply, 
and to keep his system in repair for 160 years, nor suffer his stream to overflow : 
for the purpose of scouring the channel at needful times he might divert the 
water through Gosling Lane, and make a conduit at the end of it. He was 
forbidden to avail himself of any water then in use or damage the old conduits ; 
and failing any bond fide carrying out of his plan within seven years from the 
date of lease, the indenture was to be void. 2 

" A.D. 1617. The sons of the above Roger Pedley surrendered this 
ff lease into the hands of the Corporation, who granted a new one to 
" Arthur Baker for sixty years. A.D. 1620. The rent was reduced from 
" twenty shillings to three shillings and fourpence. A.D. 1675. The 
" house where the leaden cistern stood at St. MichaePs was taken down. 3 
" From all which it is plain that the scheme did not succeed ;" and the 
town continued to be supplied from the old Friars' head ; the repairs 
to the water system being provided for by rate on the inhabitants from 
time to time. 4 " They went on in this manner very well till about the 
" year 1738, when some captious people refused to pay the rate and 
(C raised such a mutinous uproar in the town, that the Corporation 

1 The two last documents, from papers in the Audit House, given at length 
by Dr. Speed, are here considerably abridged. 

2 Boke of Remembrances, f. 1 84. Dr. Speed has given this document in 
full ; it is here very much abridged. 

3 "Journal." 

4 Dr. Speed refers to the 'Boke of the Condyte Money, 1536,' in which the 
names of the inhabitants are set down with a certain sum against each. 


" thought fit to waive this their undoubted right and joined with the Town 
" mutineers in a petition l for an Act of Parliament/ by which the pariS- t 
"whole property and management of the town waterworks are vested ent ' 
" in commissioners, of whom the mayor,, recorder, and six senior bur- 
" gesses are always to be eight, and twenty-four others are to be chosen 
" yearly out of the several parishes as other parish officers are chosen. 
" The consequence of this is that the town is now supplied with the 
" same water just as it was before at five times the expense. 

" Besides this conveyance of water to the town, there are in a com- Hound- 
ee mon field called Houndwell Field two springs,, from which the water W< 
" is conveyed into a water-house in the same field. What the original 
" use of this house was I nowhere find ; but 6 Henry VII. (1490) a * new 
" well ' was made here, and ' a watering place for hors and a washing 
" place for women. 7 There is another conduit of which I find no 
t( mention anywhere. It stands near the Hospital of God's House, and od's 
" as the master of that hospital brought the water to the convent of conduit. 
<( the Friars, 3 it is very probable that he at the same time continued 
<e it to the neighbourhood of his own hospital/ 5 

The water system of the town is described in the Act of 6 and 7 Water 
Will. IV. cap. 96 (1836), for maintaining the public conduits and before 1 
other waterworks, and for providing an additional supply as com- x 36 
mencing from several springs and conduit heads, and a conduit head 
and adjacent pump Achard's at some distance from the town, from 
whence the water was distributed to four public conduits in the High 
Street, known as All Saints, Holy Rood, Friary, and God's House 
conduits, and also to Houndwell water-house in the Houndwell common 
meadow. Of the two water sources at Houndwell, that to the south 
was supposed to be of great efficacy in diseases of the eye, and was 
constantly resorted to in the last century for its peculiar properties. 

On the removal of these conduits the town was supplied by upwards 
of forty public fountains or conduits erected from time to time in con- 
venient places ; but with the increasing population a larger supply was 
demanded. The old Act of 1747 was amended by 43 Geo. III. cap. 
32 (1803), an d that again by 50 Geo. III. cap. 20 (1810). Water- 
works on the common had been constructed under the old Acts, but 
in 1830 the Commissioners obtained from the Corporation a grant of 
an acre and a half of land for an additional reservoir to be formed at 

1 Journal, Nov. 3, 1738 ; Nov. 6 and 30, 1739. 

2 20 Geo. II. cap. 15, 1747 : An Act for repairing, improving, and main- 
taining the public conduits and other waterworks to the town of Southampton. 
Stat. at. Large, vol. xix. p. 45. 

3 See " Register of the Convent." 


the north of that already existing, in order to bring water from Wood 
Mill and thus augment the supply gathered from the common. 

The Act above mentioned of 1836 repealed all the former, and gave 
increased powers to the commissioners, the mayor, recorder, aldermen, 
and councillors, together with twenty-six elected inhabitants; and 
611 snort ty afterwards the artesian well on the common was projected. 
common. From July 1838 to February 1851 the excavations on this well were 
carried on the total cost of the work being about ,^20,000, and a 
total depth of 1317 feet was reached. Of this, by means of iron 
cylinders and brickwork, 464 feet were sunk through the tertiary beds ; 
the diameter at the top of the shaft being 13 feet, diminishing to 7 feet 
at the lower part. The beds passed through consisted of 2 feet of 
soil, 74 feet lower Bagshot beds of sand and clay in alternations, 304 
feet of London clay, consisting of sandy clay with seams of water- 
bearing sand, and pebble beds towards the top, 84 feet of plastic clay, 
with the usual bed of greensand at the base. The chalk was reached 
at a depth of 464 feet, where the masonry was terminated. The seven- 
foot shaft was continued 99 feet in the chalk. A boring was then made 
with a 7j-inch augur to a further depth of 754 feet, making a total of 
853 feet in the chalk and 1317 from the surface. The chalk con- 
tained flints all but the last 10 feet, which contained veins of clay and 
were very cloggy. At this point the boring was stopped, the results 
not being considered sufficiently promising. 

Most of the water of the well appeared to come from the chalk. 
Previously to 1842, when the boring commenced, 20,000 gallons per 
day were raised; in 1844, after considerable progress had been made 
in boring, this increased to 50,000 gallons, and finally, in September 
1851, to 130,000 gallons. 

The question of this well was before the Geological Section of the 
British Association at Southampton in 1846, and again at the meeting 
of the Association in August 1882, when the recommencement of the 
boring was contemplated, an opinion being elicited to the effect that the 
experiment would be well worth trial, either by driving out horizontally 
in the chalk to intercept water fissures, or by continuing the boring to 
the upper greensand, and if necessary through the gault to the lower 
greensand. 1 Accordingly, on October 14, 1882, after further considera- 
tion, the Town Council resolved on a contract for the completion of 
the work, the results of which are looked forward to with the utmost 

Returning to the works under the Act of 1836, two wells were sunk 

1 Paper of Messrs. Shore & Westlake, read before the British Association, 
August 1882 ; report of discussion in local papers. &c. 


at Northam, one at a cost of ^2932, i6s. 6d., the other ^357, 75. 8d. ; 
the reservoirs and mains cost ^2084, los. 

In 1850 another Act (13 and 14 Viet., July 15) was obtained, under More 
which, and the Public Health Acts of 1848 and 1850, new works were Acts" 
commenced. A supply of water was obtained from near Mansbridge, 
beyond Wood Mill, in the valley of the Itchen, about a couple of miles 
to the east of the new waterworks. Here a reservoir and engine- 
houses for pumping were constructed, and two new reservoirs adjoining 
each other formed on the common near its northern limit, capable of 
holding together about 5,000,000 gallons. 

In addition to these, the town is supplied from three older reservoirs 
to the south, which in the aggregate are of equal capacity with the 
more recent. Thus a copious distribution is secured through every 
street and court. 

SECTION VII. Pavement ', Lighting, and Watching. 

A pavage, or toll in aid of paving, had been granted to Southamp- 1384. 
ton as early as the 8 Richard II. (I384). 1 The following entries occur 
under 1457 : ' To the pavyer for payyng of iij teyse 2 and an halfe in 
the myddylle of the stret be Robert Belhows [the SeneschaPs] dore, 
and for ij pottes of sand ij s . x d . Item, to the pavyer of London for 
pavyng of xij teyse of pavement taking viij d . for a teyse x s . viijV There 
must have been some extras. Under 1441 we have several accounts of 
paving stones being provided. 3 

In 1477 (17 Ed. IV.) the following Paving Act was passed : Act 

' To the right wise and discrete Comons in this present Parlement assembled, 
humble besechen unto youre Wisdoms the Maire, Shirrefs, and Bailiffs of the 
Towne of Suthampton that where the said Towne is full febly paved and full 
perilous and jeopardouse to ride or goo theryn and in especiall in the High 
Street3 of the said Towne, that is to seie froo the Barre yate to the Watergate and 
other ij Streetes there gretly occupied withe Cariagef and for faute of paving 
there, divers youre Lieges and other Straungers thider resorting have been often- 
tymes gretly hurte and in perill of their Lives, and the said Mair, Shirefs, and 
Baillifs have no Londes nor Tenementes, Rentes nor other yerly revenu} in 
Comon wherby they may make and repare the pavements in the same Towne 

It was ordered in consequence that owners of property, on notice 
from the mayor, sheriff, and bailiffs, should be compelled to pave at 
their own charges before their doors as far as the middle of the street, 

1 Pat. 8 R. II. m. 31. 

2 A fathom. The tese in London was (29 Ed. I., 1300-1) stated to be 
7j feet in length, and 'one foot of St. Paul' in breadth (see Liber Albus, i. 
279; Liber Custum. i. 100). 

3 Steward's Books. 






and on their failing to do so within a quarter of a year after such 
notice, it became lawful for the mayor, &c., to pave and levy costs by 
distress. Tenants on being distrained for what the landlords should 
pay might stop the amount out of their rents, or recover by action of 
debt in the court of the town. 1 

In pursuance of this Act it was ordered (December 1482) that 

' A paviour be ordeyned to dwell in a house of the towne, price of xiij s . iiij d ., 
rent free, and to have yerely a gowne to this intent that he shall with a sargent 
of the same towne doo serche the pavement of the said towne, and also to pave 
in all places nedefull withyn the said towne and doo all thyng that longeth to 
that office, takyng his wages for his labor as it is used for a Tese : provided 
alway that the stone and all maner thyng to the said pavement belongyng be 
ordeyned by hym or theym afore wose house the pavement shall bee noyouse or 
nedefull of reparacon.' 2 

The town paviour remained an institution, the price of his work 
varying. In 1509 he was paid for f paving 154^ toyses, from the 
beginning of Bargate to the Barrs without the gate, every tees vj d .' 
In 1579 a paviour appointed for life covenants to pave the streets and 
lanes at I Jd. a yard, and not more ; but if employed for private paving 
in courts or enclosures^ he may charge according to agreement. 3 

The pavement continued to be regulated by the Act of 1477 till 
November 1769, when a new paving scheme was matured; and on 
1 2th December the town seal was affixed to a petition to Parliament 
for a bill embodying the recommendations of committees of the Corpo- 
ration and of the original promoters of the scheme ; and on February 24, 
1770, to a further petition for including lighting and watching: all of 
which was carried into effect by the 10 Geo. III. cap. 25, 1770. 

Little occurs on the ancient lighting of the town. 

On the watch there is more to be said. The Statute of Winchester 
(13 Ed. I., 1285) provided that the gates of walled towns should be 
closed from sunset to sunrise ; that no one should lodge in the town or 
suburbs from nine in the evening till day unless his host would be 
responsible for him ; that the bailiffs of towns should every week, or at 
least every fifteen days, make strict inquiry concerning all inmates. 
The towns were to be kept, as in time past, by watches proportioned 
to the number of the population. Strangers might be arrested on 
suspicion, or the hue-and-cry raised after them. These regulations, 
which did little more than enforce old traditions, were comparatively 

1 Dr. Speed has this Act ; it is printed in the Rolls of Parliament, and is 
here given in abstract. In the same year provision was made for paving Can- 
terbury, Taunton, Cirencester, and other places. 

2 Liber Niger, fol. I b. 

3 Boke of Remembrances, fol. I36b. 


fresh at the date of the copy of the guild ordinances given below 
(see Nos. 46 to 51). 

The division of the town into wards for the sake of order is no Wards, 
doubt immemorial. There were five wards at the time of the 
ordinances, each with its organisation ; afterwards there were four, 
which appear to have been subdivided on special occasions or emer- 
gencies. About 1504, four wards are described, each with its alder- 
man and his ' vynteners ' inferior officers literally having charge of 
twenty. A little later the town was divided into eight, and even ten 
parts, very accurately described, each with its warden. About 1521 
the watch was ordered to be nightly kept, and strict search made once 
a week by every alderman through his ward. The wards were : 
(i.) St. Michael's and St. John's parishes; (2.) Holy Rood ; (3.) St. 
Lawrence's; and (4.) All Saints : four or five vinteners and a sergeant 
being assigned to each alderman. Closely on this there follows an 
order for six c new watchings' within the town ; two were to keep the 
walls, the other four to go about the streets, and ' ofttimes to walk up 
to the Castle Hill, and there to have a good prospect of the sea' and 
every quarter of the town, to guard against fire and surprise. 1 In 1544 
there were four wards set, and later in the same year eight; and in 1570 
(12 Eliz.) we find the town similarly divided into eight parts, and 
furnished with eight principal wardens, the mayor and his brethren 
being desired by the lord-lieutenant to see that all the able men within 
the liberties, amounting in the whole to 439, were supplied with 
armour and weapons, and that none left the town or liberties without 
permission. But in the following July, all the householders were 
turned into special constables, and were desired to have in their shops, 
or other places next the street, Miolbertes or clobbes contynually stand- 
ing, to be at all tymes redye to assist Mr. Maior.' 2 Judging from the 
court leet books, we might suppose that Dogberry and his crew had 
taken charge of the borough watch a little later; for under 1577 it is 
complained that only ' weak and poor men ' are set to do the work : 
henceforward the householders were themselves to perform their lot, or 
provide sufficient deputies. They were warned of their turn, beat, and 
hours by the sergeants, who also reported to Mr. Mayor each morning 
the names of the watchers through the previous hours, so that no 
man might be charged with this duty on successive nights. 

A little later, the total male population for the purposes of muster, Muster 
between the ages of sixteen and sixty, being 495, we find 421 able- R 
bodied men armed with calivers, pikes, bows, and bills. In 1583 there 

1 Boke of Remembrances, ff. 21 b. 22. 

2 Muster Book, 1544; Boke of Remembrances, ff. 108 b, 113. 


were 439 able-bodied men all named, householders and others; the 
women finding substitutes. The summary of weapons was as follows: 
Corselets, 34; morion heads (conical skull-caps), 45; hand-guns, 
]6; jacks (jerkins), 6; bows, 71; sheaves of arrows, 86; halberts, 
37; bills, 195; pikes, 23; swords, 41 ; daggers, 38; coriars (cuirasses), 
13; alman-rivetes (light armour), 31; hagbashes (heavy hand-guns), 
28; shirts of mail, i; skulls, 12; steel caps, 2. The total number of 
males in 1589 was 600, able-bodied 505. In this year Walter Lam- 
bert was captain, and William Abere, gent., muster-master appointed 
by the lord-lieutenant of the shire. There were two lieutenants, 
two ensigns, four Serjeants, two drummers, one fife, and one clerk. 
The names and kinds of arms were enumerated as usual under the 
wards. Some possessed their own arms, some found arms for others ; 
some householders provided two or even three men. 1 Ecclesiastics 
bore their part. Under 1621, in answer to Privy Council letters 
directed to the Archbishop of Canterbury, Bishop Andrewes, with 
the advice of his chancellor, Sir Thomas Ridley, issued a mandate for 
the provision of horse, arms, and other furniture required from every 
benefice. The parsonage of St. Mary was called upon for one light 
horse, no more being required from the Dean of Winchester or the 
college. The vicarages of Holy Rood and St. Michael were to furnish 
one ' muscat ' each ; the parsonage of All Saints the same. St. 
Lawrence and St. John, under sequestration at this time for the non- 
payment of dues, were passed over. 2 

Watch and Returning to the more special watch and ward of the town in the 
troublous times of January 1642, four householders, severally armed 
with musket and sword, and stocked with powder, bullets, and lighted 
match, watched each night in their owai persons, or if validly hindered, 
found sufficient deputies, in the suburb above Bar and in East Street ; 
and six householders within the walls f in the most convenient places 
for discovery/ In the daytime two sufficed for the watch above Bar. 
Persons were warned of their turn in the usual way, those for night 
ward being required to appear before the mayor at eight o' clock in the 
evening to receive their charge, and at six o'clock in the morning they 
were relieved by the day watch. This order, to remain in force till 
Mr. Mayor and the justices should arrange otherwise, was not to 
supersede ' the former ancient watch/ Every Sunday, during the time 
of divine service, the gates of the town were kept shut, with the 
exception of the wickets at Bargate and Water-gate. 

1 Muster Books. See also Journal, September 12, 1612, and July 16, 1628. 

2 Extracts from the Registers of Bishop Andrewes and others belonging to 
Jesus Chapel, Peartree Green. 


In 1656 the vestry of St. Lawrence furnished soldiers for keeping 
watch and ward, employing one or two at a time constantly, in accor- 
dance with a custom of ancient time in every town or parish. 1 

Under the national scare arising out of the impostures of Gates, the 
town dreaded being surprised or set on fire in November 1678. The 
watch was accordingly ordered to be trebled, and twelve persons were 
warned for this purpose, half of whom at least were to be provided with 
firearms. Later on we gather from the minutes of St. Lawrence's 
parish that the public arrangements for the nightly watch were con- 
sidered insufficient; at least in 1731, when the vestry agreed to main- 
tain a watchman out of the poor-rate for their parish, and applied to 
the justices for relief from contributing to the public watch. 

The Corporation petitioned in 1739 for an Act to regulate the watch 
as well as maintain the waterworks, but nothing seems to have been 
effected as to watching till 1770. 

The earliest regulations on the condition of the streets and of sani- Condition 
tation are contained in the ordinances of the Guild (see Nos. 42, 43). 
In spite of these, the town was often very filthy, though the court leet 
did not fail to draw attention to the matter without respect of persons. m ents. 
' Mr. Maire kepith a sowe in his backsyde/ so runs a plain-spoken pre- 
sentment of 1550, ' whiche is brought in and oute contrary to the 
ordenaunce of the towne : wherfore be yt comanded to hym and all 
other that they kepe no hoges within the towne to the anoyaunce of 
theire neighbours upon payne that every of them that so shall kepe any 
swyne to forfyte for every xv daies he shall so offende, xxV Kine were 
not to be milked or fed in the streets ; slaughter-houses were not allowed 
within the walls; slops were never to be thrown into the streets; re- 
fuse-heaps would not be tolerated ; ditches, culverts, bunneys were to 
be kept clear. Yet from the earliest steward's accounts (1441) the 
town books abound in violations of these wholesome rules, and the 
court leet has not seldom to fly at the highest game. The ' ProfFeste 
of God's house 5 was presented in 1559 for neglecting a sanitary duty; 
dung mixons were constantly found about the streets and lanes, and 
even before the church doors. ( There is a greate heape of soyle and 
roobidge befor Mr. Mayor his garden in the Easte Street 3 (1576). At 
another time the alderman of Portswood was presented for 'haveing 
severall loades of dunge within Rockstone gate w ch hee is pleased to calle 
his priviledge, but we amerce him ij s . vjV 

We learn through the court leet book of 1675, fr m a back refer- 
ence to books of more than a century previous, that by ancient custom 

1 Churchwarden's Accounts ; also Instructions from Privy Council as to 


Scavage- of the town scavage-money for the payment of scavengers (in the 
modern sense) was a duty payable by every housekeeper of the town, 
and was formerly collected by two persons in each ward appointed by 
the court leet jury, who not only collected the money, but directed 
the scavengers in their work. The money was always delivered to the 

of hTh rS ^ n t ^ ie seventeentn century there were twelve surveyors of the high- 
ways, ways, two for each of the following wards or divisions : Holy Rood, 
St. Lawrence, All Saints without the Bar, St. Michael and St. John, 
All Saints within the Bar, Bag-row and East Street. 

Town The. chimney-sweeper to the town was a new official in 1654; he 

sweeper, was regularly sworn into his office, to the effect that he would be ready 
at every call to sweep any number of chimneys at the rate of fourpence 
apiece; and to secure the residence and due attention of so useful a 
functionary, every householder was to pay him one penny per annum, 
6 as is used in many other cytyes and townes, called by y e name of a 
smoake peny.' l 

Precautions For provision against fire, hooks or crooks and ladders were always 
fife. mS kept in readiness in the market-place, 2 and in 1675 ' engines 9 besides 
the crooks. No local orders have been met with as to the construction 
of roofs or walls ; but as a provision against fire, no one was permitted 
(1657) to keep hay or other combustible matter in any loft or room, 
near a dwelling-house within the town; and in 1684, during the dry 
season, tubs of water were required to be kept standing day and night 
at every housekeeper's door. 

Act of 1770. \Ve may now join the threads of our narrative at the Act of 1770 
(10 Geo. III. cap. 25), 'for the better paving, repairing, and cleansing 
the streets and other public passages in the several parishes and wards 
of St. Michael, St. John, Holy Rood, St. Lawrence, All Saints within 
the Bar, All Saints without the Bar, and East Street and Bag-row 
within the town and liberties of Southampton ; and for preventing 
nuisances and annoyances therein; and for widening and rendering 
the same more commodious ; and for lighting and watching the said 
streets and public passages.' In dealing with the Bar gate and walls, 
we have noticed some of the earlier work of the commissioners under 
this Act. In 1810 further powers were obtained under another local 
Act (50 Geo. III. cap. 169) ; and by the Municipal Corporations Act, 
1835, and continued in 1882, the watching was placed under a com- 
mittee of the Corporation, to be from time to time elected. 

1 Court Leet Books, 1640, 1675, l6 54- 

2 Journal, 1618; Court Leet Book, 1615. 


In 1838 the widening of Bridge Street/ which with the increasing 
traffic had become both inconvenient and dangerous as a thorough- 
fare, and many other alterations in the streets and roads, were taken in 
hand by the Improvement Commissioners ; but it was soon found 
advisable to obtain further powers to meet the growing necessities of 
the town. A committee was appointed in September 1843 to con ~ 
sider the expediency of obtaining an Act to amend and enlarge the 
Paving and Lighting Acts. 2 In 1770, when the first Act was passed, 
the population could not have exceeded 6000; in 1811, after the 
passing of the second, it was but 9617 ; in 1841 it was 27,774; and a 
couple of years later it was upwards of 30,000. Extensive suburbs had 
sprung up, which had never been contemplated under the old Acts, and 
were not reached by their provisions; the need of an Improvement Act 
adapted to the enlarged circumstances had therefore become urgent. 
A comparison of the property rated to the poor with that liable to rates 
under the Acts gave the following results : Rateable value to paving, 
&c., ^44,329; rateable value to poor-rates, ^96,088, leaving a differ- 
ence of property to the extent of ^51,759 not rated to paving. In 
1844 the desired Act (7 & 8 Viet., 1844, July 19) was passed for 
' paving, lighting, draining, cleansing, and otherwise improving the 
town, and for removing and preventing nuisances and annoyances 
therein/ The existing Acts were repealed, together with so much of 
the 13 Geo. III. cap. 50 as related to the repairs of highways, &c. 
Finally, the powers of the old Improvement and Waterworks Com- 
missioners ceased upon the application of the Public Health Act, 1848, 
to Southampton. 

The Corporation became the Local Board of Health, and are now 
in this respect known as the Urban Sanitary Authority. 


Audit- House and Markets Municipal Buildings. 

In the early part of the fourteenth century the church of St. Cross Old Audit- 
or Holy Rood was removed from the middle of the High Street to 
its present position farther back, after which the Audit-house was 
erected on the ancient site of the church. Notices of it occur in 1457, 
1471, and other years. Leland (1549), describing the features of the 
High Street, says, ' There ys a fair house buildid yri the midle of this 
streat for accomptes to be made yn. J The accounts were frequently 
made palatable with rare good wine and jollification. Had the anti- 
quary turned over the steward's books, he would have come across 

1 Report of Improvement Committee, December 5, 1838. 

2 Report of Committee, September 29, 1843. 


entries like the following: 'This hys the expensse of y e mayer and 
hys bretheryn in the Audyt-hows atte etyng of the bukke that my lord 
of Arendell giff the vj day of September 7 (1473). The fabric was, as 
usual, in two stages, the lower being available for market or shops. 1 

" The market for butter, eggs, &c., was originally kept in the High 
" Street opposite St. Lawrence's Church ; the fish-market in St. Michael's 
" Square, and the butchers' shambles at the dead wall of the Friary." 

Poultry- jjj reference to the former,, many inhabitants and strangers having 

represented to the Corporation that there was no shelter at St. 
Lawrence's Cross against the rain and tempest, 'which often happened 
on market-days/ whereby victuals, buyers, and sellers were the worse, it 
was agreed (March 1570, 12 Eliz.) to erect a convenient and comely 
market at the south end of the Audit-house, which was carried out by 
June, and to abandon the old site at the cross. 2 The intended removal 
gave offence to some few, and attempts were made to stop it after the 
election of the new mayor, Reynold Howse; upon which the Corpora- 
tion exhibited a lengthy document to the Queen's Council, setting forth 
the reasons which had induced them to make the change; the old 
place had been found too small, was uncovered, and the chatter of the 
market-folk annoyed the worshippers in the church close by; every 
formality had been complied with; only a few interested persons of no 
weight had made objection, and to such the order and governance of 
the town did not belong. 3 

Fish- The fish-market in St. Michael's Square had an erection over it ; 

in 1457 a portion of this was let as the e Cloth-house' for twenty 
shillings a year; 4 in 1525 the 'loft' over the fish-market was let to 
the warden of the bakers for twenty years at twenty shillings a year 5 
fish odour disagreeing with neither cloth or bread. This market was 
slightly peripatetic. Some time before 1603 it was at the poultry cross 
or market in the High Street, and was in that year ordered back to 
the Square ; in 1615 it was again sent into the High Street above the 
Audit-house near the Bullring, where it remained till the erection of 
the new Audit-house. " A.D. 1698. The Corporation built butchers' 
" shambles at the Market-house." 6 

In the latter half of the eighteenth century the old Audit-house did 
not strike visitors with the same admiration with which it had affected 

1 In the Steward's Book of 1457 'void places' under the 'town hall' are let. 
This must refer to the Audit-house, as under the ' town ' or ' guild ' hall at Bar- 
gate there could have been no such accommodation. 

2 Boke of Remembrances, f. 104 b. 

3 Lib. Rememor. BB. } ff. 45, 46. 4 Steward's Books. 
5 Boke of Remembrances, f. 26 b. 

* Court Leet Books and Journals. 


the great antiquary upwards of two centuries before. It had been Old Audit- 
, r . . j , house con- 

patched up from time to time, and extensive improvements were made demned. 

in 1763 but the inevitable fact had to be faced that the building was 
no longer fit for the town, and modern requirements demanded that it 
should be improved off the face of the High Street. 

In 1771 a new site, considered then fairly central, consisting of the New one 
house and garden of Mr. Alderman Purbeck, about 230 feet long and 
between 40 and 50 feet broad, was purchased by the Corporation for 
^1305, and the first stone of the present Audit-house was laid on 
September 27, 1771, in presence of Edward Noble, Esq., mayor. The 
architect was Mr. John Crunden, of Bolton Street, Piccadilly. His 
work was much admired, and it was quite on a level with buildings of 
the kind in other large towns. The outlay was over ^7000. The 
facade towards the street, of Portland stone and in the Doric style, can 
hardly be described in the terms usual at the time. But the building 
is a handsome edifice in two stages, the lower of which was till lately 
open and used as a market ; above were the council chamber (as at 
present), the office of the town-clerk, that of the borough treasurer, and 
the various other municipal offices, which also of later years occupied a 
house adjoining to the south, now rebuilt in the recent improvements, 
and adapted to the general plan. The council chamber has a good 
interior. Several fine pictures adorn its walls, some the gift of the late 
G. F. Pitt, Esq., in 1831, who also in the same year presented to the 
town his collection of books for a free library, which, together with 
fifty-three volumes presented by the Record Commission in 1834, are 
now incorporated in the library of the Hartley Institute. A sword of 
state a medieval two-handed weapon drawn in time of war, and the 
old colours of the Southampton Volunteers, occupy corners of the 
apartment. The council chamber was intended no less as a hall 
for meetings and banquets than for the business of the council, the 
existing clerk's room, lately the town-clerk's apartment, serving at first 
for the business of the Corporation. 

The Audit-house was opened on October 5, 1773, but for purposes Removal 
of marketing many old-fashioned folk, as usual, refused to take kindly 
to the changed locality, and so much trouble seemed likely to arise 
that the Corporation thought of applying for an Act to establish and 
regulate the new market. However, with the aid of the recorder, 
matters were settled in a less costly fashion, proclamation being made, 
October 22, 1774, notifying the removal of all the markets, with the 
exception of those for corn and grain, to the new site. 1 The markets 

1 On November 25, 1788, an atrocious attempt was made to burn the premises 
by means of combustibles placed under the butchers' shambles in Market Lane. 


removed are specified as those for butter, eggs, and poultry ; for 
butchers' meat ; for herbs, fruit, and garden stuff; and also for fish 
and other provisions, which had till then been kept in and about the 
late market or Audit-house and near the Dolphin and Nag's Head 

In 1816, more room being required, the green-market again took 
possession of the High Street, under authority of the Commissioners of 
Pavement, till a better place should be provided. In September 1822 

St.George's an additional green-market was established, by proclamation, in a 
building provided in the Ditches adjoining the new butchers' market, 
which had been opened in April 1821, near the bridge crossing the 
canal at the bottom of Bridge Street. This range of buildings, erected 
by private venture, and situated opposite the Wheatsheaf Inn, was 
called St. George's Market. The green-market was thus disposed of; 

High street but yet another and a last sweep was needed for the High Street, the 

red ' pigs being still in front of Holy Rood Church on the ancient site. 

These the Commissioners of Pavement successfully attacked in August 

1832, and by the aid of the Corporation they were finally driven into 

St. George's Market before the end of the year. 

As has been stated, the Audit-house of 1771 has now been consider- 
ably enlarged, and convenience has been secured, though the general 
result can hardly be said to be worthy of the town. It was the best 
that could be done on the present site. The architect was Mr. James 
Lemon, C.E. ; the outlay something over ^3000. On the ground 
floor are arranged the offices of the borough surveyor, medical officer 
of health, inspector of nuisances, borough engineer, and inspector of 
weights and measures. In the basement is the muniment room. On 


the upper floor are the council chamber and anteroom, the committee 
room, mayor's parlour, town-clerk's offices, those of the borough trea- 
surer and clerk of accounts, &c. 

It may be anticipated that this arrangement, however commodious, 
will give place before many years are over to a more suitable and digni- 
fied building. 

The corner-stone of the additional buildings was laid by J. B. 
Thomas, Esq., then mayor, on October 22, 1879, and a year from that 
date namely, on Wednesday, October 20, 1880 the whole of the 
improvements had been finished, and were formally opened by the 
mayor, W. H. Rogers, Esq. 

SECTION IX. The Hartley Institute. 

Those whose recollection of Southampton can carry them some few 
years back will remember the three dreary-looking red-brick houses 


with narrow casements, dating apparently from the early part of the 
last century, in one of which Henry Robinson Hartley formerly re- 
sided, as his father had before him. But the houses had been closely 
shut up for many years, and the few old elm-trees in front could not 
redeem this spot from being a most melancholy eyesore to the other- 
wise beautiful High Street. 

Henry Robinson Hartley came into a good fortune, just after he 
had attained his legal full age, on the death of his father in April 1800. 
Henry Hartley, the father, descended from an old family of gentry in 
the Craven district, had come from the North and settled in South- 
ampton as a wine importer, the great local trade of the time ; his uncle, 
Mr. George Robinson, having preceded him about 1744. Mr. Robin- 
son became sheriff of the town in 1751 and mayor in 1763 and 1773; 
and Henry Hartley obtained the mayoralty in 1775. 

Soon after coming into his property, the subject of this notice shut 
up his house and left the town ; nor did he ever return to reside in 
Southampton, visiting the place only so occasionally and privately that 
he was known by sight to few. He was supposed to have taken an 
aversion to the town ; yet when he died at Calais, aged seventy-two, on 
May 24, 1850, it was found that by will bearing date August 13, 1843, 
he, then residing at Newington in Surrey, after making certain be- 
quests to relatives and servants, had given the whole residue of his 
personal estate to the mayor and Corporation of his native town, upon 
trust, to employ the proceeds in such a manner as might best promote 
the study and advancement .of the sciences of natural history, astro- 
nomy, antiquities, and classical and Oriental literature in the town of 
Southampton ; such as by forming a public library, botanic gardens, 
observatory, and collections of objects in connection with the above 
sciences, in the parish of Holy Rood. 

The property amounted to ^103,887 ; but the will being disputed, 
and a long and expensive Chancery suit ensuing, the Corporation, after 
paying some ^35,000 taxed costs and compromising with some of the 
claimants, realised at length, in 1858, no more than the sum of ^42,525. 
Having thus far, at such heavy cost, vindicated the will, the Corporation 
sought the advice of the town as to the form the bequest should assume ; 
and in November the same year the general opinion was pronounced 
in favour of a scheme not very unlike what has been carried out. 
Accordingly in 1859 an order of the Court of Chancery was made 
establishing the present Hartley Institute on the above general lines. 
It was arranged that the sum of ^15,000 should be laid out on the site 
and buildings ; and as the three houses above spoken of, the leasehold 
interest of which Mr. Hartley had owned, offered a favourable site, the 
spot connected personally with Mr. Hartley was selected ; and the 



Corporation having acquired by gift from Queen's College, Oxford, 
the freehold of the houses, added to the estate some Corporation land 
at the hack, made the most of the money that had fallen to them, and 
began to build. The foundation-stone was laid by Lord Palmerston in 
1860, and the Institute was formally opened by him, October 15, 1862, 
Dr. Bond having been appointed curator. 

The building is a handsome Palladian structure in three storeys, with 
a fagacle of about 74 feet to the High Street. A triple entrance, with 
caryatides, opens into a spacious hall supported by columns and adorned 
with statuary^ out of which runs a wide corridor leading to the lecture 
theatre, art galleries^ secondary staircases^ &c. To the left of the main 
entrance is the apartment of the Southampton Chamber of Commerce, 
beyond which are lavatories. On the right of the entrance are the council 
and the executive officer's rooms. The main staircase is to the left hand 
of the entrance to the corridor. Beyond this and to the left of the corridor 
is the museum which may eventually be turned into the library on a 
further building scheme 50 feet long, and having two galleries 
entered from the main staircase. The theatre, at the end of the corridor, 
fitted with large orchestral and two side galleries, is about 64 feet long by 
58 broad, and calculated for 1000 persons. Beyond the theatre and at the 
sides are art galleries and lecture rooms. On the first storey, main entrance, 
are a handsome reading-room, 70 feet long, and a library adjoining. On 
the upper storey the chemical department is arranged. The buildings 
have cost about ^20,000. The library at the Institution comprises 
three or four different collections, among which is the Pitt Library 
(spoken of below), and contains over 20,000 volumes.. In the Institu- 
tion are located a school of art in connection with South Kensington, 
occupying a suite of rooms specially built for the purpose ; a school of 
science and engineering, occupying a similar set of buildings; a junior 
medical school ; a department of general literature ; and large chemical 
and physical laboratories. There is a staff of lecturers and teachers 
attached to the Institution. The fees for day students vary from ^15 
to ^24 per annum, and there are evening classes during the winter 
months, which are open to artisans and others at small fees. -The 
students have gained many distinctions and appointments in various 
Government services, including the public works and telegraphic de- 
partments of India, the Woolwich and line examinations, the Control 
departments,, Sec., and have won many open scholarships and similar dis- 
tinctions at the universities, the Royal School of Mines, and elsewhere ; 
and during the year 1881-82, 340 students, day and evening, attended 
the classes. 1 

1 Mr. Shore's Guide. 


The Institution is governed by a council, which consists of the mayor, 
nine members of the town council, and six who are not members of the 
town council. The executive officer is Thomas W. Shore, Esq., F.G.S., 
F.C.S., under whose care the work of the Institution is being largely 

SECTION X. The Ordnance Survey Office. 

At the beginning of the century the Government erected on a site 
of about two acres of land near the entrance to the Avenue some 
cavalry barracks, with all the usual appliances. In 1816 the use of 
these buildings was converted into a military asylum for boys, serving as 
a branch of the Royal Military Asylum at Chelsea. It was superin- 
tended by a commandant, chaplain, adjutant, surgeon, and other neces- 
sary officers; and at one time contained from three to four hundred 
boys, who were well fed and taught, and patronised by great folk from 
time to time. In May 1823 tnev were all removed to Chelsea, and the 
asylum was used for female children. These, like the boys, were to be 
orphans of both parents, or daughters of fathers who were serving in 
the regular army abroad, the mothers being dead : they were clothed, 
fed, and taught, and put to service. About 1840 these children were also 
removed to Chelsea, and the destination of the buildings and site 
became for a third time altered. 

The Ordnance Survey Office was established at Southampton on 
this old site, and partly in the old premises, in 1841. In 1855 an 
extensive new wing was added, and in 1873 tne ^ ma i n building was 
pulled down. The whole of the premises have now been remodelled 
and greatly enlarged. 

This office is the headquarters of the Ordnance Survey of the 
United Kingdom, the work of which is carried on by four companies 
of the Royal Engineers, in addition to a staff of upwards of 2000 
civilians. Of this force, about 500 are employed here; consisting of all 
the necessary artists, clerks, and mechanics, under a director, assisted 
by an executive officer and officers in charge of departments. 

A full account of the work of this department was presented by 
Major-General Cooke, C.B., R.E., at the visit of the British Association 
in August 1 88 1. 

There is an observatory on the premises, the register of which com- 
mences with the year 1855: the observations are constantly published 
in the local papers. 

From this office parties of the Royal Engineers were sent on the 
survey of Jerusalem and Sinai, which has had such interesting results. 

( '3* 


SECTION I. The Guild Merchant. 

THE Guild Merchant having been the nurse of the town's corporation 
and the original guardian of its liberties, it seems right to put in the 
front such account of the Guild as we are able to give. This will be 
best done by exhibiting its ordinances at length, of which, however, 
and of the versions extant, some account must be also given. 
Version. j The earliest version of the ordinances of the Guild Merchant is to 

be found in an ancient and curious volume, which is one of the most 
interesting of the town records. It is a small quarto on vellum., bound 
in oak covers, one being much longer than the other, and having a 
square hole in the lower part to put the hand through while using the 
volume. On the outside are a couple of merchants' marks. 1 

The ordinances commence at the top of folio 10, and are written 
continuously without any break to the fifth line of folio 20, the heading 
of each being in rubric. The handv/riting is apparently that of the 
first part of the fourteenth century. Prefixed to the ordinances, on 
folio 9, is the guildsman's or burgess's oath, in which mention is made 
of a mayor, a title which does not occur in the ordinances themselves. 
The oath, which is in rubric and in a larger hand than the rest, appears 
to be of the same age. The ordinances are of various dates, some of 
them probably belonging to the earliest period of the Guild The trans- 
lation of this oldest version is given below. 2 

2. The next is a version called the ' Paxbread.' It is a free transla- 
tion from the Anglo-Norman ordinances, with certain omissions^ made 
by W. Overey, town-clerk, 1473. ^ commences : ' Heare after folo 

1 This book was noticed by the late Mr. Thomas Wright in Winchester 
volume, Brit. Archaeol. Assoc., 1846, where also is a drawing of the covers by 
Mr. Fairholt. A table of contents is to be found in the Record Commissioners' 
Report, 1834. 

2 Dr. Speed transcribed the text and gave a translation, which has been 
consulted in that given below. The Anglo-Norman text, here excluded from want 
of space, was edited by Sir Edward Smirke, but without translation, and is to be 
found printed in the Archaeological Journal, vol. xvi. 1859, PP- 283-296. 


[w]ithe the contynue of a boke named the paxbreade . . . [bejinge 
the olde rules and ordinaun[ces] of the good t[own] of Suthampton 
made by greate [deli]beracon b[y] the awncyent fathers in time passed 
[for] the utilitie and comon welthe as well f[or th]e burgeasses and 
bretheren of the gilde as of a[ll the] dwellers and inhabitantes within 
the franchis and liberties of the saide towne : the which auncient fathers 
made the saide booke of olde tyme in Frenche tonge, and the first sadd 
and good rule to be had and settled amounge them, and so for to conteyne 
in the same unto the worldes end : and seth by William Overey, sonne 
and heire unto William Overey sometyme mayer of the saide towne, 
translated out of Frenche into Englishe, he beinge burgesse succeedinge 
his saide father's burgeswicke by inheritaunce, and by free election 
afterwarde chosen clerke and made shreve of the said towne the yere of 
grace M'cccclxxiij [12 Ed. IV.] the xvdayeof September: which trans- 
lacion so made was fully compiled and finished the saide yere by the 
saide William Owrey the yonger, and after by him geuen and pre- 
sented unto the maior at that time being and to his bretheren, burgesses 
of the saide gilde, with all the inhabitantes of the same, the yere 
of grace M'cccclxxviij (1478).' The town copy now existing is not 
the original, but was written after the beginning of the reign of 
Henry VIII. 

No account is hazarded of the name f Paxbread' 1 by which the 
ordinances had come to be known. 2 

Overey's work contains : I. The burgesses' oath, substantially the 
same as that printed below; 3 2. Translation of the French ordinances; 
3. The oaths of all the officers of the town, (i.) The mayor's oath is a 
more ancient form of that given below ; in it occurs e ye shall see to 
be donne all the pointes of the paxbreade, and of ij bookes called the 
booke of certentes of office, and of a booke [of] casualties late ordayned 

1 Constant references occur to chapters in the ' Paxbread/ e.g., in 1522 
James Pryvett was ' discharged from the liberty of the guild ' for making a fray 
on one of the burgesses with a dagger, ' contrary to the lawdable custom of the 
town, as in the I3th chapter of paxbread doth appear' (Burgess Book). 

2 Nor can I explain the following extraordinary entry : 

' Paxbrede : M d that John a Side solemply sworne uppon a booke the xvij 
yere of Kynge Harry the vij th the xvij th day of March [1502], hath confessed 
that he hath the copy of the paxbrede of this Towne which he hadd of Thomas 
Stanwey, sumtyme servaunt to Jamys Meryke ; over that he is sworne to se 
the same copy delyvered, the same self copy : and also he is sworne that he nor 
othir person for hym shall take any copy of the same. And the vij day of 
March a Regis H. vij xviij , according to the othe aboue wretyn he hath 
brought in the same booke, and it was brent before hym ' (Lib. Remembranc. 
H. f. 8). 

3 See the oaths printed under the offices. 


for the welthe of this town by Thomas Overay 1 then mayor' [1488-90], 
&c. ; (2.) Oath of the four aldermen ; (3.) Of the sheriff; (4.) Of the 
recorder or town-clerk ; (5.) Of the bailiff of the courts ; (6.) the water- 
bailey and of the broker ; (7.) Of the water-bailey and his clerk ; (8.) Of 
the steward; (9.) Of the four sergeants ; (10.) Of the crowners; (n.)'Of 
the constables ; (12.) Of the bidelles ; (13.) Of a prisoner when liberated. 

3. The third version occurs in the second part of the volume last 
mentioned. It contains the following oaths: I. Of the burgesses; 
2. Of the commoners; 3. The mayor; 4. The four aldermen and 
justices ; 5. Constables of staple ; 6. Recorder or town-clerk ; 7. Sheriff; 
8. Bailiff; 9. Coroner; 10. Constable; n. Petty customer; 12. The 
four discreets of the market; 13. The four sergeants; 14. The receiver 
of customs ; 15. Brokers between merchants; 16. Cloth-measurers; 
17. The steward; 18. Measurers of salt and corn; 19. Teller of leather ; 
2O. Alderman ofPortswood; 21. The bidelles. The ordinances which 
follow are considerably modernised and enlarged, 2 and are the same as 
in No. 5 (below). 

4. The fourth version in the order of time is found in the 'Burgess 
Book' of 1496. It presents the same list of oaths as the last, and 
contains in the margin some additions which appear in the later texts. 
Opposite the commoner's oath a note about the Protector is obliterated. 
After the ordinances, which have nearly assumed their most modem 
shape, comes a new batch of oaths. That of the recorder was new, and 
6 the right wo. Mr. Thomas Fleminge, her Majesty's Sollicitor General, 
was, the vij daye of April 1601,' sworn upon it; then the oath of non- 
burgesses, written after 4 Jas. I., subsequently altered to serve for the 
Protector, and again altered; the oath of the justices; of the assistants 
or common councillors ; and of the gauger. 

5. A version 3 written in the time of Charles I., from which a few 
footnotes are given below. It contains the same oaths as version 3, 

1 The ordinances of Thomas Overey consist of thirty-two articles of minute 
regulation for the town officers, and for enforcing the points of the Paxbread 
and for trade rule. ' Thees been the remedies provided and ordeyned by Thomas 
Overy, mere, &c., for divers grevous compleyntis, &c. And if these said reme- 
dyes, provisions, and ordinaunces shuld not be put in execucion and contynue, 
hit shuld be to thutter distruccion of this seid gode towne, the whiche God 
defende.' They were passed by the Common Assembly, July I, 1491 (Lib. 
Remembranc. BB., ff. 5, 6-9). Article 20 provides that the old ordinances 
granted to various crafts should be still observed. Article 24, strangers coming 
to the town were to be assigned by the mayor, ' to be hosted and lodged with 
sufficient burgesses dwelling within the same town.' 

2 It had been intended to give a collation of these books, but space has failed 

3 This book was in the possession of Dr. Speed. 


with the additions of version 4. The ordinances are considerably 
modernised (as in version 3), the word ' burgess ' always appearing 
instead of ' guildsman.' The following are the chief additions: 
Ordinance 17. Forbidding innkeepers to receive the merchandise of 
strangers into their houses; 63. Forbidding the purchase of articles on 
shipboard under the Isle of Wight, except through a broker ; 64. An 
order about the watch, about 1521 ; 65, 71, 72, 73. Orders about beer- 
brewers (c. 1550); 66. The town steward to put in sureties; 67. 
Butchers above Bar not to retail meat there, but to sell at the Friar's 
gate with the other butchers ; 68. The measure of Newfoundland fish ; 
69. Prohibiting the sale of salt by water measure; 70. Payment for 
the use of the crane for great timber, and 79 for millstones; 74. 
Regulation for butchers ; 75. Cows not to be milked in the town ; 76. 
Beer-brewers not to have iron-bound carts; 77. Masty dogs not to run 
about the streets ; 78. Regulating shoemakers and cobblers ; 80. Tin 
dealers to carry their tin to the tin-house and pay the porters. 

6. The book of f oaths of office ' now in use. It was commenced 
by Richard Stanley, town-clerk, 1648-53. The ordinances in this copy 
present many slight variations from those in the last, but are substan- 
tially the same. Ordinance 69 is omitted. There are these additions : 

80. None to be sworn burgesses but such as are free of the Corporation 
by birth or service, without consent of the majority of the Corporation ; 

81. No one to be chosen mayor, sheriff, or bailiff who has not been 
high steward ; 82. Costs of Admiralty courts at Leape, Lymington, 
and Keyhaven limited to ^8, and at Hamble to forty shillings; 83. 
Officers in the customs are to have no government in the town ; 84. 
No burgess who has not been resident a year and a day is to have any 
voice in the election of mayor, See., unless he be the recorder, or has 
been a burgess of parliament for the town; 85. Order of precedence 
among the burgesses ; 86. Strangers' goods to be weighed at the king's 
beam ; 87. Apprentices of burgesses and franchisers, term to be for 
seven years at least, according to the statute ; l enrolment to be made 
within six months in the Audit-house book; 88. No one to set up a 
shop without licence unless he has been apprenticed in the town for 
seven years; 89. No craftsmen dwelling in the town or franchise to 
take into employ any men-servants other than denizens and those 
bound apprentice; 90. The manner of surveying the town lands, &c. 
' Item, that the mayor and aldermen of the wardes shall make true 
. . / here three leaves are cut out, and so Mr. Stanley's ordinances 
come to an end. There is little variation in the oaths of this collection. 
A marginal note against the burgesses' oath states that by order of 

1 See 5 Eliz. c. 4, s. 24 (1562-63), and 7 Jas. I. c. 3, s. 2 (1609-10). 


Common Council, February 1769, the clause about apprentices is to be 
omitted. Under the mayor's oath a later hand gives directions as to 
his swearing, and how he is to be invested with the tippet by the 
recorder and the late mayor or next senior alderman. 

We now turn to the significance of what we find. We have before 
us the history of the borough constitution, as far as it is contained in 
these ordinances, from about 1300 to the period when the Corporation 
had assumed that shape in which the Municipal Reform Act found it 
in September 1835. 

Guild The first thing to remark is that the old ordinances profess to 

SaukuT 63 re g u ^ ate both the Guild Merchant and the town. It is evident, there- 
thetown. f ore ^ tnat at tne period of the earliest laws the borough government 

had merged its identity in that of the Guild. 

Officers. The alderman (Ordinance i) was the usual title of the head of a 

guild ; the seneschal or steward, chaplain, echevins, and usher were 
officers also of the Guild ; but some of them had at this period functions 
which were clearly beyond those of the original Guild Merchant. This 
latter was an association for the protection and promotion of trade of 
whatever kind ; hence, after it had assumed full governing power in 
the towns for the history of one town is that of many we find it in 
connection with the various craft guilds, approving their ordinances, 
receiving money considerations from them, and supervising in many 
ways. To this guild character of the governing body the general 
power of trade regulation belonged, as also that of the appointment of 
burgesses and their succession by inheritance. 

At the period of these French ordinances (c. 1300), which, be it 
remembered, certainly represent a much older date, nothing remained 
beyond the sign or tradition of the two jurisdictions having been sepa- 
rate, so completely had the Guild dominated over the old borough idea. 
But whenever the Guild became settled as the supreme authority and 
it may have been from its first existence by charter (probably in the 
time of Henry I.) there entered at that period an element of restric- 
tion alien from the more ancient government of the towns. The 
privileges of the borough communities were shared by all the free, that 
is, unservile town-dwellers who bore their part in the public burdens ; 
but with the Guild the privileges became restricted to the few, and a 
system of local administration arose which fills us with amazement in 
reading medieval or much more recent history. Yet, in a larger view, 
the exclusiveness of the guild system was a necessary step towards 
the freedom of the country; for it is observed 1 that the vindication 
of class privileges is one of the most effective ways of securing public 

1 Stubbs, Constit. Hist., iii. 562. 


liberty so long as public liberty is under the general oppression of 

The alderman or chief alderman of the town i.e., the alderman Alderman, 
(originally) of the Guild Merchant, as distinguished from those of the 
wards is the head of the Guild and of the town (Ord. 53). With him 
are joined two bailiffs (27, 29, 32, &c.), and twelve sworn men of the Bailiffs. 
town from the class of prodeshommes or 'discreets/ and called so 
themselves par excellence (18, 27, 29, 32, 44). They were afterwards 
styled the ' twelve assistants/ These twelve discreets were to be Twelve 
elected each year by the whole community, the two bailiffs being elected 
the same day from the same class of prodeshommes (32). Besides 
these officers, there were four sworn men discreets of the market (31), Discreets 
and twelve aldermen of wards, who had the view of frankpledge in Aldermen 
their wards, and controlled the police and sanitary regulations of the ofwalds - 
town (37, 38, 45, 46, &c.) The seneschal or steward acted as treasurer Steward. 
under the direction of the chief alderman (8, 35), and the four f ska- Echevins. 
vyns' (i, 2, 3, &c.) as the word was usually written and pronounced 
probably served him in a subordinate capacity. The usher gave warn- Usher, 
ing of town meetings, and was perhaps the mouthpiece of the Guild in 

The Guild did not always meet in the same place (4, 32), perhaps in Meetings. 
this respect preserving the old tradition of the Guild Merchant, which 
was not even confined to town-dwellers. The Guild meeting was to be 
held twice J in the year the Sunday next after St. John Baptist's Day 
(June 24) and that after St. Hilary, January 13 (i). There is no men- 
tion of a guildhall. 

Passing now from the officials to the general town community, the The 

, ., , j r i i * guildsman. 

most important personage is the guildsman or burgess, tor the burgess 
no longer means the free resident householder, paying his scot and 
bearing lot, sworn and enrolled in the court of the borough. The 
word has obtained a more restricted meaning, which became bound to 
it only the more tightly till in the Act of 1835 it was liberated and 
restored to something more like its original. The guildsman or burgess 
was a member of the body which held the government of the town ; he 
had the fullest municipal rights, and the first enjoyment of every privi- 
lege ; his place in the Guild had either been inherited or purchased by 
fine (9, 10, &c.), on his satisfying otherwise the necessary requirements, 
one of which was residence ; for the Guild Merchant having been now 
long time strictly localised, it had adopted the old tradition, so far, of 

1 These were solemn no less than festive gatherings. At them the ordi- 
nances were carefully read over and explained. Thomas Overey's ordinances 
make this clear. 


town-dwelling being essential to the exercise of town functions and the 
enjoyment of town privileges. The only exception to this requirement 
was in the case of those whom the Guild delighted to honour or whose 
favour it hoped to secure by the compliment of honorary membership 
(57) : the guildsman could not give away or barter his place (10). 

franchiser After the guildsman comes the man of the franchise (12, 13, 14, &c.), 

that is, the dweller within the liberties of the town who bore his part 
in duties and taxation, and who was admitted to trade by the enabling 
and essential permission of the Guild. A guildsman might lose his 
place in the Guild, or even forfeit his franchise (12, 65, &c.) ; and the 

condition *" f rancmser might of course be deprived of his rights, when he would be 
counted as a stranger (75, &c.) 

The The stranger or foreigner was not necessarily, or indeed generally, 

a foreign subject, but one who did not live within the town liberties : 
such a person was made to understand that his frequenting the markets 
and his very presence within the town were matters of sufferance (23, &c.) 

Men of Ordinance 30 shows us how to interpret ' man of the town;' it is 

evidently a comprehensive term including both the guildsman and the 
franchiser. So the expression ( ordinances of the guild and of the 
town ' (44, 45) refers to the one code which regulates the whole com- 
munity, and does not imply two bodies, one having reference to com- 
merce, the other to local government, though the phrase may preserve 
the tradition of separate jurisdiction. This hint of a former state of 
affairs is perhaps more distinctly involved in No. 53. 

It was in comparatively recent times that the name of Guild was 
finally given up. At the period of the French ordinances it was pro- 
minent, and so continued for a couple of centuries or more. The 
entries in the ' Burgess Book' of 1496 record admissions 'into the 
gilde 7 or into f the libertie of the gilde. ? One or other of these forms 
occurs without a variation till the admission of Bishop Home in 1562, 
whose name is the last thus entered. After this there is a marked 
change in the style. The next and most of the subsequent admissions 
are f to be one of the burgesses/ or, in the latest times till 1835, 'admitted 
and sworn a burgess/ Still in 1597 we find an admission ' to be one 
of the burgesses and guilde ; ' and the same or similar form of c guild 
and burgess' occurs not unfrequently till 1704; after which the name 
does not appear in documents, and only remains in the word guildhall. 
Following upon the distinction between ' the guildsman ; and f man 
of the franchise/ the latter enjoying special liberties from the Guild 
without all the privileges of the guildsman, we find in the volume 

Freemen, called * List of Burgesses from 1697 ' an ' admission of freemen/ to- 
wards the end, the first entry being dated October 5, 1694. These 
were admissions of tradesmen to trade in the town, and of townsmen 


to succeed to freedom on completion of their apprenticeship, the latter 
being admitted gratis. The forms are ' admitted and sworn a free- 
man of this town to use the trade of/ &c., ' having served an appren- 
ticeship within the town, is admitted and sworn a freeman of the town 
to use the trade of,' &c. The list is not quite chronological, and a 
meagre enrolment compared with the list of burgesses. It may not 
have been complete. The last entry seems to belong to 1796. 


1. How the alderman, seneschal, chaplain, echevins, and usher shall be 
elected. First, let there be elected and established for the Guild Merchant an 
alderman, 1 a seneschal, a chaplain, four echevins, 2 and an usher. And be it 
known that the alderman shall receive from every one entering into the Guild 
fourpence, the seneschal twopence, the chaplain twopence, and the usher 
one penny. And the Guild shall be held twice in the year, that is to say, on the 
Sunday next after St. John Baptist's Day, and the Sunday next after St. Hilary. 

2. During the time of the Guild none shall come among them except through 
the alderman. And during the Guild no one belonging to it shall introduce any 
stranger except by order of the alderman or seneschal. And the alderman shall 
have a sergeant 3 to serve before him, the seneschal another sergeant, and the 
two echevins a sergeant, and the other two echevins a sergeant, and the chaplain 
shall have his clerk. 

3. What the alderman shall have each night as long as the Guild shall be held. 
And during the Guild the alderman shall have each night of its session two 
gallons of wine and two candles, and the seneschal the same ; and the four 
eschevins and the chaplain, each of them one gallon of wine and on,e candle ; 
and the usher, one gallon of wine. 

4. What the lepers shall have during the Guild. And during the Guild the 
lepers (les meseaus) of La Maudaleyne shall have of the alms of the Guild two 
cesters 4 of ale ; and the sick of God's House and St. Julien, two cesters of ale ; 
and the Friar's minor, two of ale and one of wine ; and four cesters of ale shall 
be given to the poor where the Guild shall be held (la ou la gilde serra). 

5. No guildsman shall go forth from the town during the session of the Guild. 

1 The mayor of the town continued very commonly to be called ' the alder- 
man ' in deeds and other documents till towards the middle of the fourteenth 

2 Eskevyns. The following, from ' English Guilds,' Early Eng. Text Soc., 
1 870, will be of use : ' An aldirman, wyse and wittye, able and konyng to reulen 
and gouern ]>e company . . . and four skeuaynes, trost men and trewe, for to 
kepyn and reseyuen ]>e goodes and pe katel [chattels] of pe gilde ' (p. 46). 

3 A servyer devaunt ly. It probably means to execute orders : compare the 
Winchester 'Usages' (English Guilds, p. 350); 'Also fowre seriauntes sholde 
be in ]>e town y-swore, 3erdes [maces] berynge, for to don ]>e hestes of ]>e mayre 
and of J)e baylyues.' 

4 Cesters. Dr. Speed takes it for setier or septier, which he makes a liquid 
measure of eight pints or one gallon 


And while the Guild is sitting, no member of it shall go forth from the town 
for business without the leave of the seneschal. If any one does so, he shall be 
fined two shillings, and pay them. 

6. How two guildsmen shall visit the sick of the Guild, and what each approved 
mani- (prodeshome) shall have. And during the Guild if any guildsman be out 
of the town, so that he did not know when the Guild would take place, he shall 
have a gallon of wine, if his servants come for it ; and if a guildsman be ill and 
in the town, wine shall be taken to him, two loaves and a gallon of wine, and 
one dish of cooked food; 2 and two of the approved men (prodeshomes) of the 
Guild shall go to visit him and look to his condition. 

7. When a guildsman dies* those who are of the Guild busy themselves, like- 
wise all who are of the Guild and in the town shall be at the service of the dead. 
[Words repeated] and guildsmen shall carry the body, and bring it to the 
place of sepulture. And he who will not do this shall pay, on his oath, two 
shillings to give to the poor. And those of the ward where the dead man shall 
be shall find a man to watch with the body the night that the dead person shall 
lie in his house. And so long as the service of the dead shall last, that is to say, 
the vigil and the mass, there shall burn four wax tapers of the Guild, each taper 
of two pounds or more, until the body be buried. And these four tapers shall re- 
main in the keeping of the seneschal. 

8. The seneschal shall keep the rolls and the treasure of the guild under 
seal. [Words repeated] of the alderman of the Guild. 

9. How the next heir of a deceased guildsman shall have the seat of his 
father. And when a guildsman dies, his eldest-born son or his next heir shall 
have the seat of his father, or of his uncle if his father was not a guildsman, 
but of no other relation, and shall give nothing for his seat. But no husband 
(baron) by reason of his wife can have a seat in the Guild, nor demand it by any 
right of his wife's ancestors. 

10. No one has the right or power of \selling or^ giving away his seat in the 
Guild. [Substance repeated] and the son of a guildsman, other than his eldest, 
shall be admitted to the Guild on payment of ten shillings, and shall take 
the oath. 

n. If a guildsman be in prison in any place in England^ [Words repeated] 
during a time of peace, the alderman with the seneschal and one of the echevins 
shall go at the cost of the Guild to procure (porchacer) his deliverance. 

1 Prodeshomes. An understood and restricted class of the men of better 
standing, from whom the officials were chosen (see Gloss, to Lib. Custumarum, 
P- 753)- This word is always rendered by 'discreets 7 in the more modern 
English versions of these ordinances. 

2 Mes de la cusyne. ' A messe of the kichene ' (Overey). 

3 This ordinance is omitted in Overey's version, 1473; but its equivalent 
appears as cap. 2 in later versions, where the mayor and his brethren are charged 
with this duty under two shillings' penalty. 

4 Modern version (No. 5), 'By reason of the affairs of the town.' 


12. If any \_guildsman\ strike another with his fist, and be thereof attainted, 
he shall lose his guildship until. [Words repeated] he has purchased it again 
for ten shillings, and shall take the oath like a new member. And if a guilds- 
man strike another with a stick or a knife, or any other weapon of whatever kind, 
he shall lose his guildship and his franchise, and shall be held a stranger until 
he be reconciled to the good men of the Guild and have made recompense to the 
person whom he has injured, and be fined to the Guild twenty shillings, which 
shall not be remitted. 

13. If any stranger strike a guildsman, and be of the franchise, or offend. 
[Substance repeated] and be reasonably attainted, he shall lose his franchise and 
go to prison for a day and a night. 

14. If any one who is neither of the Guild nor of the franchise strike a guilds- 
man. [Substance repeated] and be thereof reasonably attainted, he shall be 
imprisoned two days and two nights, if the offence be [not] such as to deserve 
graver punishment. 1 

15. If a guildsman revile or asperse another guildsjnan and complaint be 
made of it. [Words repeated] to the alderman, and he be reasonably attainted 
thereof, he shall pay two shillings fine to the Guild ; and if he cannot pay he shall 
lose his guildship. 

1 6. That no one of the franchise, or any other, come to speak or do evil 
against a guildsman ; and if he do this and be attainted. [Substance repeated] 
before the alderman, he shall give a fine of five shillings or lose the franchise. 

17. And no one shall come to the council of the guildsmen imless he be a 
guildsman. [Sentence repeated.] 

18. If any one of the guild forfeit his guildship by any act or trespass, and 
be excluded. [Words repeated] by the alderman, seneschal, echevins, and the 
twelve sworn 2 men of the town, and would have it again, he shall do all afresh, 
just as one who had never been of the Guild, and shall make amends for his 
trespass at the discretion of the alderman and the discreets (prodeshomes) 
aforesaid. And if any one of the Guild or of the franchise sue another out of the 
town, by writ or without writ, he shall lose the guildship and the franchise on 
proof thereof. 

19. No one shall buy anything [in the town of Suthamtone~\ to sell again in 
the same town, except he be a guildsman. [Words repeated] or of the franchise. 
And if any one do so and be attainted thereof, all that he has so bought shall be 
forfeited to the king. And no one shall be quit of custom unless he have made 
it clear that he is of the Guild or of the franchise, and this from year to year. 

20. No one shall buy honey, seim? salt herrings, oil, millstones , 4 or hides, 

1 ' Si le trespas est tiel que il pende plus graunt punysement.' Smirke sug-. 
gests that a negative has been omitted. The modern laws (No. 5) have 'and to 
have greater punishment according to his trespass.' 

2 See under Ord. 27. 

3 Fat, lard, &c., or fish-oil (see Ord. 75). 

4 So the modern versions : the word is modes. In Ord. 71 occurs tourn de 
moeles, a pair of millstones. 


except a guildsman. [Words repeated] nor keep a tavern for wine, or sell cloth 
by retail, except on market or fair day, nor keep above five quarters of corn in 
his granary to sell by retail, if he be not a guildsman ; and whoever shall do 
this and be attainted shall forfeit all to the king. 

21. Of ordering division (de par 'tie maunder} in merchandise between guilds- 
man and guildsman before. No one of the Guild shall be partner or joint 
dealer in any of the foresaid merchandises with any person who is not of the 
Guild, by any manner of coverture, art, contrivance, collusion, or any other manner. 
And whosoever shall do this and be attainted, the goods so bought shall be for- 
feited to the king, and the guildsman shall lose his guildship. 

22. If any guildsman fall into poverty and have not wherewith to live. 
[Words repeated] and cannot work or provide for himself, he shall have one 
mark from the Guild to relieve his condition when the Guild shall be held. No 
one of the Guild or franchise shall avow another's goods x for his own,- by which 
the custom of the town may be injured. And if any one do so, and he be 
attainted, he shall lose the guildship and the franchise, and the merchandise so 
avowed shall be forfeited to the king. 

23. And no denizen or stranger shall ^bargain for\ or buy merchandise 
\coming into the town\ before a bitrgess. [Repeated] of the Guild Merchant, so 
long as the guildsman is present and desires to bargain for or buy those goods ; 
and if any do, and be attainted, all that he has bought shall be forfeited to the 


24. How a guildsman' 2 ' shall have a share in (departira) the merchandise, 
which another guildsman buys. And any one of the Guild Merchant shall share 
(deit partir) in all merchandise which another guildsman or any other person shall 
buy, if he comes and demands part, and is on the spot where the merchandise is 
bought, so that he satisfy the seller and give security for his own part (quy il 
soit en seur del seon). But no man who is not of the Guild can or ought to 
claim share with a guildsman against his will. 

25. The customs^ and all other matters shall be paid without delay. And if 
any guildsman or other of the town refuse a part as aforesaid to a guildsman, 
he shall neither buy nor sell in the town that year except victuals. 

26. If a merchant of the town buy wine or corn and do not custom. And if 
any merchant of the town buy wine or corn, so that all the risk be on the buyer, 

1 Evidently two ordinances run into one. As bearing on the latter part and 
on Ord. 30, compare an order, January 6, 1563-64, complaining that the town 
had suffered from strangers cellaring their goods within the town, and then, by 
colour of their freedom elsewhere, or by sufferance of the townspeople, or by the 
townsmen themselves, selling their goods to other strangers, without duty paid, 
as freely as if they were burgesses or freemen of the town. Therefore, no burgess 
or other inhabitant was to sell the goods of any not enfranchised, after it was 
cellared, to any but burgesses or freemen (Boke of Remembrances, f. 94). 

2 This and the following ordinances are omitted by Overey down to Ord. 30, 
which is with him cap. 23. 

3 The connection between rubric and chapter here is not apparent. 


he shall pay no custom for those goods ; but if any part of the risk be on the 
seller, he shall pay. 

27. [No rubric.] It is provided that the chief alderman of the town, with 
the bailiffs and the twelve sworn men, 1 shall be watchful over the merchants, as 
well strangers as denizens, as often as shall be required, to see that they have 
sufficient security 2 for their debts and of the recognisance of their debtors ; and 
the day of the recognisance shall be enrolled before them, so that if that day be 
not kept on the showing of the creditor, the debtor shall be immediately dis- 
trained, according to his recognisance, in his lands or chattels, to make satisfac- 
tion according to the usage of the town without any pleading, so that the towns- 
men shall not suffer by default of payment of their debtors aforesaid. 

28. And if a guildsman will not suffer himself to be distrained for debt, or 
\faing distrained shall break through, or make removal, or^ break the king's lock, 
and be \thereof\ attainted. [Substance repeated] he shall lose his guildship 
until he has bought it again for twenty shillings, and this each time that he 
offends in such manner. And he shall not at all be the less distrained (et ja le 
meyrj ne seit distreint) until he has made satisfaction for the debt he owes ; and 
if he will not submit to justice as aforesaid and be thereof attainted, he shall go 
to prison for a day and a night like one who is against the peace ; and if he will 
not submit to justice, let the matter be laid before the king and his council in 
manner aforesaid. 

29. For the assise of bread and ale, let it be held rightfully in all points. 
And the chief alderman, and the twelve sworn men, or the bailiffs, each month, 
or at least four times a year, [shall take care] that the assize of bread and ale be 
well kept in all points according to the price of corn. 

30. That no man of the town sell merchandise of a merchant \stranger\ 
bought under pretence. [Substance repeated] whereby the merchandise would be 
sold for more than the merchant could have sold it by his own hand, and so 
the town's people would lose their profit ; but the merchants who bring their 
goods for sale shall sell them by their own hand. And he who shall do this, 
and be thereof attainted, shall lose his guildship, if he be a guildsman, and if he 
be of the franchise, he shall lose his franchise until he has made amends to the 
town for his offence. 

31. That the market for fish and meat and poultry 3 be held in all points. 
And every year, on the Morrow of St. Michael, shall be chosen two discreets who 
shall be sworn to take care that the statutes made concerning the fish-market be 

1 The existence of these ' twelve sworn men' (and in Ord. 18, 29, &c.) is 
explained by Ord. 32. They were the ' assistants of the mayor' in the modern 
laws. The Winchester * Usages ' require that the mayor's council shall consist 
of four-and-twenty sworn men ' of J>e meste gode men and of J>e wyseste of t>e 
town, for to treulyche helpe, and counseyle J> forsaid meyr, to saue and susteyne 
J>e fraunchyse,' c. 

2 See charter 40 H. III. No. I (1256). 

* The word is written peletrine, peletrie, which would mean peltry, woolfels, 
sheep-skins with wool ; but the context seems to require poletrie, poultry ; and 
the modern laws have so taken it. 


observed in all points, and they shall have the several points in writing. In like 
manner there shall be two discreets elected and sworn to take care that the 
statutes concerning meat and poultry be observed in all points. And these four 
sworn men shall take care that the statutes concerning bread brought to market 
from out of town be well observed : and if any do otherwise, notice shall be 
given to the chief alderman and the bailiffs. 

32. How twelve discreets shall be elected to maintain the king's peace, and 
how bailiffs, sergeants, &>c. Every year, on the Morrow of St. Michael, shall be 
elected by the whole community of the town assembled in a place provided, to 
consider the estate and treat of the common business of the town and then 
shall be elected by the whole community, twelve discreets to execute the king's 
commands, together with the bailiffs, and to keep the peace and protect the 
franchise, and to do and keep justice to all persons, as well poor as rich, denizens 
or strangers, all that year ; and to this they shall be sworn in the form provided. 
And these twelve discreets shall choose the same day two discreets from among 
themselves and the other profitable and knowing men to be bailiffs for the 
ensuing year, who shall take care that the customs be well paid : and they shall 
receive their bailiwicks on the Morrow of St. Michael's, as has been customary. 
And this shall be done from year to year ; so that the bailiffs shall be removed 
every year, and the twelve aforesaid if occasion be. The same shall be done 
with regard to the clerk and sergeants as to making and removing them. 

33. That no bailiff give respite or take pledge for the custom, nor lend [give 
credit for\ the custom. [Words repeated] due on anything that is to be carried 
out of town ; and if he do so, and be thereof attainted, the bailiff shall pay double 
the sum for which he gave credit ; and the bailiff shall be responsible for every- 
thing that is customable on entry into the town, so that the town be no loser by 
his default, if he would not answer for it by paying double. 

34. Every entry of a ship and of customable goods [and every export from 
the town\ by sea shall be enrolled. [Substance repeated] so that at the end of a 
week the exports of the town may be known ; and the chest of the customs shall 
never be opened but in presence of the chief alderman and the twelve sworn 
men, or six at the least ; and then that amount of export [the custom] shall be 
enrolled in a double roll, so that the chief alderman shall have one roll and the 
bailiffs the other, and that amount shall be put into the common chest ; so that 
nothing shall be taken out or spent but in presence of the aforesaid alderman 
and sworn men. 

35. That the common chest be in the house of the [chief ~\ alderman or of the 
seneschal. [Repeated] and the three keys of it should be lodged with three 
discreets of the aforesaid twelve sworn men, or with three of the echevins, who 
shall loyally take care of the common seal, and the charters, and the treasure 
of the town, and the standards, and other muniments of the town ; and no letter 
shall be sealed with the common seal nor any charter taken out of the common 
chest but in the presence of six or twelve sworn men, and of the alderman and 
seneschal ; and no body shall sell by any kind of measure or weight that is not 
sealed, under forfeiture of two shillings. 

36. This is ordained that the bailiffs shall have nothing from any article 


'which belongs to the custom as of forfeiture. [Substance repeated] or from 
the entering of corn, or for weighing; nor shall they have anything except 
amercements, and presents, and firewood, that is to say, one [billet from every] x 
cart of firewood from each carter who brings firewood to town for sale, and then 
the carter shall have one penny for his wood. 

37. Those who have committed offence against the alderman shall be amerced at 
the award of the discreets ; and any one who is of the town and may have to be 
amerced for any offence shall have his amercement taxed according to the offence, 
and by award of the alderman of the ward of which he is. 

38. Those who are summoned to the court of the king or to the assembly. 
[Repeated] to hear and execute the king's commands, or for the common business 
of the community of the town, and come not at the summons, and the summons 
be witnessed to by a sworn sergeant, shall be amerced as often as they shall 
offend in this sort, whoever they be, poor or rich, at the discretion of the alder- 
man of their ward, and the fine shall be immediately levied [to the use] of the 

39. That no man harbour hay, oats, or other corn, after that these goods are 
brought for sale. [Repeated] into the market : if any one does, and he be 
thereof attainted, he shall lose all that he has so harboured. 

40. That no hired house which a merchant stranger has hired harbour 
another's goods. No merchant stranger who has hired a house or cellar in the 
town may or can harbour any merchandise not his own in that house or cellar, 
by any manner of pretext, by which the rents of houses belonging to the bur- 
gesses of the town would be lessened ; and whoever shall do this, and be reason- 
ably attainted, shall be heavily fined at the discretion of the town and according 
to the offence. 

4 1 . That no butcher or cook sell other than nice-looking and clean food under 
pain. No butcher or cook shall sell to any man other than wholesome and 
clean provisions, and well cooked : if any do, and he be thereof attainted, he 
shall be put in the pillory for an hour of the day, or give two shillings to the 
town for the offence. 

42. That no butcher or cook throw into the street any filth or other matter. 
[Repeated] whereby the town or the street may become more dirty, filthy, or 
corrupt ; and if any one do this and be attainted, he shall pay a fine of twelve 
pence for every such offence in the manner aforesaid. 

43. That no man have before his house muck or dung, or pigs going about. 
No man shall have any pigs going about in the street, nor have before his door 
or in the street muck or dung beyond two nights ; and if any one has, let who- 
ever will take it away ; and he who shall have acted contrary to this statute 
shall be grievously fined. 

1 Overey has 'shides of wood,' i.e., billets. Version No. 5, 'A shide of 
wood to the use of him that keepeth the Bargate, that is, to wit, of every cart- 
full of wood that cometh to the town to be sold one shide of wood, except such 
as be free.' 


44. How the twelve sworn men shall be attentive in all points to the bailiffs 
of the town. The twelve sworn discreets shall swear that they will be helpful 
and advising to the bailiffs of the town in all points to provide for the king's 
commands and to do justice indifferently, as well to poor as to rich, and to 
support the bailiffs in all places according to right and the franchises and usages 
of the town ; and they shall be at every court, and shall come at the summons 
of the bailiffs as often as they shall be summoned for hearing the king's com- 
mands or for giving judgment in court ; and they shall keep secret and hold the 
counsel of the town, and shall cause to be observed the statutes of the Guild and 
of the town, uniformly with the chief alderman, the seneschal, and the echevins. 

45. Of that which the aldermen and guardians of the streets of the town of 
Suthamtone, &*c. The aldermen, guardians of the streets of the town, shall 
swear loyally to keep the king's peace, and to cause to be enrolled the names of 
all who are in their ward, and once in every month at least shall go round to 
see that the points and ordinances made for their ward be well kept ; and if 
they find anything in their ward that is against the ordinances of the Guild and 
of the town, they shall give notice of it to the chief alderman and the bailiffs of 
the town, and they shall not fail of this if they would enjoy the franchise of the 

46. Of two aldermen who shall keep the peace within the boundaries. It is 
provided, by common consent of the town, that from the North gate to the East 
gate, and to the corner which belonged to Richard 1 de la Prise and the capital 
messuage which belonged to John de la Bolehusse, on both sides of the street, 
with all the parish of our Lady in East Street, there shall be two aldermen 
elected as guardians to take care that the peace be well kept within the bound- 
aries aforesaid, and they shall cause to be enrolled the names of all who are 
dwelling in their ward, and they shall be bound in good security to keep the 
king's peace, and their sureties shall be enrolled ; and they shall take care that 
no person slay in their ward beyond one night without giving such security as 
before is said, if he desires to remain in the town, that the town may receive no 
hurt or damage through him. And the two aldermen shall once in eight days, 
or in fifteen days at least, go round their ward to see that nothing be done con- 
trary to the form aforesaid within their ward. And if there be any offender in 
the ward who will not submit to be attached, the sworn sergeants of the town 
and the aldermen [of the ward], or the whole of their ward, shall go with all their 
power and follow the malefactor until he be taken and if the aldermen do not 
this, the town will cast the blame on them (la vile se prendra a eus). 2 

47. Concerning the watches of the town, let them be wisely appointed and 

1 In a deed of John de Bynedon (mayor in 1286) mention is made of the 
house which belonged to R. de la Prise, and in which Philip de la Prise afterwards 
lived. The date of the deed is July 1299 (Madox, Form., p. 382). u The corner 
" of R. de la Prise is the corner of the Butcher Row which leads into French 
" Street. See Ord. 49." 

2 Overey has ' all the ward shall go with their full power and sue the male- 
factors till they be taken ; and if the alderman will not do so, the town shall lay 
the charge to the said alderman.' 


kept in all particulars in their. And the aldermen shall take care that the 
watches of the town be well kept and prudently managed in their ward. 

48. From the corner which belonged to Richard de la Prise unto New-town, 
two aldermen in all. From the corner which belonged to Richard de la Prise, 
and the capital messuage (great house, chief mys) which belonged to John de la 
Bolehouse, and unto the sea, together with Newtown Street, 1 there shall be two 
aldermen in the form aforesaid. 

49. For French Street to the sea two aldermen as is aforesaid. For all French 
Street, that is to say, from the corner which belonged to Richard de la Prise and 
Henry Brya on the other side, and on both sides of the street to the sea, there 
shall be two aldermen as is aforesaid. 

50. For Symenelstrete to the castle there shall be two aldermen. For 
Simnel Street with the fish-market, and the whole of Bull Street with all 
Wesheuthe (West Quay) to the castle, there shall be three aldermen as is before 

5 i. Outside North-gate to Lubriestrete there shall be three aldermen. Out- 
side Northgate, on both sides of the street, with Fuleflode, 2 with the Strand and 
Lubriestrete, 2 there shall be three aldermen in the form aforesaid. 

52. That no fisherman sell fish which has come in a ship or great boat with- 
out the alderman. No fisherman for the future that brings fish to the town in a 
ship or great boat shall unload or sell his fish before he has the bailiff's leave ; 
and he that does so, and is attainted, shall be grievously punished. And this must 
be understood to extend to salted fish. The same is ordained for all other mer- 

53. That the alderman be chief* (cheveteyn} of the town and of the Guild in 
\the\ town (i.e., of the town). The alderman is chief of the town and of the 
Guild, and should principally be at pains and careful to maintain the franchise, 
and the statutes of the Guild and of the town ; and shall have the first voice in 
all elections and in all matters that concern the town and the Guild. 

54. And if the bailiff, or other official of the town, offend and do not right. 
[Substance repeated] or if the bailiff of the town do not justice to denizens and 
to strangers according to his oath, about which complaint be made, or if without 
complaint the matter be notoriously and publicly known, the alderman shall call 
together the seneschal, the echevins, and the sworn men of the town, and they 
shall correct such offence, and do justice [lacking] by default of the bailiff. 

55- The community may be assembled for business as often as necessary. [Sub- 

1 " Orchard Lane was formerly called Niewetone Lane and Niewetone Street." 

2 " There are several orchards and gardens next the shore behind the George 
" Inn which had probably houses belonging to them; if so, this place may be 
44 the Full-flood mentioned. Lubrie Street seems to have some reference to 
" Lobery Mead at the north end of the town, and was probably the upper part 
" of the street without the gate which leads to that mead, and is supposed to 
" have had more houses in it formerly than at present." 

3 Later version (No. 5), 'The mayor shall be the principal officer of the 
town according to the grant, and shall be so reputed and taken, as he hath been 
time out of mind,' &c. 


stance repeated] by the seneschal, either to execute the king's commands, or for 
extraordinary cause, or for the common business of the town. 

56. In case of contention [arising} between burgesses in \the\ town. [Repeated] 
and complaint being made, those between whom the contention and strife have 
arisen shall be sent for, and he who shall have committed the offence shall be 
obliged quickly to make amends before the discreets, so that good peace and 
unity may be kept among the discreets of the town. And if any one be refractory 
and will not be ruled, he shall be dealt with according to the ordinances of the 

57. If any one, \iiof\ an inhabitant in the town, be by the favour of the discreets 
there admitted. [Repeated] into the Guild, his heir cannot in his father's right enjoy 
any benefit of that favour of the Guild. 

58. If two men of the Guild bear witness \pn oath} to an offence committed 
against the statutes. [Repeated] and contrary to the franchise of the town, their 
testimony shall stand and be believed ; and if those who so bear witness be reason- 
ably attainted of having borne witness falsely, those who have uttered such 
testimony shall lose the guildship, according to the ordinances. 

59. No broker shall bring any merchant, denizen or stranger. [Repeated] to buy 
any goods if the purchaser be not a sufficient man, and both willing and able fully 
to pay and satisfy the seller, under pain aforesaid. 

60. No broker shall store the merchandise of strange folk or their goods. 
[Repeated] on the penalty aforesaid ; and brokers are bound by their oath to 
inform the alderman if a stranger buys and sells again within the town. 

61. [If] any one \pf the town} buys a ship-load. [Repeated] of wine or corn in 
the gross, and a burgess of the town desires to have a tun of wine or two or three 
quarters of corn for his own use, he shall have it at the price for which it was 
bought any time while the purchased goods remain in the seller's hands. 

62. If any one of the town buy wine or other customable merchandise. [Repeated] 
between Hurst and Langston, he shall pay the custom and prisage, if the goods be 
purchased of a man liable to pay. 

63. No one shall [go out * to meet a ship bringing wine\ or other merchandise 
coming to the town in order to \buy\ anything. [Substance repeated] before the 
ship be arrived and come to anquor for unlading ; and if any one does so, and be 
attainted, the merchandise which he shall have bought shall be forfeited to the 

64. Let no one sell any fresh fish, either in the market or street, but the man who 
has caught it in the sea. It is provided by common consent (par comon conseil) 
of the Guild that no one shall sell any fresh fish either in the market or street, but 
the person who has caught it in the water, or shall have bought it without 
Calchesores (Calshot). And those who bring fish in a boat shall bring it all into 

1 ' Also no regratour ne go owt of towne for to engrosy ]>e chaffare, vpon 
payne for to be fourty-dayes in ]?e kynges prysone ' (Winchester Usages). ' And 
that they forstalle no ffyssh by the wey, ner none other vittelle comynge to the 
market of the cite, from eny straunge contrey, or fro the see' (Worcester Ord.) 


the market at once ; and if they conceal any part of the fish in their boat, they shall 
lose all ; and if [the fisherman] delivers any part of the fish for sale by another 
than himself, he shall lose all ; and if any huxter- woman bring fish to sell it again, 
she shall lose all. 

65. No one shall buy fish before sunrise or after sunset, [Repeated] and if any 
one do so, and be thereof attainted, if he be a guildsman he shall lose his guild- 
ship, and if he be of the franchise, he shall lose his franchise and suffer imprison- 
ment a day and a night. 

66. No one from Millbrook or elsewhere shall bring fish [from] beyond [into ?] 
the town of Suthamtone? [Substance repeated] without asking leave or without 
paying custom ; and whoever does so, and is thereof attainted, the merchandise 
so brought in shall be forfeited to the king. 

67. No butcher or other person shall sell the hide upon a beast elsewhere than 
in the town. [Repeated] and no one shall dress hides or dry skins if he be not a 
guildsman. The same is to be observed of the hides of horses, pigs, and other 
hides, and fresh skins of sheep, wethers, and goats. 

68. Every person who brings bread in a cart to sell shall sell that bread by [his 
own] /land 2 [Repeated] and by no other, and if any [of such] bread be found in 
the hand of other, it shall be lost. 

69. No guildsman shall go on the water to meet fish coming to the town in 
order to buy it, and [if~\ any one does so. [Substance repeated] and buys it before 
the ship has arrived and come to anquor, he shall lose his guildship. And if any 
other who is not a guildsman be attainted of going to meet fish and buying it before 
the ship has arrived and is at anquor, if he be of the franchise he shall go to prison 
a day and a night ; and if a stranger who is not of the franchise does so, he shall 
lose all that he has bought. 

70. No regrator of kids, lambs, birds, geese, capons, and hens. [Repeated] 
chicken, or other kind of victual of cheese, fresh butter, eggs, shall buy any kind 
of victuals to sell again before the hour of prime 3 sounds, nor before the discreets 
of the town and other free men of the country have bought their eatables. And 
no regrator shall go out of the town to meet any victuals coming to town to buy 
such ; and he who does so, and is thereof attainted, shall lose what he shall have 
thus bought. 

71. It is provided concerning the porters of Suthamtone that they shall take. 
[Repeated] i Jd. for lodging a cask of wine in cellars upon the sea-shore, and from 
the shore in English Street to the lane that was Walter le Fleme[n]g's, and in 
French Street to the house where John de Wyte used to live, and from Westhithe 

1 Overey has ' shall bring fish unto the town, 7 which is no doubt the meaning. 
The words are : ' Nul ne meyne (in the body of the law ameyne) peisson outre 
la vile de Hamtone.' 

2 This odd law was perhaps to ensure the baker being traced should his 
bread be bad ; for the same reason he was to put his mark on each loaf (see 
Winchester Usages, Eng. Guilds, p. 355, and comp. Stat. de Pistoribus (c. 1266), 
which orders the baker's mark on different kinds of bread. 

3 That is, six o'clock A.M. 


to the cellars which belonged to Sampson del Puyt3 (of the well), and to the king's 
castle, and to the capital messuage l of the Lady Cleremond (Dame Cleremonde), 
where she used to live. Also for carrying a tun of wine on rope slings (poleins) 
or hand-barrows (lotels) from the shore aforesaid to the church of St. Cross or St. 
Michael's, three pence ; and beyond those churches whenever they carry a cask of 
wine to any other place in the town, four pence, &c. . . . And the porters aforesaid 
shall do business for the burgesses of Hamtone before that of any stranger in all 
points ; and if they do not, and offend in any point against the statutes aforesaid, 
they shall be imprisoned for a day and a night without bail, and shall not bear the 
office of porters for a. year and a day. 

72. There shall be no broker in the town of Suthamtone 'without being 
appointed by the discreets. [Repeated] and being sworn thereto at the office of 
the brokers in the form provided, and finding good security to keep loyally his 
oath aforesaid, &c. 

73. If any man perform the office of a broker without having been sworn to it. 
[Repeated] no merchant, denizen or stranger, shall be obliged to pay him any- 
thing, and he shall be forbidden the office, and he shall not intermeddle with it 
by any means without leave of the alderman and the discreets of the town on 
pain of imprisonment. And the brokers shall endeavour in all kinds of mer- 
chandise, to the best of their power and on their oath, to advance the interests 
of the burgesses of the town in all manner of purchases and sales before all other 
merchants, in such manner that the profit of the burgesses of the town be made 
before any strange merchant is provided with goods ; and they shall not show, 
or cause to be shown, or give notice to any strange merchant, of any kind of 
merchandise before the burgesses of the town are provided with it, and have 
refused or purchased [from] it. 

74. No sworn broker shall be both merchant and broker. [Repeated] nor keep 
a tavern for wine, nor trade at all on his own account, nor go share or be partner 
with any other merchant in any kind of merchandise j and if any do so, and be 
thereof attainted, he shall lose his broker's place. 

75. No burgess or other person shall biiy or sell fundrible of seim. [Substance 
repeated] which is called ' blobbe ; ' it is also ordered that * of every barrell the 
head shall be smitten out at the low-water mark when the clear say me shall be 
drawn, and that the bottom be broke out because of corruption and divers other 
damages that might come of it ; ' 2 and if a guildsman does this, and any guilds- 

1 This house, formerly belonging to the Prior of Runceval, by gift of William, 
Earl of Pembroke, in the time of Henry III., had been made over by the Prior 
and Convent to the Lady 'Claremund at a rent of forty shillings, a year, and after 
her death William of Gloucester and Richard, his brother, had entered as her 
heirs (Inquis. 8 Ed. I. 1279-80). The date of this part of the ordinance is 
therefore probably early in the reign of Edward I. 

2 This rendering is from Version No. 5. The words are : ' e que de 
chescun tonel seit feru hors le fun3 sus le grant mer de la mer, et ny passe pas 
la floudmark, quant le cler seim serra hors tret, qil ne seit effonce pour corrup- 
cion et pour autre gref damage que en porra avenir en la.' Dr. Speed takes seim 
to be train or fish oil ; fun-$ (which he reads fiun-f) " to be a corruption from fonce : 
" f oncer signifies to head a cask ; defoncer and effonccr, to beat out the head." 


man of the Guild bear witness to it, he shall lose the guildship ; and if one of the 
franchise does it, he shall lose the franchise and be counted a stranger ; and if 
any other person does so, he shall go to prison a day and a night, and find 
sureties who shall engage to make amends for his trespass at the award of the 
alderman, the echevins, the seneschal, and the sworn men. 

7 6. That guildsmen shall come at the hour of prime the morrow after the 
Guild begins. [Substance repeated] and he who comes not shall be fined six 
pence, and pay immediately ; and if a guildsman comes not to the assembly in 
the morning, and is in the town, he shall be fined two shillings, and pay without 

77. Salt herrings (com arange sale y vient). It is provided by common 
consent of the Guild that salt herrings coming to the port of Suthamton, by 
whomsoever brought, shall be sold in every ship at the highest price at first, 
according as they intend to make their profit, so that after the first price is set 
neither the master of the ship nor their hosts x (ne lour host}) shall increase the 
price above the first sale ; and whosoever does this, and thereof is attainted, all 
that increased price shall be forfeited to the common profit of the town without 

Such are the old Guild ordinances, which are clearly of various 
dates. Some of them are probably declarations of the immemorial 
constitution of the Guild Merchant; others are additions at a later 
period. The law, or rather usage, more or less consistent with the 
general law of the lan<j, says Smirke, sanctioned very large and 
arbitrary powers of local legislation in such fraternities and other 
corporate bodies; powers exercised for purposes often mischievous, 
generally selfish, and sometimes at variance with common right. It 
was not until 1436-37 that this practice was restrained and put under 
control by statute 15 Henry IV. cap. 6, which compelled the registra- 
tion of charters, &c., and the approval of ordinances; still further 
extended by 19 Henry VII. cap. 7 (1503-4), concerning private and 
unlawful statutes. 

Some comparison with the charters, a brief abstract of which 
follows, might possibly be instituted with a view to date; at the same 
time, it must be borne in mind that charters were frequently nothing 
else than confirmations of privileges and customs which had really 
been used long, very long, before the concession of such charters. 

1 That is, the owners of the fish. 



1154 1189. 


SECTION II. The Charters. 

A notice 1 of the town charters from Henry II. to Charles I., whether 
known through the originals or by inspeximus, is contained in the 
present section. 

1. The first is that of Henry II., known by inspeximus of several 
kings : 

Henry, King of England, Duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and Earl of Anjou, 
to his reeves and ministers of Hamton, greeting : I ordain that my men of Han- 
ton shall have and hold their guild and all their liberties and customs, by land 
1100-1135. and by sea, in as good, peaceable, just, free, quiet, and honourable a manner as 
they had the same better, more freely, and quietly in the time of King Henry, my 
grandfather ; and let no one upon this do them any injury or insult. Witness, 
Richard de Humet, Constable, Joceline de Bailiol, at Winchester. 

2. Charter of Richard I. (known by inspeximus), granting the 
burgesses freedom ' from toll, passage, and pontage, both by land and 
water, both in fairs and markets, and from all mercantile custom (de 
omni seculari consuetudine) in all parts of the king's dominions, both on 
this and the other side of the sea.' Warwick, Sept. 28 (i R. I.) 

3. King John repeated his brother's grant : as the oldest extant 
charter in the hands of the town, the text is given in full : 

' Johannes, Dei gratia, Rex Anglias, dominus Hibernias, dux Normannias et 
Aquitaniae, comes Andegaviae, archiepiscopis, episcopis, abbatibus, comitibus 
baronibus, justiciariis, vicecomitibus, praepositis, et omnibus ballivis, et fidelibus 
suis, salutem : Volumus et firmiter praecipimus et hac praesenti carta confirma- 
mus quod Burgenses nostri de Suhampton sint quieti de theloneo et passagio et 
pontagio, tarn in terris quam in aquis, tarn in feiris quam in mercatis, et de omni 
seculari consuetudine, per omnes terras nostras citra mare et ultra, et per omnem 
potestatem nostram, et prohibemus ne quis eos super hoc disturbet, aut injuram 
ullam, molestiam, aut gravamen faciat, super forisfacturam nostram in hiis quas 
ad nostram pertinent potestatem. Testibus, W. Rothomagensi archiepiscopo, 
E. Eliensi episcopo, Willelmo Marescallo comite de Penbroke, Willelmo filio 
Radulfi senescallo Normanniae, Gavin de Glapion, Rogero constabulario Cestriae. 
Datum per manum H. Cantiae archiepiscopi cancellarii nostri apud r[upem] 
Andelpaci] 2 xxvj die Junii anno regni nostri primo.' 

4. Three days later, as is known by inspeximus, he granted to the 
burgesses f the town of Suthampton to farm for ever, with the port of 
Portesmues, with all the appurtenances, liberties, and free customs, and 
all other things which belonged to the farm of the said town in the 
time of King Henry our father, to hold to farm of us and our heirs for 

1 199 

(June 26). 

(June 29). 

1 Dr. Speed has a lengthy abstract of most of the charters in Latin and 
English. Space forbids more than the substitution of the following notice. 

2 The scribe of the ' Book of Charters ' misread this word, and has supplied 
over the fracture in the original charter the word ' Aurmall.' This Dr. Speed 
has followed in his version. The real place was no doubt the Chateau Gaillard 
in the Andelvs. 


ever, paying for it yearly into our exchequer on the Feast of St. Michael 
j20O sterling. Wherefore we will, &c., that the foresaid burgesses 
shall have and hold the aforesaid town, with the aforesaid port of 
Portesmues, &c., for that farm. Aurivall, 29th June (i John). 

5. A confirmation by Henry III. (original) of the town at fee-farm, 1227. 
together with the port of Portsmues. Date May 3 (n Henry III.) 

6. Charter of freedom from toll, as I Ric. I., &c. Dated as last, 1227. 
May 3 (n Hen. III.) 1 

7. Charter (original) of freedom from the power of the Cinque Ports. I2 5 2 - 
The barons of the Cinque Ports are enjoined to take no cark in the port 

of Southampton and Portsmouth, nor execute attachment, or do them 
injury contrary to their liberties and customs : ( if ye do otherwise, we 
shall not dissemble our displeasure, but shall levy the penalty on you 
and your goods with severity/ Westm., I4th May (36 H. III.) 

8. Charter (original) of freedom from arrest in their persons or 1256. 
goods for any debt for which the burgesses are not either sureties or 
principal debtors, unless it shall happen that the debtors be of their 
body and have wherewithal to satisfy their debts in whole or in part, 
and that the burgesses fail of doing justice to the creditors of the said 
debtors. Bristol, I4th July (40 H. III.) 2 

9. Charter (known by inspeximus) granting or confirming a 1256. 
town court and the election of coroners : prohibition to sheriffs of 
county, &c., to interfere. Burgesses not to be impleaded out of their 
borough for any tenements or chattels within the liberties. Dated as 
last, Bristol, I4th July (40 H. III.) 3 

.10. Charter of Edward II. 4 (known by inspeximus) confirming I 3 I 7- 

1 Charter Rolls, II H. III., p. I, m. 7. 

2 Dr. Speed explains this charter by a reference to the ordinances of the 
Guild Merchant, where (Ord. 27) the Guild are required to look into the goodness 
of the security offered for debts as in statute merchant and he suggests that 
some person who had lost money by a debtor whose security had been allowed 
by the Guild had sued the Guild for the debt, and that this charter was granted 
to prevent such suits in future. The Municipal Corporations Commissioners 
(1835) suggest that the charter might have reference to a custom which seems 
to have once prevailed, by which a Corporation, a member of which had a claim 
on a member of another Corporation, seized the goods of any freeman of the 
latter found within the jurisdiction of the former 'in Withernam,' until the Cor- 
poration to which the debtor belonged, or the debtor himself, made satisfaction. 

3 By writ of November n, 1226, the same king had prohibited the holding 
of any court of pleas outside the town of Southampton and against its liberties, 
touching tenements in the town, otherwise than courts used to be held there in 
the times of Henry II., Richard I., and John : any such causes were to be 
removed from the county to the town, to be terminated there, as had been 
accustomed (Close Roll). 

4 Dr. Speed observes that there must have been a charter of Edward I., 
since he finds (Seymour's Survey of London, ii. 154) that the town was seized 
into the king's hands, 18 Ed. I., for wounding a king's bailiff while serving a 


former charters, and granting freedom from murages and pavages in 
all parts of the kingdom. Westm., 28th March (10 Ed. II.) 

J 3 2 7- ii. Charter of I Edward III. (known by exemplification of Westm., 

14 Ed. III. April 4, 1340, on account of the original being burnt) 
granting immunity from loss of privilege on account of non-use ; con- 
firming 40 H. III. Burgesses not to sue or be sued out of the borough ; 
not to be put with strangers or strangers with them on juries about 
land, &c. ; such juries to be held in the borough by the burgesses them- 
selves. Freedom from quayage in all parts of the kingdom. Westm.,, 
28th March (i Ed. III.) 

1383- 12. Charter of Richard II. (original) inspecting and confirming 

former charters, but making no new grant. Westm., 5th Nov. 

(7 R- n.) 

1401. i^ t Charter of Henry IV. (known by inspeximus and Rot. Chart. 

2 H. IV. p. i, No. 7) confirming former charters. Granting town 
court, cognisance of pleas, real, personal, and mixed, as well those held 
by assize or certification as of all others whatsoever concerning lands, 
&c., in the town and liberties, by land or sea : to be held in the Guild- 
hall (Guyhalda). Confirmation of court leet. Grant of goods of 
felons 1 from among the landholders or residents within the town and 
liberties. Grant of fines on trespasses, and on purprestures by land or 
water. Grant of all wastes. Appointment of justices (see below under 
( Courts') ; county justices not to interfere. Assize of bread, beer, and 
other victuals; assay of weights and measures; and the exercise of all 
duties belonging to the office of clerk of the market. Westm. , 29th 
Jan. (2 H. IV.) 2 

1414. 14. Charter of confirmation by Henry V. (known by inspeximus 

and Rot. Chart. 2 H. V. p. 2, No. 8), 3 with provision for immunity 
against non-use. Westm., 3Oth Dec. (2 H. V.) 

writ, after which the farm was increased by 20. This seems to be the circum- 
stance detailed in Rot. Parl. i. 58 a, where no date is given; but is it not the 
same as that referred to in the patent of 4 Edward I. ? See above, p. 33. 

1 Dr. Speed refers to the case of Peter James (Madox, F. B. p. 208), who 
when late mayor in the first part of the reign of Henry VI., " was sued in the 
" Court of Exchequer for ^20, the value of the goods of an inhabitant of the town 
" convicted for felony, which he had seized. He pleaded this charter of 2 H. 
" IV., confirmed by 2 H. V. and 4 H. VI. But the court notwithstanding ad- 
" judged that he should be charged to the king with the said 20. The felon 
" was indeed convicted out of the town, but the charter 2 H. IV. directs that 
" the mayor, &c., shall have the felon's goods ' ubicunque justicia de eo fieri 
" debeat,' wherever he shall be convicted. Perhaps the felony was committed 
" out of the town, which might alter the case." 

2 Two grants are extant, dated respectively February 13 and February 12 
(2 H. IV.), for the purchase of ^100 a year, and for acquiring lands to that amount. 

3 The Corporation possesses an exemplification of charters, dated 4th October 
(4 H. IV.) 1416. 


15. Charter of confirmation by Henry VI. (original), made by 1425. 
consent of Parliament, I H. VI., but dated Westm., 24th October 

(4 H. VI.) 

16. Charter of incorporation, 23 Henry VI., sets forth as usual the M45' 
heavy charges of the town from its being liable to the attacks of 
enemies and from its large fee-farm : in consequence the town is now 

' INCORPORATED for ever of one mayor, two bailiffs, and burgesses, to be 
one community perpetual, incorporate in word and deed, by the name 
of the MAYOR, BAILIFFS, AND BURGESSES ;' to be fit in law to prosecute 
all pleas, &c., to acquire and hold lands, &c. Provision for the 
election of mayor and bailiffs on the Friday before St. Matthew's Day 
each year, and in case of death, deposition, &c., within fifteen days after 
such vacancy. Mayor to be escheator, and no other to interfere. Right 
of imprisonment. Grant for further ease of the town, f and of the 
port of Portsmouth, which port is within the liberty of the said town p rts- 
of Southampton/ that they shall be exempt for ever from obedience to mouth * 
the constable, marshal, or admiral of England, or the steward, and 
marshal, or clerk of the market, who shall by no means enter the town 
to hold pleas, or hold pleas out of the town concerning matters within 
the same. The mayor, &c., to be clerk of the market. Strangers 
prohibited from buying of, or selling to, strangers. Grant of staple, 
and election of mayor and two constables of the staple on the Friday 
before the Feast of St. Matthew each year, with proviso as above in 
case of death, &c. Election permitted of brokers, packers, porters, 
carriers, &c., as in times past. May have goods of outlaws and persons 
attainted within the town and its liberties. Freed from king's pur- 
veyors. Westm., 29th July (23 H. VI.) 1 

17. Charter of 25 Henry VI. (original) creating the county. The X 447- 
merchants and mariners of the town being incommoded by the sheriff 

of the county serving writs on them, this charter grants, in considera- 
tion of the premises, and of the heavy fee-farm of 340 marks 
(^226, 135. 4d.), 'that our said town, with the port and precinct 
thereof, and the port of Portsmouth, 2 which is now called the town of Ports- 
Southampton and its precincts, shall be one entire COUNTY, incor- 
porated in word and deed, separate and distinct from the county of 

1 A writ is extant for not molesting the mayor, &c., and of fines granted by 
charter, dated 3d February (20 H. VI.) 1442. 

2 On the margin of this charter is written in a later hand, with recollections of 
old controversies with Portsmouth : ' Note, how farre the countie of the town of 
Suthampton doth strech ;' and just below, ' The porte of Portismouthe is parte of 
the countye' and of the towne of Suthampton.' The above charter provides 
towards its close that ' no prejudice, under pretence of this our grant, shall accrue 
to the bailiffs, &c., of Portesmuth with regard to any privileges granted to or used 
by them in times past.' 


Southampton for ever/ and shall be called 'OUR COUNTY OF THE 
TOWN OF SOUTHAMPTON/ Sheriff to be chosen each year on the 
Friday before St. Matthew's Day, and certified by the mayor to the 
barons of the Exchequer : in case of death, &c., a new one to be chosen 
within ten days and certified as above. The sheriff to hold a county 
court (see under ' Courts'). Burgesses not to be made assessors or col- 
lectors of taxes out of the town. Westm., gih March (25 H. VI.) 

1451. 1 8. Charter of 30 Henry VI. in confirmation of former grants 
(original). And further, mayor to have authority to perform all acts 
which belong to the offices of steward and marshal of the household 
and admiral of England within the town and precincts. Westm., 
1 2th Sept. (30 H. VI.) 

J 452. In the following year, notwithstanding charters, a dispute having 
occurred with the justices of the county, a writ was issued from the 
king to John de Wyncestre and his colleagues, the justices appointed 
to hear and determine concerning the offences of workmen and dyers 
in the county of Southampton, setting forth a complaint of the 
burgesses that whereas they had always enjoyed, and ought to have, 
the power of assize of bread and beer, and the fines and^ amercements of 
shoemakers, clothiers, dyers, and other artisans, as also of butchers, 
fishmongers, salt merchants, regrators, and other victuallers, in aid of 
their fee-farm of ^200 per annum, the justices were intending to 
levy such fines on pretence of their commission : the justices were 
hereby warned that the contention of the burgesses had been main- 
tained in the Parliament at Westminster; they were therefore 
commanded not to molest the burgesses, but permit them to have all 
those fines, as in times past, in aid of their farm. Westm., I2th Oct. 
(31 H. VI.) 1 

X 4 6l< 19. Charter of Edward IV. (original). In consideration of the 
expenses of the mayor, &c., in the frequent defence of the town, which 
is one of the most ancient in the kingdom, and has frequently shown 
its loyalty to former kings, and f particularly very lately to ourselves/ 
former charters are confirmed and additional privileges stated to be 
given. Appointment or confirmation of town court, pie powder court, 
justices' court, court leet (see under ' Courts '). Exemption from serving 
on juries, &c., out of the town. Resistance authorised against the 
king's officers, clerk of the market, or admiral attempting to carry out 
any act of their office within the town or precincts. Westm., i6th 
Dec. (i Ed. IV.) 2 

1 Oak Book. Dr. Speed has given the document in extenso. It is here very 
considerably abridged. 

2 The cost of this charter is thus given in the Steward's Book : ' Paydfor con- 
fyrmacyon of our newe Schartter by the honde of Richard Aysche, viiij 11 - ix s - Also 


20. Charter of confirmation 1 (known by Inspeximus) of chart. 1468. 
23 H. VI. Mate king in fact but not by right:' no additional grant. 
Date 1 2th June (8 Ed. IV). 

21. Ratification (known by inspeximus) of charter I Ed. IV. ^So. 
Westm., 20th August (20 Ed. IV.) 

22. Charter of Richard III. (original) confirming Edward IV.'s con- 1484- 
firmation of former charters. Westm., loth Dec. (2 R. III.) 

23. Charter of Henry VII. (known by inspeximus of 2 Henry VIII.) 
No date appears. 2 

24. Charter of confirmation by Henry VIII. (original). Westm., 1510. 
2d Oct. (2 Hen. VIII.) 

25. Charter reciting and confirming (original) that of 8 Ed. IV. 1514. 
Date Westm., 23d Nov. (6 H. VIII.) 

26. Charter of Edward VI. (known by following exemplification) 3 T 552. 
regulating and limiting the payment of the fee-farm thus : When the 
petty customs in any year shall amount to ,^200, or when any ships 
called carracks of Genoa or galleys of Venice shall come to the port to 
ship or unship cargo, the full fee-farm of ^200 is to be paid ; but 
when the petty customs fall below <jP2OO, and when no such ships 
make their appearance, the farm is to be but ^50, rendered at the 
Exchequer on the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel. And the king 
remits arrears in consideration of the burdens borne by the mayor, &c., 

and of the present poverty, decay, and ruinous condition of the town 
and inhabitants ; as well on account of the repairs of the walls and 
forts called ' bullwerkes/ now in a ruinous state and demanding atten- 
tion, as also on account of the town being a frontier lying on the sea- 
coast towards Normandy, France, and other southern parts, and thus 
properly situated to oppose foreign enemies, which the mayors, &c., 
have been always ready to do and will do in future. And the charter 
directs that they shall certify to the barons of the Exchequer at least 
before the fifteenth day after the Feast of St. Michael what the petty 

payd for the fyne of the same by Rychard Aysche xl s - and for the lace xx d - Allso 
payd for the wrytyng of the same Schartter liij s - iiij d -: also for enrolling of the 
same Schartter xl 8 . Summa iiij 1 '- xiij s - iiij 4 Also payd to a manne for to seke up 
dy verse of owre old Schartterys by Rychard Aysche x s -' 

1 The Steward's Book of 1469 records a fine on a man for suing another out of 
the franchise. 

2 In 1501 (16 H. VII.) the bailiffs of the sheriff of the county (Hants) were 
imprisoned for arresting a. man within the town liberties. ' Item [received] of the 
Shryf of Hamptonshire, John Philpot, for bycause his servaunts and baylifs 
entered within oure ffranchise to arest a man, and were putt in prison, and so 
remayned tyll the sayd Shryf came to this towne in propria persona and entreatid 
the Towne, and for a knowlege of a fyne gave to the Towne x s -' (MS. Temp. 
T. Overey, sub ann.) 

3 The charter is enrolled, Pat. 6 Ed. VI. p. 6. m. 3, &c. 


customs have been, and whether such ships have or have not come to 
the port; and failing this, the whole .^200 fee-farm shall be rendered. 
Dated 4 th April (6 Ed. VI.) 

I 553- 27. Exemplification of the foregoing (original), the town having 

been charged with the full amount for the previous year, from which 
they obtained release. Westm., 27th April (7 Ed. VI.) 

28. Charter of Philip and Mary l (known by inspeximus of I4th 
James I.) : no date appears. 

29. Charter of Elizabeth (known as above) : no date appears. 

1616. 30. Charter of confirmation (original). Date, i5th June (14 

James I.) 

1640. 31. The last governing charter/ of 16 Charles I. (original). The 

heads are as follows : The incorporation as in 23 H. VI. ; election of 
officers; in case of refusal to serve, others to be elected within twenty 
days after the Feast of St. Matthew ; appointment of recorder, by that 
name for the first time ; mayor given a casting vote in elections ; de- 
position of mayor provided for by recorder, aldermen, and common 
council j deposition of aldermen and bailiffs ; new officers to be chosen ; 
mayor to be escheator as in 23 H. VI.; appointment of coroner as in 
40 H. III. ; the precincts ordered to be the same as before, and town 
granted to farm for ever, together with the port of Portsmouth ; limita- 
tion and release of the fee-farm as in 6 Ed. VI. ; rate of petty customs 
to remain as before ; the town made a county, with sheriff.and county 
court, as in 25 H. VI.; a staple appointed, &c., as in 23 H. VI.; 
appointment of brokers, porters, &c., as in same ; mayor, &c., to have 
cognisance of pleas as in 2 H. IV., and hold courts as in i Ed. IV. ; 
to be clerk of the market as in 23 H. VI. ; to have assize of bread, &c., 
as in 2 H. IV. ; appointment of justices (see under ' Courts ') provision 
for removal ; confirmation of court leet; fines, &c., in aid of fee-farm, 
as in 2 H. IV. ; not to be put on juries outside town, as in I Ed. IV., 
nor made assessors, &c., as in 25 H. VI., nor constables, &c., out of 
the town ; to be free of toll, passage, &c., as in I R. I. ; not to be im- 
pleaded out of the borough as in 40 H. III. ; not to be put on juries 
with strangers or strangers with them, as in I Ed. III.; freed from 
murage and pavage as in 10 Ed. II., and from quayage as in i Ed. III. ; 
to hold lands, &c., as in 23 H. VI., but not to exceed the amount of 
^100 a year ; mayor to execute office of steward, marshal, and of 

1 In this reign the Corporation received grants on the importation of sweet 
wines, which were afterwards confirmed by Acts of Parliament (see under ' Trade'). 

2 The cost of this charter was ^219, 175. (Journal, 1641, f. 308). It 
appears to have been read in the House in English for the first time on Septem- 
ber 2, 1640 ; after reading, it was put into the great chest with the English paper 
copy. This last seems to have disappeared. 


admiral, as in 30 H. VI. ; appointment of court of admiralty (see under 
' Courts') ; foreign bought and sold as in 23 H. VI.; confirmation of 
gauging and weighing ; freedom from prisage all over the kingdom as 
by Act of Parl. 23 H. VIII. ; appointment of common council to con- 
sist of mayor, recorder, aldermen, bailiffs, and sheriff, and all who have 
held those offices, for ever, to assist the mayor, with power to make 
statutes, bye-laws, &c.; appointment of a court of orphans; appointment 
of town-clerk or common clerk of the town, who shall be clerk of 
the peace and sessions, and have fees ; four sergeants-at-mace ; 
fines for refusal to take office in the town; powers of Corporation 
to tax the inhabitants ; piccage and stallage to be paid by strangers ; 
one or more prisons to be kept in the town ; a corn-market to 
be held every Thursday ; mayor, &c., to take foils. No person who has 
been mayor obliged to bear arms in person. For the benefit of 
sailors and fishermen, and the bettering of navigable streams, mayor, 
&c., may cleanse all creeks and rivers leading to the town, or within 
the liberties where the tide flows, and take the soil for their own use. 
The town having incurred a quo warranto in the Court of Exchequer, 
brought against them in Trinity term, May 29, 1 1635, for the exercise 
of divers liberties, privileges, &c., without any warrant oj royal grant ; 
and having answered nothing in bar or abatement of the information, 
through Martin Boothby, their attorney, judgment went against them, 
as follows : ' That all and every one of the said liberties, franchises, and 
privileges set forth in the said information should be from that time 
taken and seized into our hands, and in our hands should remain, and 
be quite extinguished and taken away ; and that the said mayor, 
bailiffs, and burgesses should be distrained to make fine with us for 
their use and usurpation upon us of the said liberties, privileges, and 
franchises/ 2 By the present charter all penal consequences of this 
judgment were remitted, together with all trespasses, contempts, and 
misbehaviour of the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses, and confirmation 
was granted of all liberties, privileges, &c., contained in any Act of 
Parliament, letters patent, or charters not specially altered by these 
presents. Westm., 27th June (16 Charles I.) 

Soon after the Restoration, namely, in May 1661 (13 Car. II.), the Question 
House considered the desirability of renewing the last charter or pro- of charter. 

1 Q. R. Mem. Rolls, Trin. n Car. I. No. 37. 

2 Dr. Speed conjectures that this quo warranto may have been brought 
against the town for their having neglected to certify to the Exchequer the 
amount of petty customs in that year, no account of which appears ; and he 
suggests that the omission may have been designed with a view to their appli- 
cation for a new charter. 


curing a fresh one 1 : a question which from this time periodically 
exercised the Corporation. 

Towards the end of the reign (Nov. 7, 1683, 35 Car. II.), a com- 
mittee, consisting of the mayor, Dr. Speed, and others, was appointed 
to examine again the affairs of the town in relation to their charter. 
In Trinity term that year, June 1683, the franchises and liberties of 
the City of London had been seized into the king's hands as forfeited 
on a quo warranto in the King's Bench, and the boroughs were made 
to feel that their privileges granted or acquired of old time would be 
subject to revision by the crown ; accordingly they were invited to 
surrender their charters with a view to renewal on what, it was repre- 
sented, would be favourable terms; the object of the crown being to 
obtain a direct hold over all municipal elections. On November 2^d 
the committee wrote, through Sir Benjamin Newland, one of the 
M.P.s for the borough, to Sir Lionel Jenkins, the principal Secretary 
of State, excusing themselves on the score of poverty for not imme- 
diately surrendering their charter. 

As a Corporation they had ever been anxious to show their loyalty, but now 
to their sorrow could only look on and approve of their neighbours' deeds, who 
had laid their charters at his Majesty's feet. At a Common Council held on the 
7th they had agreed to this step, but on examining the charges consequent on 
such action, they found themselves wholly unable to proceed. True, Southamp- 
ton had been a rich place heretofore, but a series of misfortunes had brought it 
low. The late rebellion had robbed the Chamber of all public money ; the 
plague had consumed their inhabitants, of whom no less than seventeen hundred 
had died ; the Dutchmen 2 had spoiled them of nearly all their ships ; and lately 
the Act of Prohibition 3 had rendered their looms useless, and families hitherto 
prosperous were now added to the public burden. Added to this the revenues of 
the town were incredibly sunk ; the sweet wine duty, which had formerly brought 
them ^200 per annum, now scarcely yielded 6, and the Corporation had difficulty 
in meeting their liabilities, as also in paying the great rent 4 to the king of ^67, 
and keeping up the walls and defences, bulwarks, quays, and sea-banks, the cost 
of which the king's progenitors had been so mindful of that they had remitted 
^150 of the old rent when the trade of the port was far greater and the other 
burdens were less. Finally, since they were unable to defray the cost of a sur- 
render, they begged his honour ' soe to represent their condition to his most 
sacred Majesty that the true cause of their tardiness in delivering up their charter 
may be known to be the want of money, not of loyalty.' 

1 Journal, May 8. 

2 This was probably in 1667, when the Dutch forced their way up the Thames 
and did much damage along the south coast. But the injury from them to the 
Southampton trade was not of course confined to one year. 

3 Reference is perhaps to 29 and 30 Car. II. cap. i, sec. 70, &c. 

4 The fee-farm does not seem, however, to have been paid directly to the 
crown at the date of this letter (see under ' Fee-Farm '). 


Meanwhile the Council determined, in case his Majesty still desired 
a surrender, not to wait for a quo warranto, but to yield at once and 
get a new charter on the best terms they could. On December I3th, 
Dr. Owen Wynne, secretary to Sir Lionel Jenkins^ replied to the 
Council : 

That Sir Lionel had moved his Majesty to renew their charter gratis ; that the 
king had been ' pleased to declare, That the town of Southampton being now a 
town and county, the necessity of trying there all causes arising within the town 
is a great trouble to the judges and a grievance to the people : That his Majesty 
is of opinion that that franchise of being a county being surrendered among 
others, it should be united to the body of Hantshire : That all other liberties, 
excepting that of being a town and county, should be saved and restored.' On 
such terms his Majesty would consent to their having a new charter for nothing, 
if they could not come up to half fees, the rate at which other poor Corporations 
had renewed. 

The House agreed to the king's terms; on September 8, 1684, the The House 
instrument was sealed surrendering their charter, with all their lands, eftinguish- 
tenements, patents, and grants, and the petition for a new one signed ; ment - 
and on November 25 letters of attorney under the town seal empowered 
Dr. Speed, Owen Wynne, Esq., and James Crosse, or any one of them, 
to act on the town's behalf in obtaining the new charter. The king's 
death occurred on the following February and the matter fell through. 

James II. following the policy of the preceding king in regard to Quo 
the Corporations, a quo warranto dated November 28 (3 Jas. II.),, 1687, Warrant <>- 
was issued against the town, calling upon the mayor and bailiffs to 
appear at Westminster and answer for their liberties, privileges, and 
franchises. This document was exhibited to the mayor by the under- 
sheriff, Richard Good, just half an hour before noon at the Council 
meeting on January 23, 1687-88. Thrown into consternation by this 
hostile move, which however could not have been unexpected, the 
Council sought the aid of the recorder, and took care to dispatch a 
messenger that night. On February 9 they wrote the Attorney-General, 
that having been served with a quo warranto, they had resolved to make 
no defence, but humbly submit the charter to his Majesty's mercy ; They 
they said that nothing but their poverty had hindered the renewal of Sl 
their franchises before, which had been promised by his late Majesty 
on very gracious terms; and at the present time poverty alone hindered 
their action, since they could not meet the necessary charges; they 
begged that their suffering judgment to pass by default might not be 
interpreted unfavourably; they had been advised to that course as 
most submissive to the king, least troublesome to the Attorney-General, 
and easiest for themselves. Towards the end of the year it was under- 
stood that the quo warranto would not be pressed ; and on November 



5, 1688, the recorder was desired to employ some one ' to see that a 
noli prosequi be entered upon the quo warranto brought against the 
town/ and for this the Corporation were ready to disburse. 

September Meanwhile "a. new charter" had actually been prepared, and, 
according to Dr. Speed, "was sent to Southampton and lodged, as 
" tradition says, in some private hands among the dissenters, in order 
" to be produced at a proper time; but as the attempt [of the king to 
<f repeal the Test Act failed] it was stifled and cancelled. It is now in 
" the hands of the Corporation." 

charter^ ^ he fM wm g are tne heads o f the intended charter of James II. 

James ii. (original) : The ancient franchises of the town having, for various 
abuses, been seized into the king's hands by a judgment on a quo 
warranto, a new charter is granted on petition of the inhabitants as 
follows : The town and precincts to be a distinct county. The mayor, 
&c., may hold lands, sue and be sued may have a common seal and 
change it at pleasure. A Common Council, to consist of mayor, recor- 
der, thirteen 1 aldermen, and twelve burgesses, one supervisor of the 
customs, and one common clerk. Mayor to be chosen from the alder- 
men, who are to be continued as before. Common Council may make 
laws, &c. The mayor, recorder, four senior aldermen, and four bur- 
gesses, to be justices. Three justices (the mayor and recorder or 
deputy being two) may take cognisance of trespasses, &c., but not of 
crimes involving loss of life or limb without special commission. Mayor 
may have a deputy from among the aldermen. On death or removal of 
any officer, another to be chosen in manner used during the previous 
seven years. Lawful for the king, by order, and under seal of Privy 
Council, to remove any officer or burgess. Lawful, within twenty days 
of such removal, or death, on royal letters mandatory, to choose, admit, 
and swear any one or more, on the nomination of the king, into the 
vacant places ; and however small the number attending, after proper 
notice lawful for them to elect such person or persons named in the 
letters mandatory. Elections contrary to the tenor of these presents 
void. Dispensation to all officers and burgesses from taking the oath of 
the king's supremacy, and the oath of allegiance, and the oath in the 
Act of Parliament ' for regulating Corporations' (13 Car. II.), and from 
receiving the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, and from subscription in 
the Act 25 Car. II. * against Popish recusants, &c.' No recorder or 
common clerk to be admitted to office without royal approbation under 
seal. Corporation may possess manors, &c., under ^loo a year. After 
the perfecting of this charter new securities to be given for their debts. 

1 "The charter recites the names of the thirteen new aldermen and the 
" twelve new burgesses, and many of them were dissenters." 


Confirmation of all ancient privileges not altered by these presents. 
Dated I5th September (4 James II.) 

The rectification of the old charter in some particulars long con- Further 
tinued a question, and the Corporation occasionally went to some of renewal 
expense in the matter. On September 6, 1723, a petition for a new 
charter was agreed to by a majority of the House and received the town 
seal ; a confirmation of all former grants was requested, together with 
such additional franchises as the king might see fit. Nothing, how- 
ever, came of this action, and the charter of 16 Charles I. (1640) con- 
tinued in force till the Municipal Corporations Act (5 and 6 Will. IV. 
cap. 76), 1835. 

SECTION III. Municipal Offices. 

At the commencement of the thirteenth century we find South- 
ampton governed by the king's bailiffs, two or three in number. To 
these officers the king directed his writs on every conceivable occasion ; 
about repairs to the king's houses, his cellars, highway, his gaol ; about 
his farm, or sending the royal alms from it to the proper quarters, or 
making advances from it on the king's behalf; about royal licences 
given to particular persons to trade in Southampton ; about sending 
ships on the royal errands, or preparing men and horses to accompany 
the king; about arresting ships in the port during the king's will, or 
the chattels and bodies of men ; about paying the king's debts, or 
carrying his wine about the country, making his good will known to 
foreign merchants, and giving them permission to come to the port of 
Southampton ; about murages and other reliefs to the town. At this 
early period there was also a constable of Southampton, who probably 
was the military governor (see under e Castle'). 1 But it is equally clear 
that early in the same century an officer styled the mayor was frequently 
at the head of affairs. 

Of the Mayor. 

i. There was certainly a 'mayor' about 1217, and Benedict Ace IJ7 . 
ruled in that capacity at least from 1237 to 1249. J ^ t t ^ ie en ^ ^ tnls 
long tenure of office, whether or not in reflection on its late possessor, 
the burgesses obtained by royal patent (22d October 1249) tne curious 
grant that neither they nor their successors should at any time be 
governed by a mayor. 2 

1 In 1199 (10 Ric. I.) the men of Southampton were tallaged by Hubert, 
Archbishop of Canterbury, Chief Justicier, at fifty marks for the retaining of 
Serjeants (see Madox, Excheq., i. 705). 

2 Pat. 33 H. III. m. 2. Rex omnibus, &c., salutem. Sciatis quod con- 


Election. The election of the mayor, as also of the two bailiffs, no doubt in 
accordance with ancient precedent, was ordered by the charter of 
formal incorporation, July 1445 (23 H. VI.), to take place each year 
on the Friday before the Feast of St. Matthew. The electors were the 
burgesses. However, in a patent fifteen years later (December 1460), 
we find that the method of election was in reality much more restricted. 
By a custom, there reported to have existed from time immemorial, 
the outgoing mayor, on the Friday before St. Matthew's Day, in the 
presence of the bailiffs and burgesses in the Guildhall, nominated two 
burgesses, one of whom was to be chosen as his successor by the 
assembly. 1 In spite, however, of this nomination, the mayor himself 
might be re-elected. The following incident drew forth the patent : 
In 1460 Richard Gryme, the outgoing mayor, had made choice of 
Nicholas Holmehegge and Walter Fetplace, and had submitted them, 
according to ancient custom, to the assembly for an election to the 
mayoralty for the ensuing year, when certain burgesses Andrew James, 
Thomas Payn, John Payn, jun., and Walter JBargate, with the assist- 
ance of Robert Bagworth, the sheriff, and Walter Aylward protested 
against the old manner of election in the following energetic fashion : 
A set of riotous and badly disposed persons, to the number of a hundred 
or more, collected together by influence of the above, rushed to the 
Guildhall, and with daggers drawn and menacing cries broke in upon 
the assembly, interrupted the proceedings, caused Robert Bagworth to 
be elected, and bringing him in triumph on their shoulders, placed him 
in the chief magistrate's seat as mayor. The patent called forth by 
these turbulent proceedings pronounced the old custom of election to 
be good, and directed it to be observed as heretofore, and a mayor to be 
chosen accordingly. We are not informed what immediately trans- 
pired, but the popular voice so far prevailed that Robert Bagworth 
became mayor for the ensuing year, and Walter Aylward was sheriff. 2 
Private The above custom was at some time or other varied for a practice 

t n iom na " which Dr - S P eed knew and thus describes :" There is one part of the 
" ceremony relating to the election of the mayor which is founded 
t( wholly upon custom, being mentioned in no charter. It is called 
" the ' private nomination/ The form of it is this : On the Friday 
" before the Feast of St. Bartholomew [August 24] the mayor and 
te aldermen meet in the Audit-house, and put two aldermen arid two 

cessimus Burgensibus nostris de Suhampton quod ipsi et eorum haeredes aliquo 
tempore non habeant majorem in praedicta villa nostra de Suhampton. In cujus, 
&c. Westm., Oct. 22. 

1 That is, the court, 'Ad curiam "assemble " vulgariter nuncupatam ' (1413), 
' at the assemble holden in the Guyhald ' (1482). 

2 Pat. (Dec. i, 1460) 39 H. VI. m. 13. 


"junior burgesses upon nomination for mayor,, or they put any four 
te burgesses ; l and on the morning of the day of election, the Friday 
" before St. Matthew [September 21], the same persons meet together 
" and strike off two of those four ; the remaining two are proposed to all 
" the burgesses for one of them to be elected mayor by balloting." It 
was usual, however, before this was done, for the outgoing mayor to 
let it be known which of the two names it was desired should stand. 
The ballot which followed was generally a matter of form. " Of what 
" antiquity this private nomination is I cannot find ; the proceedings 
" of it are enrolled. It is mentioned in the mayor's accounts as a 
" thing of course in 19 Elizabeth 1587 ; and I have seen the rolls of it 
" as far back as 1615. Notwithstanding which, it appears by the 
" Journal that in 1617 two of the burgesses at the election of the 
" mayor openly in the Town-hall opposed the ancient custom of the 
(( private nomination, but being called before the Common Council 
" for the same, they submitted. In 1724 the burgesses again opposed 
" it, when Chief Justice Eyre, who had been recorder of the town 
" twenty years, and had quitted that office the year before, was present, 
" and declared that the custom was good in law, and that it ought to 
" be kept up. 2 When any burgess is put upon election for mayor, he 
" is continued three years, if not chosen before the expiration of that 
" time; and after being rejected three times, he is laid by till his turn 
" comes round again. " 

The above custom of private nomination was continued till the 
passing of the Municipal Corporations Reform Act of 1835, under 
which, according to a uniform rule provided therein for all boroughs, 
and extended by the Act of 1882, the mayors are elected by the 
Council each 9th November from among the aldermen or councillors, 
or persons qualified to be such, so that previously to election the mayor 
need not have been a member of the Corporation. 

The duties and importance 3 of the office of mayor grew with the Dignity of 

the office. 

1 It seems to have been usual previously to the Municipal Corporations 
Reform Act (1835) to place in nomination the two senior aldermen who had not 
served the office of mayor twice, and the two senior burgesses who had served as 
sheriff but not as mayor. 

2 In 1759 it was ordered, on account of some laxity in apparel, that the alder- 
men should attend at the private nominations in their scarlet gowns, and that 
the mace and oar should be borne before the mayor on his way to and from the 
Audit-house ; that the town-clerk should also attend in his gown (Journal, 
August 17). 

3 It need hardly be said that affronts to the mayor were heavily visited. As 
a specimen the following appraisement for ' unfittyng wordes to y e meyer be a 
borges ' may be noted : Item [received] of Jamys Grace for a fyne for gevyng 
unfitting wurdes vnto me the sayde meyre the tyme of my meyraltie, and after 
agreed yn the Audite howse for iiij u . xiijj. iiij d .' 


privileges of the town. Besides his former judicial and administrative 
functions, the mayor by the charter of formal incorporation (23 Hen. 
VI.) was made king's escheator ; and the town was exempted from 
obedience to any constable, marshal, or admiral of England, or to the 
steward and marshal or clerk of the royal household, who were to hold 
no pleas within the town or liberties, or within the port of Portsmouth, 
which was included in the town's jurisdiction; but the mayor himself 
was to be clerk of the market ; and the town being at this time made 
a staple, and permission given to choose each year a mayor and two 
constables of the staple on the Friday before St. Matthew's Day, the 
chief officer of the town in point of fact became the mayor of the 
staple, with all the necessary attributes of that office, and the bailiffs 
were the constables. 

By charter 25 Henry VI. (March 1447), the town with its liberties 
and port was made a county, power being consequently given to elect 
a sheriff, to be certified by the mayor to the barons of the Exchequer. 
Five years later (30 Hen. VI.) the authority and office of steward and 
marshal of the household and admiral of England within the town, 
liberties, and port of the town and county, were conferred upon the 

In charter i Edward IV. (1461) the presidency of the mayor over 
the various courts is set forth. The charter of 16 Charles I. (June 
1640) the governing charter till 1835 re-granted in particular every 
privilege which had before been enjoyed, with certain variations and 
additions. In the grant of admiralty an appeal was given to the Lord 
High Admiral of England. The mayor was made ganger and weigher 
of goods at the king's standard. By the same charter the Common 
Council, with the mayor at its head, w r as newly defined ; a court of 
orphans was instituted ; and the dignity of the mayor's office was con- 
sulted by the permission that no person who had filled the chair should 
be obliged to bear arms in person, but might always be permitted 
to find a suitable deputy. Previously to 1835 the mayor was always 
appointed one of the four aldermen of wards, and one of the auditors of 
accounts ; he was also appointed aulnagar, that is, measurer or superin- 
tendent over the assize of cloth, one of the keepers of the town keys 
and of the great chest, and one of the supervisors of land : these offices 
were entirely nominal. Since the Act of 1835 the duties of the mayor- 
alty have been laid down for all boroughs, and need not be here detailed. 
Among various official acts which the mayor has been called upon to 
perform was that of the solemnisation, or rather legalising, of marriages 
during the Commonwealth period a duty placed upon him in common 
with other magistrates by Cromwell's Act, dated 24th August 1653, 
which prescribed that banns of matrimony should be published in the 


nearest market on three several days, and that the ceremony should be 
performed by a justice of the peace, whilst a registrar was appointed in 
every parish for the purposes of registration. Thus we find in the 
church registers, from the above date till the Restoration, marriages 
constantly performed by the mayors, Home, Pitt, Clungeon, Scale, 
Capelin ; also by the mayor of Winchester, and by various other justices 
of the peace, not only of the town and neighbourhood, but of Salisbury 
and other places. Among the town burgesses whom we find thus most 
frequently employed appear to be Peter Le Gay, Thomas Cornelius, 
Christopher Walleston, Robert Wroth, Joseph De la Motte. 

Formerly, like the members of Parliament, the mayors received Allow- 
remuneration. Under 1481 we find <^?io per annum assigned to the 
mayor of old custom. In 1505 John Fleming, mayor, was ordered to 
receive the same, provided that no mayor in future had anything to do 
with the town's money. In 1617 the allowance, which had been ^20 
since 1578, was increased to ^50, and in 1623, on account of the 
town's indebtedness, reduced to ^30, viz., ^20, the older sum, and 
c^io instead of the privilege of making a burgess. In 1726 the allow- 
ance of ^20 was taken away : it is stated to have been originally 
granted when the town had ^500 at interest, and might be restored 
when the Corporation should have ^400 at interest : this occurred 
later. Dr. Speed says of his time: "The perquisites of the mayor's 
" office are very small, depending chiefly on the will of the Common 
" Council, who have sometimes ordered a sum of money for the 
" mayor's table, never exceeding ^50, generally much less. At other 
<( times they have ordered some articles of the public money of the 
(f Corporation to be given to the mayor, which last is continued still, 
" but it amounts to no great matter. The mayor has likewise the 
" liberty of making one burgess in his year, and the price for admis- 
<e sion is the mayor's perquisite : but all these things depend on the 
" will of the burgesses, who have frequently altered them. The mayor 
"has besides some port dues, but they are trifling." In 1802, instead 
of the dues on corn and coals, then discontinued, the mayor was 
allowed twenty-five guineas per annum. In the depression of 1830 all 
dinners, perquisites, and even the daily newspaper hitherto taken in 
for the mayor, were stopped. 

Instances of the mayor creating burgesses are numerous. In 1501 
(17 Hen. VII.) he was permitted to make a burgess by way of wiping 
off a debt of j^io owed him by the town. In 1534 (26 Hen. VIII.) 
Anthony Guidotti, merchant, of Florence, afterwards knighted for his 
services to the state, April 1550, was made mayor's burgess, but was 
crossed out, together with Giles Hashert, by Mr. Baker, mayor, because 
they were strangers, and had been made burgesses by Mr. Huttoft 


without the consent of his brethren, contrary to the order of the 
town. 1 

The mayor has no perquisites at the present day, but it would be 
lawful for him to receive such remuneration as the Council might 
think fit. 

" Though the form of deposing the mayor be directed by the 
" charter (16 Charles I.), yet there is no instance of it being done by 
<( the Corporation without the intervention of superior power. In 2 
" Edward IV. (1463) a mayor was deposed by the king's mandamus. 
" But since the charter of Charles I. the only instances are that A.D. 
" 1665 William Higgins, mayor, and some others, were expelled the 
" Corporation by order of Cromwell and his Council." The avoidance 
of the office is provided for in certain cases under the present law. 
Refusing (: The fine for refusing to serve the office of mayor has usually been 
serve. ff ^ Ioo ^ wm ' cn nas Deeil commonly given to the person chosen in the 
" place of the recusant. In 1643 Richard Cornelius for j^ioo was 
" excused from ever serving the office of mayor or any other office, but 
t6 still kept his place in the Corporation.' 5 

In earlier centuries the burdens of municipal office, like those of 
parliamentary representation, were not unfrequently avoided. In 
November 1414 (2 Hen. V.) Thomas Armorer, who had filled the office 
of bailiff for many years, appeared before the mayor, aldermen, bailiffs, 
and others of the prodes-hommes assembled in congregation, and pro- 
duced letters patent of the late king (December 1412) granting him 
freedom from serving any corporate office for the rest of his life. 2 

The fine for not serving is placed at j^ioo by the Acts of 1835 and 

" The Mayor's Oath. 

Oath or " You shall well and truly serve the King our Sovereign Lord, and his heirs 

declara- an d successors, in the office of the Mayoralty of this town : and the same town 
" shall surely guide and keep to the behalf our Sovereign Lord the King, his heirs 
" and successors : and the King's profit shall do and maintain that belongeth 
" unto you ; and the right of our said Sovereign Lord and all that to the crown 
" appertaineth in the said town you shall lawfully keep and save : you shall 
" not assent to any hurt or concealment against the town, but all good orders of 
" the said town to the uttermost of your power you shall maintain. And where 
' ; you know any of the King's right, be it in lands, in rents, in franchises, or in suits, 
" concealed or withdrawn, you shall cause it to be revealed. And if you cannot 

1 Burgesses' Book. Guidotti died December 2, 1555. His house at Hamp- 
ton is noted by Leland as remarkably fine. In the subsequent decay of the 
town under Elizabeth it had fallen into sad disrepair, and proclamation was 
made, March 1569, at the house 'late called my lady Guidotte's ' by the 
mayor, under stat. 32 Hen. VIII. (1540), cap. 18. 
2 Liber Niger, f. 23 b. 


do it, you shall show it the King's Majesty, or them of his most honourable 
Council, the which shall certainly show it to our said Sovereign Lord. And that 
lawfully and rightfully you shall intreat the King's liege people within your 
liberties, and that you shall do right to all men, as well to strangers as to 
Englishmen, to poor and to rich, in that belongeth to you for to do. And that 
neither for riches, for reward, for gift, for promise, for favour, ne for hatred, you 
shall no wrong do to any man, nor none shall suffer to be done, as far as you 
" may, or to your power. And that you shall put good guard and rule upon the 
" assise of bread, and wine, ale, and other victuals, measures and weights, within 
" the said town, making due and ready search, and execution of all defaults : you 
" shall all good and laudable orders of the town see to be observed and kept in all 
" points, and this to follow accordingly : and all other things appending or apper- 
" taining unto the mayor of the said town to do, or to be done, you shall well and 
" truly do to the uttermost of your power. So help you God by this Book." 

The ancient oaths of mayor, &c., are no longer taken as oaths, but 
as solemn declarations. They were continued to be used until the 
passing of the Promissory Oaths Act, 1868. The declaration on 
acceptance of office prescribed by the Act of 1882 is the same as under 
that of 1835. The mayor is now invested with the chain of office, the 
gift of Bercher Baril, Esq., at Christmas, 1792, as anciently with the 
tippet; he also receives, ( that he may always have money in his 
pocket,' the ^5 of ancient coins given under the will of Andrew 
Meares of Millbrook shortly before 1658. The coins are preserved in 
the Audit-house. 

List of Mayors, Bailiffs, and Sheriffs. 

There hangs in the Audit-house a list of the mayors, &c., of the 
town, commencing with 1237 a beautiful specimen of calligraphy, in 
which the town seals of the various periods are accurately drawn : this 
list was substituted on iQth December 1828 for earlier and less correct 
tables, which commenced with 1445, an( ^ ^ ave now disappeared. 

The authorities for a list of mayors among the town archives are 
chiefly, for the period before 1444, a very considerable number of 
separate deeds of different kinds, and enrolments in Liber Niger ; 
from September 1444 to 1619 the succession of all the town officers is 
regularly entered in Liber Remembranciarum H., ff. 37 to 84 b, and 
from f. 90 to 1 02 b. From the last date onward the entries occur in 
the various town journals 

In the following list the Audit-house tables have been always kept 
in view, any additions or rectifications of reading being specified; 
minute variations in spelling the same name are not noticed. Entries 
marked * are additions to the Audit-house tables. 


Year of Taking Office. 
1205 (7 John) 

1209 (n John) 
1212 (13 John) 
c. 1217 (i H. III.) 

1222 (6 H. III.) 

c. 1235 (i 9 H. III.) 

1237 (21 H. III.) 
1247 (31 H. III.) 


*A mayor mentioned. 4 

Benedict, the son of Azon, 
Benedict, son of Azon. 

1248 (32 H. III.) Benedict, son of Azon. 

1260 (44 H. III.) 

1262 (46 H. III.) 

1270 (54 H. III.) Simon de la Bolehuge. 

1284 (12 E. I.) 
1286 (14 E. I.) 

1288 (16 E. I.) 

1290 (18 E. I.) 

1291 (19 E. I.) 

1294 (22 E. I.) 

1295 (23 E. I.) 


1298 (26 E. I.) 

1300 (28 E. I.) 

1303 (31 E. I.) 

Robert le Mercier. 
John de Bynedon. 

Robert le Mercier. 

Robert le Barbyr. 
* Robert le Mercier. 10 

Thomas le Blunde. 
Robert le Mercier. 

*Robert le Barbour. 12 
Robert le Barbyr. 

*Peter de Lyons. 13 
John de Schyerlye. 

*Peter de Lyons. 14 
Adam le H order. 

* William de St. Lawrence,*Thomas 

de Bussuse. 1 
*Goce. 2 
*Roger Swein,*William Anglicus. 3 

*Ralph Isembart, *Michael le 

Fleming. 5 
*Walter Fortin, *John de la Bule- 

huse, *Robert Monachus. 6 
, Walter le Fleming. 

Walter le Flameng, William 

Walter le Flameng, *Thomas 

Blundus, ^Matthew Gese. 7 
*Roger Noel, *John Fortin. 8 
Thomas de Andever, Ralph the 

Thomas le Blunde, Robert le 


William Beanbel. 
Henry le Fleming, James Isam- 


John de Puteo, Adam le Hordyer. 
*Robert le Barbur, *Robert le 

Mercer, *Peter de Lyons. 9 
John de Puteo. 
*Thomas le Blunde, *John de 

Peter de Lyons. 
Nigel 11 de la Wilderne, John de 


*Peter de Lyons, *John de Vaus. 
John de Schyerlye, John Hole- 
*John de Holebury, *William Bas- 


William Bassingrom, Walter 

William Fugehel, ^Robert le 
Horder. 15 

1 Printed Close Rolls. 2 God's House Computus. 3 Madox, F. B., 158. 

4 ' The mayor and men of Southampton to Peter, Bishop of Winchester, and 
Hubert de Burgh, justiciar, &c.' Letters, time of H. III. (Rolls Series). 

5 Printed Close Rolls. 6 Deed of Prior Richard, Addit. 15, 314, f. 71 b. 

7 Madox, Form., p. 379. Tables put Blunde and Gese under 1249. 

8 Abbrev. Plac., 44 and 45 H. III. 9 Rot. Parl. 

10 Deed of Richerius Tresaut. A note of interrogation means that the actual 
year is uncertain, though the persons were in office close to the period at which 
they are placed. n Tables, Michael. 

12 Deed of Henry le Lung. 13 Deed of Prior Richard of St. Denys. 

14 Lease of Customs. 15 West Hall Deeds. 



Year of Taking Office. 


1311 (5E. II.) 
1313 (7 E. II.) 

1315 (9E. II.) 

1316 (ioE. II.) 
131? (ii E. II.) 

1318 (12 E. II.) 

1319 (13 E. II.) 


*Robert le Mercer. 2 
John de Scherley. 
Hugo Sampson. 

Hugo Sampson. 
John le Flemynge. 

1320 (14 E. II.) Henry de Lym. 

1321 (15 E. II.) 

1323 (17 E. II.) 

1324 (i8E. II.) 
1326 (20 E. II.) 

1328 (2 E. III.) 

1329 (3 E. III.) 

1330 ( 4 E. III.) 

1331 (5 E. III.) 

1332 (6E. III.) 

1333 (7 E. III.) 

1334 (8E. III.) 
1336 (10 E. III.) 

1339 (13 E. III.) 

1340 (14 E. III.) 

1341 (15 E. III.) 

*Thomas Stone, *Nigel de la 

Wilderne. 1 
*Philip or John de Puteo, *Henry 

de Lymm. 
William Fugehel, William Basing- 

rom, jun. 
John de Vaus, Nicholas 3 de Mon- 


*Thomas de Binedon. 4 ^Nicholas deLyonns, Hugo Samp- 

Henry de Lym. 5 John de Vaus, William Fugehel. 

Thomas de Bynedon. 6 Richard de Sutton, John de Vaus. 
Richard de Barefluet. Robert Waryn, William Bassin- 


Richard Forst, John Stacy. 
John Balmayr [Balvayr ?], Rich- 
ard Bagge. 

John de Ronde, Nicholas Samp- 

John le Barbyr, John de Vaus. 
John le Barbyr, Richard de 

John le Barbour, Richard de 

Robert de la Barre, Thomas de 

Robert de la Barre. 
John Barbour, Nicholas de Mon- 

Nicholas de Mordenard, Robert 

atte Barre. 
Thomas de Bynedon. Henry le Flemynge, Nicholas de 

Nicholas de Mondenard. Robert de la Barre, Thomas de 

Robert de la Barre, Thomas de 

Nicholas Sampson, Robert atte 

Robert de la Barre, Walter de 

Nicholas Lony, Walter de Brak- 

Adam Inweys, Robert de Col- 

Nicholas Sampson, jun. 

Richard Forst. 
Hugo Sampson. 

Thomas de Bynedon. 
Walter de Brakkelye. 

Roger Norman. 
Henry de Lym. 

Roger Norman. 

Hugo Sampson. 
Lawrence de Mees. 
Thomas de Bynedon. 
John Forst. 
Thomas del Marche. 
John Forst. 

1 West Hall Deeds. 2 Deed of Le Mercer and West Hall Deeds. 

3 Tables, Michael, 4 Deed of W. Bassingrom. 5 Tables, Lynn. 

6 These were in office in February 1317 (10 E. II., deed of Matilda 
Basingrom), so that they were elected in September 1316, not in 1317 as Tables ; 
for similar reason the dates are varied from those in the Tables by one year very 
frequently till 1370. 


Year of Taking Office. 



1342 (16 E. Ill/) 

Richard Imberd. 

William de Baddeby. 

1343 (i? E. III.) 

Nicholas Lony. 1 

Robert de Colyngburne. 

1344 (i8E. III.) 

Henry le Flemynge. 

John le Clerk. 

1345 (19 E. III.) 

John Fysmarke. 

Robert de Colyngburne. 

1346 (20 E. III.) 

Richard Comyn. 

Robert de Colyngburne. 

1347 (21 E. III.) 

Richard Elmele. 

Adam Inweys. 

1348 (22 E. III.) 

John Forst. 

John Wytegode. 

1350 (24 E. III.) 

*Thomas le Clerk. 2 

*John Haynes. 

1354 (28 E. III.) 

John le Clerk. 

Thomas de Abyndon. 

1357 (31 E. III.) 

*Adam Inweys. 3 

*Henry Staunford. 

1358 (32 E. III.) 

Adam Inweys. 

John Jardyn, Henry Staunford. 

1359 (33 E. III.) 

Adam Inweys. 

John Custumer. 

1361 (35 E. III.) 

John Wytegode. 

Henry Staunford. 

1362 (36 E. III.) 

John le Clerk. 

Henry Staunford. 

1363 (37 E. III.) 

John le Clerk. 

Henry Staunford. 

1365 (39 E. III.) 

John Polymond. 

William Malmeshull. 

1366 (40 E. III.) 

William Bacon. 

Edward Dieugard. 

1367 (41 E. III.) 

*John Wytegode. 4 

"^Nicholas Langestoke. 

1368 (42 E. III.) 

Edward Dieugard. 

Roger Mascal, *John Scarlett. 5 

1369 (43 E. III.) 

John Polymond. 

William Malmeshull. 

1370 (44 E. Ill) 

Nicholas Sherwynde. 

1371 (45 E. III.) 

Radulph Tailleur. 6 

*William Malmeshull. 7 

1372 (46 E. III.) 

Robert Bechesfounte. 

William Malmeshull. 

1373 (47 E. III.) 

William Bacon, jun. 

William Malmeshull. 

1374 (48 E. III.) 

Nicholas Langstocke. 

John Swofham. 

1375 (49 E. III.) 

William Bacon. 

1376 (50 E. III.) 


William Malmeshull. 

1377 (i R. II.) 

William Malmeshull. 

Richard Mey. 

1378 (2R. II.) 

William Malmeshull. 

Richard Mey. 

1379 (3R. II.) 

Nicholas Langstocke. 

William Walderne. 

1380 (4 R. II.) 

John Polymond. 

John Swofham. 

1381 (5 R. II.) 

John Polymond. 

John Flete. 

1382 (6 R. II.) 

John Polymond. 

John Swofham. 

1383 (7 R. II.) 

William Walderne. 

William Bowyer. 

1384 (8 R. II.) 

John Polymond. 

John Flete. 

1385 (9R.II.) 

John Polymond. 

John Flete. 

1387 (u R. II.) 

William Mapel. 

John Appelby. 

1388 (12 R. II.) 

William Mapel. 

1390 (14 R. II.) 

William Maple. 

John Flete. 

1391 (15 R. II.) 

John Polymond. 

John Flete, 

1392 (i6R II.) 

John Polymond. 

John Flete. 

1393 (17 R. II.) 

Walter Long. 

John Penkeston. 

1394 (18 R. II.) 

Nicholas 8 Langestocke. 

John Flete. 

1395 (19 R. u.) 

John Flete. 

John Botiller. 

1396 (20 R. II.) 

William Mapel. 

John Penkeston. 

1397 (21 R. II.) 

John Flete. 

Richard Bradewey. 

1 Tables, Richard ; name is Nicholas in Deeds. 

2 Oak Book. 3 Deed. 4 Deed. 5 Deed of W. of Wykeham. 

6 Left on authority of Audit-house Tables. Ralph Tailleur was certainly one 
of the four 'Scavins' in March 1372 (46 E. III.), having doubtless been elected 
in September 1371, so that this entry is doubtful. 

Deed of John le Clerke. 

8 Tables, Michael. 



Year of Taking Office. 



1398 (22 R. II.) 

William Overey. 1 

Richard Bradewey, *John Botiller. 

1399 (23 R. II.) 

William Ravenston. 2 

Thomas Wellis. 

1400 (i H. IV.) 

John Botiller. 

John Cosyn, John Derynge. 

1401 (2 H. IV.) 

Thomas Middelyngton. 

Henry Holewey, William Nicholl. 

1402 (3 H. IV.) 

Thomas Middelyngton. 

Henry Holewey, John Barflet. 3 

1403 (4 H. IV.) 

Thomas Middelyngton. 

John Cosyn, John Beneyt. 

1404 (5 H. IV.) 

Henry Holwey. 

John Cosyn, Thomas Armorer. 

1405 (6 H. IV.) 

Richard Bradewey. 

John Cosyn, John Mascall. 

1406 (7 H. IV.) 

William Overey. 

John Cosyn, Thomas Armorer. 

1407 (8 H. IV.) 

Walter Longe. 

William Nicholl, Thomas Armorer. 

1409 (10 H. IV.) 

John Beneyt. 

John Mascall, Thomas Armorer. 

1410 (n H. IV.) 

Henry Holwey. 

William Bredlep, Thomas Ar- 


1411 (12 H. IV.) 

William Nicoll. 

John Maschall, Thomas Armorer. 

1412 (13 H. IV.) 

Henry Holwey. 

John Renaud, Thomas Armorer. 

1413 (i H. V.) 

John Beneyt. 

Thomas Regald, Thomas Armorer. 

1414 (2 H. V.) 

John Mascall. 

Walter Fettiplace, Thomas Ar- 


1415 (3H. V.) 

John Renawd. 

Thomas Regald, Robert Danyell. 

1416 (4 H. V.) 

William Soper. 

Peter James, Robert Danyell. 

1417 (5 H. V.) 

William Nicoll. 

Peter James, Robert Danyell. 

1418 (6 H. V.) 

John Benet. 

Thomas Regald, Robert Danyell. 

1419 (7H. V.) 

Walter Fettiplace. 

John Selder, Benedict Wychefort. 

1420 (8 H. V.) 

John Mascall. 

Thomas Frelond, Benedict 


1421 ( 9 H. V.) 

John Mascall. 

Thomas Frelond, Benedict 


1422 (i H. VI.) 

* William Nicoll 4 

*Thomas Frelond, ^Benedict 


1423 (2 H. VI.) 

Thomas Belle. 

John Selder, Benedict Wychfort. 

1424 (3 H. VI.) 

William Soper. 

Henry Bacon, John Emory. 

1425 (4 H. VI.) 

Thomas Frelond. 

Thomas Wynterborne, Adam 


1426 (5 H. VI.) 

Walter Fetplace. 

John Estewell, Robert Floryse. 

1427 (6 H. VI.) 

William Nicholl. 

John Selder, Robert Floryse. 

1428 (7 H. VI.) 

Peter Jamys. 

John Emory, Robert Floryse. 

1430 (9 H. VI.) 

Thomas Belle. 

John Emory, Benedict Wychefort. 

1431 (10 H. VI.) 

Thomas Belle. 

John Emery, Benedict Wychfort. 

1432 (ii H. VI.) 

Walter Fetplace. 

Ralph Chamberleyn, Robert 


H33 (12 H. VI.) 

John Emery. 

Robert Aylward, Robert Hovyng- 


1435 (H H. VI.) 

Peter James. 

Adam Mersh (or Bochier), 5 

Robert Floryse. 

1436 (15 H. VI.) 

Robert Aylward. 

Peter Payn, Robert Floryse. 

H37 (16 H. VI.) 

(?) William Nycoll. 

1438 (17 H. VI.) 

William Marche. 6 

John Bedyll, James Thyrletha- 


1439 (18 H. VI.) 

Walter Fetplace. 

William Flecher, James Thyrle- 


1 Was in office September 10, 1399, therefore elected previous year (Deed). 

2 Prob. in office this year; Tables, 1398. 

3 Tables, Basset. 4 Deed, July 1423. 

5 Deeds of J. Boteler and J. Barnabas. 6 Deed of W. Soper. 



Year of Taking Office. 
1441 (20 H. VI.) 

Robert Aylward. 

1442 (21 H. VI.) Robert Aylward. 

1443 (22 H. VI.) 

1444 (23 H. VI.) 

1445 (24 H. VI.) 

1446 (25 H. VI.) 

Walter Fetplace. 
Walter Fetplace. 
John Flemang. 2 
John Flemmynge. 

John Bedell, 1 Nicholas Holm- 

John Budell, Nicholas Holm- 

Gabriel Corbet. 

*John Cadese, * Andrew James. 

By charter of March 9, 1447 (25 Henry VI.), the town was erected into a 
county, and permitted to choose a sheriff on May i, 1447. After this date the 
names of the sheriffs are entered on this list, and the bailiffs are omitted. 

Year of Taking Office. 



1447 (26 H. VI.) 

Peter James. 

Henry Bruyn. 

1448 (27 H. VI.) 

John Wylliams. 

1449 (28 H. VI.) 

Robert Aylward. 

Andrew James. 

1450 (29 H. VI.) 

John Payne. 

William Harbelton. 

1451 (30 H. VI.) 

John Payne. 

Simon Patryk. 

1452 (31 H. VI.) 

Andrew Jamys. 

Thomas Payne. 

1453 (32 H. VI.) 

Robert Aylward. 

Gabriel Corbet. 

1454 (33 H. VI.) 

Nicholas Holmehegg. 

John Dunne. 

1455 (34 H. VI.) 

John Wylliams. 

Walter Clerk. 

1456 (35 H. VI.) 

John Wylliams. 

Walter Fettplace. 

1457 (36 H. VI.) 

Walter Clerk. 

William Nedham. 

1458 (37 H. VI.) 

Walter Clerk. 

Richard Gryme. 

1459 (38 H. VI.) 

Richard Gryme. 

Robert Bagworth. 

1460 (39 H. VI.) 

Robert Bagworth. 

Walter Aylward. 

1461 (I E. IV.) 

John Dunne. 3 

John Walker. 

1462 (2 E. IV.) 

John Payne, deposed by 

Gilbert Cornemonger. 

order of king, May 

13, 1463, and Walter 

Fettiplace elected May 


1463 (3 E. IV.) 

Walter Fettiplace. 

Michael Luke. 

1464 (4 E. IV.) 

Walter Fettiplace. 

William Nedham. 

1465 (5 E. IV.) 

Gilbert Cornemonger. 

Richard Asshe. 

1466 (6 E. IV.) 

John Walker. 

Vincent Pittelesden. 

1467 (7 E. IV.) 

John Walker. 

Robert Bluet. 

1468 (8 E. IV.) 

Robert Bagworth. 

John Burghbrigge (or Pourbike).* 

1469 (9 E. IV.) 

John William. 

Thomas Reynolds. 

1470 (10 E. IV.) 

John William. 

John Spryng. 

1471 (n E. IV.) 

Robert Bluet. 

Thomas Avan. 

1472 (12 E. IV.) 

Thomas Payne. 

William Ovray. 

1473 (13 E. IV.) 

John Walker. 

Geoffrey Moumbray. 

1474 (14 E. IV.) 

William Ovray 

Vincent Tehy. 

1475 (15 E. IV.) 

Robert Bagworth. 

William Gunter. 

1476 (16 E. IV.) 

Thomas Raynold 

William Burgbrigge. 

1477 (i? E. IV.) 

William Gunter. 

John Shropshire. 

i Tables, Bridell. 
3 Tables, Donne. 

2 Deed of R. Rodende. 
* Deed of Joanna Tylby. 



Year of Taking Office. 



1478 (18 E. IV.) 

John Ludlowe. 

Lewis Eynes. 1 

1479 (19 E. IV.) 

John Shropshire. 

John Spryng. 

1480 (20 E. IV.) 

Thomas Avan. 

Thomas Smyth. 

1481 (21 E. IV.) 

Lewis Eynes. 1 

Walter William. 

1482 (22 E. IV.) 

Walter Wylliam. 

David White. 

1483 (i R. III.) 

Walter Wylliam,2 fled 

Christopher Ambrose. 

after his re-election, 

and took sanctuary, 

and John Walker, 2 

was elected 2 9th 

Sept. (i R. III.) 

1484 (2 R. III.) 

Vincent Tehy. 

Richard Harewode. 3 

1485 (l H. VII.) 

William Gunter. 

William Perchard. 

1486 (2 H. VII.) 

Christopher Ambrose. 

Thomas Dymmok. 

1487 (3 H. VII.) 

Lewis Aynes. 1 

Thomas Overey. 

1488 (4 H. VII.) 

Thomas Overey. 

William Hekley. 

1489 (5 H. VII.) 

Thomas Overey. 

Massias Salmon. 

1490 (6 H. VII.) 

Thomas Overey. 

Reginald Chamber. 

1491 (7 H. VII.) 

Thomas Dymock. 

John Gildon. 

1492 (8 H. VII.) 

Thomas Dymock. 

John Godfray. 

1493 (9 H. VII.) 

William Gunter. 

John Walsh. 

1494 (10 H. VII.) 

Masse Salmon and 

Peter Spryng. 

John Walsh. 3 

1495 (ii H. VII.) 

John Walsh. 

William Justise. 

1496 (12 H. VII.) 

John Godfrey. 

John Ward. 

1497 (13 H. VII.) 

Christopher Ambrose. 

James Maryk. 

1498 (14 H. VII.) 

Vincent They. 

Robert Busshoppe. 

1499 (IS H. VII.) 

Peter Spryng. 

John Flemyng. 

1500 (16 H. VII.) 

Robert Busshoppe. 

John Bawdwyne. 

1501 (17 H. VII.) 

William Justice. 

Ralph Calton. 

1502 (18 H. VII.) 

Thomas Dymmok. 

Robert Yonge. 

1503 (19 H. VII.) 

John Flemyng. 

John Goughe. 

1504 (20 H:VII.) 

John Fleming. 

Robert Wright. 

1505 (21 H. VII.) 

John Godfrey. 

Nicholas Cowart. 

1506 (22 H. VII.) 

John Baudewyne. 

Richard Hylle. 

1507 (23 H. VII.) 

Robert Bisshoppe. 

Peter Stonerd. 

1508 (24 H. VII.) 

Robert Bisshoppe. 

John Favour. 

1509 (i H. VIII.) 

Nicholas Cowert. 

John Grygge. 

1510 (2 H. VIII.) 

Nicholas Cowart. 

William Chalk. 

1511 (3 H. VIII.) 

Richard Hylle. 

John Husee. 

1512 (4 H. VIII.) 

Peter Stoneherd. 

John Percherd. 

1513 (5 H. VIII.) 

John Bawedwyne, died 

William Westmylle. 

Feb. 15, 1514, and 

John Favour elected. 

1514 (6 H. VIII.) 

William Chalke. 

Thomas Lyestarr. 

1515 (7 H. VIII.) 

William Chalke. 

Robert Milles. 

1516 (8 H. VIII.) 

John Parchard. 

Nicholas Dey. 

1517 (9 H. VIII.) 

Thomas Lyster. 

Gilbert Mountegue. 

1518 (10 H. VIII.) 

Nicholas Dey. 

Walter Baker. 

1 Tables, Laurence Gynes. 
3 Tables, Harew. 

2 See under M.P.'s ; Tables, John Walter. 
4 Lib. Remembranc. H. 


Year of Taking Office. Mayors. 


1519 (i i H. VIII.) Richard Hyll. 

Sampson Thomas. 

1520 (12 H. VIII.) Richard Hyll. 

Thomas Huse. 

1521 (13 H. VIII.) Gilbert Mountegue. 

Henry Huttoft. 

1522 (14 H. VIII.) Walter Baker. 

Henry Waterman. 

1523 (15 H. VIII.) Sampson Thomas. 

William Jamys. 

1524 (16 H. VIII.) John Perchard. 

John Ichyn. 

1525 (17 H. VIII.) Henry Huttoft. 

Peter Westbroke. 

1526 (18 H. VIII.) Thomas Hussey. 

Richard Caplyne. 

1527 (19 H. VIII.) Thomas Lyster. 

Thomas Huttoft. 

1528 (20 H. VIII.) Nicholas Dey. 

John Piers. 

1529 (21 H. VIII.) Henry Waterman. 

John Walshe. 

1530 (22 H. VIII.) Walter Baker. 

Edward Mercaunt. 

1531 (23 H. VIII.) Walter Baker. 

Roger Thomas. 

1532 (24 H. VIII.) Richard Capleyn. 

Nicholas Berell. 

1533 (25 H. VIII.) John Perchard. 

James Groce. 

1534 (26 H. VIII.) Henry Huttoft. 

Robert Millett. 

J 535 ( 2 7 H. VIII.) Sampson Thomas. 

James Stonerd. 

1536 (28 H. VIII.) Thomas Lyster. 

Roger Thomas. 

J 537 ( 2 9 H - VIII.) Thomas Husse. 

Edward Markant. 

1538 (30 H. VIII.) Nicholas Dey. 

William Barwell. 1 

1539 (3i H. VIII.) Peter Westbroke. 

Thomas Rigges. 

1540 (32 H. VIII.) Peter Westbroke, died. 

Thomas Berry. 

Nicholas Burwell. 2 

1541 (33 H. VIII.) Walter Baker. 

Thomas Fasshon. 

1542 (34 H. VIII.) Thomas Rygges. 

Edmund Bysshoppe. 

J 543 (35 H. VIII.) Richard Capleyne. 

John Vaughon. 

1544 (36 H. VIII.) Thomas Lyster. 

Stephen Omedeux. 

1545 (37 H. VIII.) Thomas Fasshon. 

Thomas Beckingham. 

1546 (38 H. VIII.) James Stonerd. 

Robert Renegar. 

1547 fl E. VI.) Thomas Beckingham. 

Thomas Welles. 

1548 (2 E. VI.) Edmund Bisshopp. 

Thomas Godard. 

1549 (3 E. VI.) Thomas Ridgis. 

Richard Butler. 

1550 (4 E. VI.) Thomas Godarde. 

John Caplen. 

1551 (5 E. VI.) Richard Butler. 

John Fletcher. 

1552 (6 E. VI.) John Caplyne. 

John Staveley. 

1553 (i Mary) John Capelyn. 

George Vincent. 

1554 (i &2P.&M.) John Stavely. 

Richard Hawkyns. 

1555 (2&3P.&M.) John Flecher. 

Edward Willmott. 

1556 (3&4P.&M.) Richard Hawkins. 

John Gregory. 

1557 (4&5P.&M.) George Vincent. 

Nicholas Capelyn. 

1558 (5&6P.&M.) John Gregory. 

William Staveley. 

1559 (i Eliz.) Edward Willmott. 

Thomas Mill. 

1560 (2 Eliz.) Nicholas Capelyn. 

Henry Russell. 

1561 (3 Eliz.) William Stavely. 

Thomas Edmundes. 

1 562 (4 Eliz.) Henry Russell. 

John Brodoke. 

1563 (5 Eliz.) Richard Buttler. 

John Marche. 

1564 (6 Eliz.) Richard Butler. 

William Capelin. 

1565 (7 Eliz.) John Brodocke. 

Reginald Howse. 

1566 (8 Eliz.) Robert Eyer. 3 

John Awnde, died in July 1567 ; * 

Thomas Edmundes elected. 

1 Tables, Berell. 

2 Roll of Mayors. 

3 Tables, Ayre. 

4 Lib. Rem. H. 


Year of Taking Office. 



1567 (9 Eliz.) 

John Marche. 

William Jefferys. 

1568 (10 Eliz.) 

John Croke. 

Lawrence Grosse, died March 2, 

1569;! John Knight, elected 

March 7. 

1569 (i i Eliz.) 

Richard Godderd. 

Thomas Terner. 2 

1570 (12 Eliz.) 

Reginald Housse. 

Thomas Shuxborowe. 

1571 (13 Eliz.) 

John Knight. 

Thomas Dingley. 

1572 (14 Eliz.) 

William Jefferys, died 

John Jackson. 

December 29 ; 3 Wil- 

liam Capelin elected 

January 2. 

1573 (i5 Eliz.) 

Thomas Shuxboro. 

John Aylls. 

1574 (16 Eliz.) 

Thomas Dingeley. 

Hugh Durvall. 

1575 (17 Eliz.) 

Robert Knaplock. 

Barnard Courtemell. 

1576 (18 Eliz.) 

John Aylls. 

John Favor. 

1577 (19 Eliz.) 

Nicholas Caplin. 

Robert Moore. 

1578 (20 Eliz.) 

John Jackson. 

Richard Biston. 

1579 (21 Eliz.) 

Bernard Cortmill. 

William Barwicke. 

1580 (22 Eliz.) 

William Staveley. 

Richard Goddard. 

1581 (23 Eliz.) 

Richard Biston. 

Peter Janverin. 

1582 (24 Eliz.) 

William Barwicke. 

John Erington. 

1583 (25 Eliz.) 

Richard Goddard. 

John Ballicar. 

1584 (26 Eliz.) 

John Crooke. 

Andrew Studley. 

1585 (27 Eliz.) 

John Erington. 

Robert Russell.' 

1586 (28 Eliz.) 

Andrew Studley. 

Paulle Elliott. 4 

1587 (29 Eliz.) 

Andrew Studley. 

Peter Stoner. 

1588 (30 Eliz.) 

John Bullackre. 

Thomas Goddard. 5 

1589 (31 Eliz.) 

Peter Stoner, died Jan- 

Alexander Paynton. 

uary ; John Knight, 

elected January I2. 6 

1590 (32 Eliz.) 

John Jackson. 

John Exton. 

1591 (33 Eliz.) 

Thomas Holmes. 

John Hopton. 

1592 (34 Eliz.) 

Alexander Payneton. 

John Caplin. 

1593 (35 Eliz.) 

John Hopton. 

Robert Crosse, 7 died March 13, 

1594 ; * Thomas Fashin, 

elected March 28. 

1594 (36 Eliz.) 

John Exton. 

Lawrence Grosse. 

1595 (37 Eliz.) 

Paul Ellyott. 

John JefFrye. 

1596 (38 Eliz.) 

William Wallop. 

John Gregorie. 

1597 139 Eliz.) 

Richard Beiston. 

Thomas Lambert. 

1598 (40 Eliz.) 

John Jeffrye. 

John Mayjor. 

1599 (41 Eliz.) 

Thomas Lambert. 

Richard Cornellis. 

1600 (42 Eliz.) 

John Mayjor. 

John Greene. 

1 60 1 (43 Eliz.) 

Richard Cornellius. 

Thomas Sherewood. 

1602 (44 Eliz.) 

Edmund Aspden. 

William Nevie. 

1603 (i Jas. I.) 

Thomas Sherwood. 

Robert Chambers. 

1604 (2 Jas. I.) 

William Nevey. 

John Cornishe. 

1605 (3 Jas. I.) 

Robert Chambers. 

Edward Barlow. 

1 Lib. Rem. H. 2 Tables, Tomer. 3 Lib. Rem. H. 

4 An under-sheriff was appointed this year, and from 1594 was appointed 

5 Tables, John Mayjor. 6 Lib. Rem. H. 7 Ibid. 




Year of Taking Office. 



1606 (4 Jas. I.) 

John Cornishe. 

John Longe. 

1607 (5 Jas. I.) 

Edward Barlow. 

Philip Toldervey. 

1608 (6 Jas. I.) 

John Longe. 

Thomas Bedford. 

1609 (7 Jas. I.) 

Philip Toldervey. 

William Marrinell. 

1610 (8 Jas. I.) 

William Wallop. 

Christopher Cornellius. 

1611 (9 Jas. I.) 

Thomas Bedford. 

Henry Carpenter. 

1612 (10 Jas. I.) 

William Nevey. 

Arthur Baker. 

1613 (n Jas. I.) 

Edward Richardes. 

John Mayjor. 

1614 (12 Jas. I.) 

Arthur Baker. 

William Merryett. 

1615 (13 J as - L ) 

John Mayjor. 

George Gollop. 

1616 (14 Jas. I.) 

John Longe. 

Richard Dalbie. 

1617 (15 Jas. I.) 

William Merryeth. 

Henry Caplin, sen. 

1618 (16 Jas. I.) 

Lawrence Prowse. 

Charles Darvall. 

1619 (17 Jas. I.) 

Edward Richardes. 

Peter Priaulx. 

1620 (18 Jas. I.) 

Richard Dalbie. 

Edward Exton. 

1621 (19 Jas. I.) 

George Gollop. 

*John Elzey. 1 

1622 (20 Jas. I.) 

. Peter Priaulx. 

Nicholas Pescod. 

1623 (21 Jas. I.) 

Edward Exton. 

Francis Knowles. 

1624 (22 Jas. I.) 

John Elzey. 2 

Thomas Combes. 

1625 (i Chas. I.) 

Nicholas Pescod. 

John Clungeon. 

1626 (2 Chas. I.) 

Francis Knowles. 

Nathaniel Mills. 

1627 (3 Chas. I.) 

Thomas Combe. 

Charles Darvall. 

1628 (4 Chas. I.) 

John Clungeon. 

Peter Seale. 

1629 (5 Chas. I.) 

Nathaniel Mill. 

Thomas Mason. 

1630 (6 Chas. I.) 

Peter Seale. 

Peter Clungeon. 

1631 (7 Chas. I.) 

Thomas Mason. 

John Guillam. 

1632 (8 Chas. I.) 

George Gallop. 

John Rigges. 

1633 (9 Chas. I.) 

Peter Clungeon. 

Barrish Daniell. 

1634 (10 Chas. I.) 

John Guillam. 

Robert Wroth. 3 

1635 (n Chas. I.) 

Peter Pryaulx. 

Henry Bracebridge. 

1636 (12 Chas. I.) 

Edward Exton. 

Humphrey Ryman. 

1637 (13 Chas. I.) 

Arthur Bromfeild. 

Joseph Mason. 

1638 (14 Chas. I.) 

Robert Wroth. 3 

Edward Tatenell. 4 

1639 (15 Chas. I.) 

Henry Bracebridge. 

Richard Cornelius. 

1640 (16 Chas. I.) 

Nicholas Pescod. 

Henry Pitt. 

1641 (17 Chas. I.) 

Humphrey Ryman. 

Peter Legay. 

1642 (18 Chas. I.) 

Peter Seale. 

John Benger. 

1643 (19 Chas. I.) 

Thomas Mason. 

John Benger. 5 

1644 (20 Chas. 1.1 

Henry Pitt. 

John Benger. 

1645 (21 Chas. I.) 

William Stanley. 

Christopher Walleston. 

1646 (22 Chas. I.) 

Peter Clungeon. 

James Capelin/ 

1647 (23 Chas. I.) 

Peter Legay. 

Thomas Cornelius. 

1648 (24 Chas. I.) 

James Capelin. 

William Home. 

1649 (i Chas. II.) 

Christopher Walleston. 

Nicholas Capelin. 

1650 (2 Chas. II.) 

Robert Wroth. 3 

William Higgens. 

1651 (3 Chas. II.) 

Joseph Delamott. 

James Clungeon. 

1652 (4 Chas. II.) 

Thomas Cornelius. 

Henry Ward. 

1653 (5 Chas. II.) 

William Home. 

Edward Marsh. 

1 Roll of Mayors. a Tables, Eben. 

3 Tables, Wieth. 4 Tables, Tatenes. 

5 Roll of Mayors ; Tables, Nathan : Bachelor. 



Year of Taking Office. 
1654 (6 Chas. II.) 

Mayors. Sheriffs. 

William Higgens. Edward Downer. 

Both mayor and sheriff deposed by order of Cromwell, 

August 15, 1655, and 

William Home and Edward Marsh elected August 22, 
for the rest of the year. 

1655 (7 Chas. II.) Henry Pitt. 

Charles Smith. 

1656 (8 Chas. II.) James Clungeon. 

Nicholas Clement. 

1657 (9 Chas. II.) Peter Scale. 

William Pinhorne. 

1658 (10 Chas. II.) Nicholas Clement. 

Jacob Legay. 

1659 (n Chas. II.) James Capelin. 

John Steptoe. 

1660 (12 Chas. II.) Edward Downer. 

Arthur Bracebridge. 

1 66 r (13 Chas. II.) William Stanley. 

John Tayler. 

1662 (14 Chas. II.) Robert Richbell. 

Kingston Friar. 

1663 (15 Chas. II.) John Steptoe. 

Jacob Ward. 

1664 (16 Chas. II.) Thomas Cornelius. 

John Parsons. 

1665 (17 Chas. II.) Arthur Bracebridge. 

Edward Richards. 

1666 (18 Chas. II.) James Clungeon. 

Richard White. 

16-67 (19 Chas. II.) William Home. 

William Walleston. 

1668 (20 Chas. II.) Kingston Fryar. 

John St. Barbe. 

1669 (21 Chas. II.) John Winder. 

Nicholas Stanley, jun. 

1670 (22 Chas. II.) Robert Richbell. 

John Loving. 

1671 (23 Chas. II.) Richard White. 

John Rowte. 

1672 (24 Chas. II.) William Stanley, jun. 

Alexander Hill. 

1673 (25 Chas. II.) Jacob Ward. 

Christopher Smith. 

1674 (26 Chas. II.) Thomas Farr. 

James Crosse. 

1675 (27 Chas. II.) William Walliston. 

Henry Norbonne. 

1676 (28 Chas. II.) James Crosse. 

John Rawlings. 

1677 (29 Chas. II.) Alexander Hill. 

Elias Degruche. 

1678 (30 Chas. II.) John Rowte. 

Richard Godfrey. 

1679 (31 Chas. II.) Edward Downer. 

George Shergold, died. 

James Mellish, elected. 

1680 (32 Chas. II.) Christopher Smith. 

Thomas Cornelius. 

1 68 1 (33 Chas. II.) John Speed, M.D. 

Alexander Alchorne. 

1682 (34 Chas. II.) Elias Degruchey. 

William Lyne. 

1683 (35 Chas. II.) James Hellish. 

John Smith. 

1684 (36 Chas. II.) Thomas Cornelius. 

Robert Vernon. 

1685 (i Jas. II.) William Bulkeley. 

Edward E.lwes. 

1686 (2 Jas. II.) Alexander Alchorne. 

Cornelius Macham. 

1687 (3 Jas. II.) Richard White. 1 

William Crop. 

1688 (4 Jas. II.) William Lyne. 

Peter Bulkeley. 

1689 (i Wm. &My.) John Smith. 

William Pocock. 2 

1690 (2 Wm. &My.) John Thornburgh. 

Jonathan Ingles. 

1691 (3 Wm. & My.) James Crosse. 

Thomas Everhard. 

1 Continued in office over the year. On Wednesday, October 24, 1688, the 
king's proclamation for restoring Corporations was read; and October 26 the 
private nomination was ordered for the new election. Friday, November 9, the 
election of the mayor was ordered to be on the Friday following ; but his suc- 
cessor, who was mayor elect on Friday, November 23, did not come into office till 
December 5, 1688. 

2 On refusal of Robert Culliford, who was fined 25. 



Year of Taking Office. 



1692 (4 Wm. & My.) 

Edward Elwes, 1 died 

David Widdall. 

February 26, 1693. 

Christopher Smith. 

1693 (5 Wm. &My.) 

Robert Vernon. 

Thomas Bracebridge. 

1694 (6 Wm. &My.) 

John Speed, M.D. 

Thomas Rice. 

1695 (7 Wm. III.) 

Cornelius Macham. 

John Winter. 

1696 (8 Wm. III.) 

William Cropp, M.D. 

Aaron de Veuile. 

1697 (9 Wm - UI.) 

Elias Degruchey. 

Daniel Veal. 

1698 (10 Wm. III.) 

Peter Bulkeley. 

Richard White. 

1699 (II Wm. III.) 

Jonathan Ingles. 

Jacob Ward. 

1700 (12 Wm. III.) 

James Mellish. 

Charles Smith. 

1701 (13 Wm. III.) 

Thomas Cornelius. 

Samuel Downes. 

1702 (i Anne) 

Thomas Bracebridge. 

William Godfrey. 

1703 (2 Anne) 

Thomas Rice. 

Andrew Webb. 

1704 (3 Anne) 

John Thornburgh. 

Richard Smith. 

1705 (4 Anne) 

Aaron de Veulle. 

Thomas Macham. 

1706 (5 Anne) 

Richard White. 

Francis Gardiner. 

1707 (6 Anne) 

Arthur Atherley. 

John Grove. 

1708 (7 Anne) 

Charles Smith. 

Edmund Moody. 

1709 (8 Anne) 

William Godfrey. 

Roger Andrews. 

1710 (9 Anne) 

Andrew Webb. 

Earlesman Richey. 

1711 (10 Anne) 

Thomas Cornelius. 

William Smith. 

1712 (n Anne) 

Francis Gardiner. 

Thomas Ingles. 

1713 (12 Anne) 

John Thornburgh. 

George Bussell. 

1714 (i Geo. I.) . 

John Grove. 

William Cornelius. 

1715 (2 Geo. 1.1 

Richard White. 

John Ayres. 

1716 (3 Geo. I.) 

Edmund Moody. 

Francis Cabot. 

1717 (4 Geo. I.) 

Arthur Atherley. 

Thomas Wells. 

1718 (5 Geo. I.) 

Charles Smith. 

Francis Andrews. 

1719 (6 Geo. I.) 

Thomas Ingles. 

Leonard Cropp. 

1720 (7 Geo. I.) 

William Godfrey. 

William Reade. 

1721 (8 Geo. I.) 

William Cornelius. 

Charles Reade. 

1722 (9 Geo. I.) 

Thomas Cornelius, 2 died 

Richard Raymund. , 

June i, 1723. 

Roger Andrew, elected 

June 12. 

1723 (10 Geo. I.) 

Francis Gardiner. 

Arthur Bracebridge. 

1724 (n Geo. I.) 

John Ayres. 

Richard Taunton. 

1725 (12 Geo. I.) 

Francis Cabot. 

Robert Vernon. 

1726 (13 Geo. I.) 

John Grove. 

William White. 

1727 (i Geo. II.) 

Leonard Cropp. 

Richard Atherley. 

1728 (a Geo. II.) 

Thomas Ingles. 

Robert Sadleir. 

1729 (3 Geo. II.) 

William Reade. 

Richard Purbeck. 

1730 (4 Geo. II.) 

Roger Andrews. 

Thomas Cornelius. 

1731 (5 Geo. II.) 

George Shergold. 

George Barton. 

1732 (6 Geo. II.) 

Richard Raymond. 

Robert Ballard. 

1733 (7 Geo. II.) 

Arthur Bracebridge. 

Francis Cabot, jun. 

1734 (8 Geo. II.) 

Richard Taunton. 

Joseph Ward. 

1735 (9 Geo. II.) 

William White. 

Arthur Atherley, jun. 

1736 (10 Geo. II.) 

Richard Atherley. 

John Herring. 

1 Journal. 

2 Journal. 



Year of Taking Office. 



1737 (n Geo. II.) 

Leonard Cropp. 

Richard Serle. 

1738 (12 Geo. II.) 

William Freeman. 

William Knight. 

1739 (i3 Geo. II.) 

Robert Sadleir. 

George Hammond. 

1740 (14 Geo. II.) 

Richard Purbeck. 

Leonard Cropp, jun. 

1741 (15 Geo. II.) 

Robert Ballard. 

John Wheeler. 

1742 (16 Geo. II.) 

Richard Raymond. 

William Purbeck. 

1743 (17 Geo. II.) 

Richard Taunton. 

Edmund Moody. 

1744 (18 Geo. II.) 

Arthur Atherley. 

William Lowder. 

1745 ( J 9 Geo. II.) 

William White. 

Richard Searle. 

1746 (20 Geo. II.) 

William Knight. 

Edmund Ludlow. 

1747 (21 Geo. II.) 

Richard Atherley. 

John Langford. 

1748 (22 Geo. II.) 

Robert Sadleir. 

Samuel Saunders. 

J 749 (23 Geo. II.) 

Richard Purbeck. 

Thomas Hasker. 

1750 (24 Geo. II.) 

Robert Ballard. 

Richard Vernon Sadleir. 

1751 (25 Geo. II.) 

Leonard Cropp. 

George Robinson. 

1752 (26 Geo. II.) 

William Purbeck. 

Josiah Smith. 

1753 ( 2 7 Geo. II.) 

Edmund Moody. 

Richard Ayres. 

1754 (28 Geo. II.) 

Arthur Atherley. 

Peter Spinks. 

1755 (29 Geo. II.) 

George West, Captain. 

Thomas Guillaume. 

1756 (30 Geo. II.) 

William Knight. 

Thomas Guillaume. 

1757 (3i Geo. II.) 

Richard Serle. 

Gideon Tabuteau. 

1758 (32 Geo. II.) 

Edmund Ludlow. 

John Bridger. 

1759 (33 Geo. II.) 

William Freeman. 

Edward Noble. 

1760 (34 Geo. II.) 

Richard Vernon Sadleir. 

Samuel Miller. 

1761 (i Geo. III.) 

Leonard Cropp. 

John Monkton, M.D. 

1762 (2 Geo. III.) 

George Robinson. 

Thomas Abraham. 

1763 (3 Geo. III.) 

William Purbeck. 

George Miller. 

1764 (4 Geo. III.) 

Edmund Moody. 

William Jolliffe. 

1765 (5 Geo. III.) 

Henry Hartley. 

Arthur Hammond. 

1766 (6 Geo. III.) 

Richard Serle. 

Robert Ballard. 

1767 (7 Geo. III.) 

Thomas Guillaume. 

William Seward. 

1768 (8 Geo. III.) 

Edmund Ludlow. 

John Brysault. 

1769 (9 Geo. III.) 

John Bridger. 

Clement Hilgrove. 

1770 (io Geo. III.) 

Edward Noble. 

Thomas Mears. 

1771 (u Geo. III.) 

Richard Vernon Sadleir. 

Richard Vernon Moody 

1772 (12 Geo. III.) 

Samuel Miller, jun. 

Arthur Atherley. 

1773 (13 Geo. III.) 

George Robinson. 

John Mullins. 

1774 (14 Geo. III.) 

John Monkton, M.D. 

Henry Ward. 

1775 (i5 Geo. III.) 

Henry Hartley. 

William Bulkeley. 

1776 (16 Geo. III.) 

Robert Ballard, jun. 

Samuel Blount. 

1777 (17 Geo. III.) 

Samuel Figgal Reade. 

Thomas Guillaume. 

1778 (18 Geo. III.) 

Clement Hilgrove. 

Edward Noble. 

1779 09 Geo. III.) 

Thomas Guillaume. 

John Monkton. 

1780 (20 Geo. III.) 

Thomas Mears. 

Arthur Atherley. 

1781 (21 Geo. III.) 

Edward Noble. 

Robert Ballard. 

1782 (22 Geo. III.) 

Richard Vernon Moody. 

Clement Hilgrove. 

1783 (23 Geo. III.) 

Arthur Atherley. 

Samuel Blount. 

1784 (24 Geo. III.) 

John Monkton. 

Thomas Mears. 

1785 (25 Geo. III.) 

John Mullins. 

Clement Hilgrove. 

1786 (26 Geo. III.) 

Robert Ballard. 

Richard Vernon Moody. 

1787 (27 Geo. III.) 

Samuel Figgal Reade. 

Thomas Durell. 

1788 (28 Geo. III.) 

Thomas Mears. 

Sir Yelverton Peyton, Bart. 

1789 (29 Geo. III.) 

Clement Hilgrove. 

William Smith. 



Year of Taking Office. 

1790 (30 Geo. III.) 

1791 (31 Geo. III.) 

1792 (32 Geo. III.) 

1793 (33 Geo. III.) 

1794 (34 Geo. III.) 

1795 (35 Geo. III.) 

1796 (36 Geo. III.) 

1797 (37 Geo. III.) 

1798 (38 Geo. III.) 

1799 (39 Geo. III.) 

1800 (40 Geo. III.) 

Thomas Durell. 

1801 (41 

1802 (42 

1803 (43 

1804 (44 

1805 (45 

1806 (46 

1807 (47 

1808 (48 

Geo. III.) 
Geo. III.) 
Geo. III.) 
Geo. III.) 
Geo. III.) 
Geo. III.) 
Geo. III.) 
Geo. III.) 

1809 (49 Geo. III.) 

1810 (50 Geo. III.) 
i8n (51 Geo. III.) 

1812 (52 Geo. III.) 

1813 (53 Geo. III.) 

1814 (54 Geo. III.) 

1815 (55 Geo. III.) 

1816 (56 Geo. III.) 

1817 (57 Geo. III.) 

1818 (58 Geo. III.) 

1819 (59 Geo. III). 

1820 (i Geo. IV.) 

1821 (2 Geo. IV.) 

1822 (3 Geo. IV.) 

1823 (4 Geo. IV.) 

1824 (5 Geo. IV.) 

1825 (6 Geo. IV.) 

1826 (7 Geo. IV.) 

1827 (8 Geo. IV.) 

1828 (9 Geo. IV.) 

1829 fib Geo. IV.) 

1830 (i Wm. IV.) 

1831 (2 Wm. IV.) 

1832 (3 Wm. IV.) 

1833 (4 Wm. IV.) 

1834 (5 Wm. IV.) 

1835 (6 Wm. IV.) 

1836 (6 Wm. IV.) 

John Butler Harrison. 

James D'Auvergne, General. 
Bercher Barill. 
Alexander Scott, Admiral. 
Nathaniel Heywood, Colonel. 

Sir Yelverton Peyton, Sir John Collins, Knight, Captain. 


William Smith. 
John Mullins. 
John Butler Harrison. 
James D'Auvergne, 


Alexander Scott, Admiral. Frederick Breton. 
Arthur Atherley. Richard Light. 

Thomas Durell. Joseph Bishop. 

Sit Yelverton Peyton, Valentine Fitzhugh. 

Nathaniel Heywood, Philip Seward. 


Frederick Breton. William Loiner. 

Alexander Scott, Admiral. William Smith. 

Frederick Breton. 
Thomas Durell. 
William Smith. 
Samuel Silver Taylor. 
John Rowcliffe. 

Samuel Silver Taylor. 
John Rowcliffe. 
Andrew Williams. 
William Tinling. 
William Lintott. 

Sir Yelverton Peyton. John Brice. 


William Lintott. 
Samuel Silver Taylor. 
John Butler Harrison. 
William Edward Jolliffe. 
John Rowcliffe. 
Richard Eldridge. 
William Lintott. 
George Atherley. 

William Edward Jolliffe. 
Richard Eldridge. 
George Atherley. 
Walter Raleigh Smith. 
Thomas Vavasour Durell. 
Stephen Lintott. 
John Sadleir Moody. 
John Rushworth Keele. 

William Edward Jolliffe. Stephen Lintott. 

Walter Raleigh Smith. 
Richard Eldridge. 
Stephen Lintott. 
George Atherley. 
John Rushworth Keele. 
Richard Eldridge. 
Stephen Lintott. 
Samuel Le Feuvre. 
John Jolliffe. 
Joseph Lomer. 
James Bovill. 
Philip Carteret Fall. 
John Rushworth Keele. 
William Oke. 
John Jolliffe. 

Samuel Le Feuvre. 
John Jolliffe. 
Joseph Lomer. 
Wilson Lomer. 
James Bovill. 
Philip Carteret Fall. 
William Oke. 
Richard D. Pritchard. 
Martin Maddison. 
Stephen Judd. 
William Le Feuvre. 
Peter Rainier. 
Peter Breton. 
William Ward. 
John Rushworth Keele. 
Joseph Lomer. 

Stephen Judd. 
William James Le Feuvre. James Bovill. 
William James Le Feuvre. James Bovill. 
Peter Breton, from Janu- George Hunt. 
ary i to November 9. 


Year of Taking Office. 



1836 (7 Wm. IV.) 

Charles Du Cane. 

Samuel Silver Taylor. 

1837 (i Viet.) 

Joseph Lobb. 

Thomas Griffith. 

1838 (2 Viet.) 

Joseph Bernard. 

William Hooke Steere. 

1839 (3 Viet.) 

Peter Breton. 

John Hole. 

1840 (4 Viet.) 

Joseph Lobb. 

Joseph Rankin Stebbing. 

1841 (5 Viet.) 

Peter Dickson. 

Abraham Abraham. 

1842 (6 Viet.) 

Edward Mayes. 

Henry Fricker. 

1843 (7 Viet.) 

George Henderson. 

Richard Coles. 

1844 (8 Viet) 

Thomas Griffith. 

Joseph Ball. 

1845 (9 Vict ) 

Joseph Lobb. 

John Aslatt. 

1846 (10 Viet.) 

William James Le Feuvre, 

, Henry Brett. 

1847 (n Viet.) 

Daniel Brooks. 

Joseph Lankester. 

1848 (12 Viet.) 

George Laishley. 

Richard Andrews. 

1849 ( T 3 vict ) 

Richard Andrews. 

John Traffells Tucker. 

1850 (14 Viet.) 

Richard Andrews. 

Sampson Payne. 

1851 (15 Viet.) 

Richard Andrews. 

James Blatch. 

1852 (16 Viet.) 

Joseph Lankester. 

William Aldridge. 

1853 (17 Viet.) 

John Traffells Tucker. 

Richard Coles. 

1854 (18 Viet.) 

Sampson Payne. 

James Caldecott Sharp. 

1855 (19 Viet.) 

Sampson Payne. 

John White. 

1856 (19 Viet.) 

John Traffells Tucker, ap- 

pointed deputy-mayor 
May 10; Sampson 
Payne, died May 22 ; 
Richard Andrews, 
elected May 31. 

1856 (20 Viet.) Richard Andrews, re- Ebenezer Williams. 

signed December 22 ; 
John White, elected 
December 26. 

1857 (21 Viet.) John White. John Richard King. 

1858 (22 Viet.) Edward Palk. Charles Copeland. 

1859 (23 Viet.) Frederick Perkins. James Ricketts Weston. 

1860 (24 Viet.) Richard Coles. John Carter. 

1 86 1 (25 Viet) Frederick Perkins. Thomas Bowman. 

1862 (26 Viet.) Frederick Perkins. George Simon Brinton. 

1863 (27 Viet.) George Simon Brinton. David Davis. 

1864 (28 Viet.) Thomas Bowman. Samuel Michael Emanuel. 

1865 (29 Viet.) Samuel Michael Emanuel. Rolles Driver. 

1866 (30 Viet.) Samuel Michael Emanuel. Charles Bromley, died July 4, 

1867; Thomas Bowman, 
elected October 7. 

1867 (31 Viet.) Joseph Rankin Stebbing. William Furber. 

1868 (32 Viet,) Joseph Rankin Stebbing, Edward Mayes. 

paidfinefor not accept- 
ing office; Frederick 
Perkins, elected Nov. 

1869 (33 Viet.) Frederick Perkins. George Dunlop. 

1870 (34 Viet.) Thomas Pibble Payne. Arthur Andrews. 

1871 (35 Viet.) Henry Joseph Buchan. Robert Jennings. 

1872 (36 Viet.) William Hickman. Edwin Jones, resigned November 

10, 1873. 


Year of Taking Office. 

1873 (37 Viet.) 
1874 (38 Viet.) 
1875 (39 Viet.) 

1876 (40 Viet.) 
1877 (41 Viet.) 

1878 (42 Viet.) 
1879 (43 Viet.) 
1880 (44 Viet.) 
1 88 1 (45 Viet.) 
1882 (46 Viet.) 

Edwin Jones. 
George Mason Passenger. 
Edwin Jones. 

Henry Abraham. 
Alfred Leighton M'Cal- 
John Blount Thomas. 
William Henry Rogers. 
John Henry Cooksey. 
William Henry Davis. 
William Henry Davis. 

William Garden. 
Stephen Seward Pearce. 
William Henry Rogers, resigned 
November 9, 1876. 
John Emilius Le Feuvre. 
George Thomas Harper. 

Rolles Driver. 
Edward Bance. 
James Seward Pearce. 
John Davis Barford. 
John Miller. ; 

Of the Recorder. 

2. " It is probable that they always had the assistance of a lawyer 
" in their business, by whatever title they called him : perhaps the same 
" person executed the offices of recorder and town-clerk before their 
" charters distinguished those offices. The l person skilled in the law/ 
"appointed in a judicial capacity by the charter I Edward IV. [see 
" under l Courts '], was certainly a recorder in the same sense as we now 
" use the term, though not called by that name ; but the office appears 
" by that charter to have been annual. 

Deposition. " Though the deposition or removal of the recorder be supposed 
" and implied in the charter (16 Car. I.), yet the manner of doing it is 
" not directed. However, it has been done, for [Dec. 5] 1651, Mr. 
" Hildesly wrote to the Corporation to choose a new recorder, which 
" being communicated to Mr. Levingston, the then recorder, he agreed 
6< to it, and John Lisle, Lord Commissioner, was chosen ; but 
" [Dec. 9] 1658, Mr. Levingston brought a writ of restitution from 
" the Upper Bench, and the next year he was restored in obedience 
" to that writ, and John Lisle quitted. 

"In 1703 the recordership was declared void by the absence of 
" Roger Mompesson, Esq., and his not attending to the town business. 

" The recorder was formerly expected to reside in the town, and 
" Mr. Penruddoke signed a promise in the Journal always to reside here 
" in the vacation/' 

Emolu- In 1457 the recorder's wages were ^5 per annum ; he had also, as 

was usual, his livery gown at Christmas, made of five yards of ' muster- 
dyvelyg ' at 35. 4d. the yard. This continued to be his payment for 
a considerable period. 

" In 1649 it was ordered that the recorder be allowed ^20 a year for 
" his house-rent, so long as he should live in the town. In 1688 it was 
" determined that his fee should be j^5 a year. But there are frequent 
*' instances mentioned in the Journals of presents of wine being made 
" to the recorders on account of their trouble in attending the la\v- 



" suits of the town. They formerly had constantly a new year's gift 
" sent them of sugar, spice, wine, or olives." 

The Oath of the Recorder. 

" You shall be faithful and true to our Sovereign Lord the King of England Oath. 
11 and his heirs, Kings or Queens of England. You shall minister common right 
" after the common law of England, and the laudable customs of this town, to 
" every person that shall duly require the same, as well to poor as to rich. You 
" shall also true counsel give unto the Mayor and his brethren to your power, and 
" their counsel you shall well and truly keep, and not be absent from them at such 
'* places and times as you should personally give your attendance without the 
" licence of the Mayor, or that you be otherwise reasonably occasioned. And 
" as well all these things as all other things that to your office of Recorder of this 
" town shall or doth belong, as near as you can, you shall truly do and execute. 
" So help you God." 

The duties of the recorder are now regulated under the consoli- 
dating Act of 1882. 

List of Recorders. - 

" John Ingoldesby held the office in 23 Hen. VI. 1444." Occupants. 

Richard Palshid, in 22 Hen. VII. 1507 (see under ' Town-Clerk'). 

" John Mille, in 37 Hen. VIII., 1547 (Leland's ' Itinerary'). 

" Thomas Mylle, in 7 Ed. VI. 1553. 

" James Brande," in 2 & 3 Ph. & Mary, 1555. 

" Mr. Hooper, in 12 Eliz., 1569. 

" John Penruddoke, in 14 Eliz., 1571." 

Thomas Fleming. 1 (afterwards Knight), Solicitor-General, in 43 Eliz., 1601; resigned 

December 1603. 

" Robert [William 1 ] Brock," on resignation of last, i Jas, I., 1603. 
" Thomas Clerke, 2 in 9 Jas. I., 1611. 

" Henry Sherfield, in 15 Jas. I.," 1617-18 ; elected January 30 ; sworn February 16. 
" Robert Mason, in 9 Clias. I., 1633 ; Recorder of Winchester ; soon after of 


" Thomas Levingston, in 10 Chas. I., 1635," on death of Mason, by recommenda- 
tion of King Charles ; resigned (see above) December 1651. 
"John Lisle, Lord Commissioner," December 20, 1651; sworn and admitted 

September 16, 1652 ; resigned April i, 1659. 
" Thomas Levingston," restored April 6, 1659, in obedience to writ of Richard 

Cromwell, dated November 29, 1658. 
" Roger Gcllop," elected September 29, 1662 (14 Car. II.) 
" Giles Eyre, of Brickworth, 33 Chas. II., 1681," elected May 6, on death of last ; 

admitted and sworn August 16, same year. 
" John Wyndham, 2 Wm. Mary, 1690,'"' elected October 4, vice Sir Giles Eyre 

resigned ; sworn October 10. 
" Thomas Wyndham, of Lincoln's Inn, 8 Wm. & Mary, 1696," elected July 6, vice 

last resigned ; admitted and sworn July 13. 
" Roger Mompesson, of Lincoln's Inn, 10 Wm. & Mary, 1698," on death of last ; 

admitted and sworn May 9. 

1 See Burgesses' Book. 2 Dr. Speed has Cheeke. 



" Robert Eyre, of Lincoln's Inn (afterwards Chief-Justice)," 2 Anne, 1703, on dis- 
missal of last ; elected June 14 ; sworn September 3, same year. 
" Robert Eyre, son of the former, on his father's resignation, 9 Geo. I.," 1723, 

elected July 26, vice Sir Robert Eyre, resigned. 
" William Eyre, serjeant-at-law, 16 Geo. II.," 1742, elected October 22, vice 

Honourable Robert Eyre, resigned; sworn the same day ; also sworn J.P. 

and Common Council-man. 
" Cranky Thomas Kerby," 5 Geo. III., 1765, elected and sworn September 6 ; died 

June 7, 1800. 
Charles Hilgrove Hammond, barrister-at-law, elected September 12 ; sworn 

recorder and J.P. September 18, 1800; resigned October 25, 1830. 
Peregrine Bingham, of the Middle Temple, barrister-at-law, elected November 5 ; 

sworn December 10, 1830. 
Alexander James Edmund Cockburn, of the Middle Temple, barrister-at-law, 

elected July 26, 1840 ; afterwards Lord Chief-Justice. 
Edmund Smirke, afterwards knight, succeeded Sir Alexander Cockburn, August 

13, 1846. 

William Major Cooke, succeeded Mr. Smirke, October 19, 1860. 
Montagu Beere, appointed in succession to last, July 7, 1862. 
Thomas Gunner, in succession to Mr. Beere, October 31, 1870 ; died March 3, 

Alfred Henry Say Stonehouse-Vigor, late recorder of Penzance, took the oath and 

made the declaration prescribed, April u, 1883. 

Of the Town-Clerk. 

Town- 3. " There is little said of the town-clerk in the ancient books of 

ttSir 5 A " the town, but in one of them (1570) he is called clerk of the records 
" of the town, which seems to be expressive of his office, the recorder 
" being keeper of the records." 

It will be convenient to give an account of the office under such 
notices as occur of its occupants. 

In 1315 (9 Ed. II.) William Fowell received a bushel of wheat 
from God's House for professional assistance. 1 

John le Barbur (15 Ed. II., 1321) received a quarter of wheat under 
similar circumstances. 1 

John Fysch, held office in 1365 (39 Ed. III.) 2 

John Giles (1457, 36 Hen. VI.) has ' five yerds of musterdyvelyg ' 
for his gown. The wages of the town-clerk, as of the recorder, were 
^5 per annum, with a varying sum for paper and parchment and 
ink. 3 

Watkyn or Water Latham (9 Ed. IV., 1469), on May 22d he rode 
with the king to Chichester on town business. 

1 God's House Computus, under years. 

2 Deed of Roger Mascall. 

8 Steward's Books. The following particulars, unless otherwise specified, 
are derived from the Steward's Books and Journals under dates. 


William Overey, chosen September 15, 1473 ( I2 Ed. IV.), also 
sheriff; he was the translater of the Paxbread (see p. 132). 

William West (i Hen. VII., 1486), wages for one quarter of a year, 
twenty-five shillings. 

William Erneley (i Hen. VII., 1486), wages for three quarters of 
a year, ^3, 153.; he continued in office at least till 1501. 

Richard Palshed, December 1502 (18 Hen. VII.), also styled 

John Mylles (4 Hen. VIII., 1512-13), see under ' Recorder. 7 

John Knight, resigned in March 1562-63, recommending as his 
successor Robert Knaplock. 

Robert Knaplock (5 Eliz., 1563). 

Richard Waterton, town-clerk, appointed, September 1568, to act 
as under-sheriff till Mr. Turner, who had been elected high sheriff, 
returned from beyond seas. 

Thomas Lark, clerk to the Honourable Sir Francis Walsingham, 1 
Knight, elected (26 Eliz., 1584) to succeed as town-clerk on the death 
of Waterton, an event then expected. 

John Friar, notary public and clerk of the records, town-clerk (43 
Eliz., 1601), was holding office in December 1608. 

Richard Pidgeon was in office January 1609-10 (7 Jas. I.) 

Edward Phillater (13 Jas. !._, 1615), then town-clerk, complaining 
of oysters being dredged within the haven by fishermen of Weston and 
others, obtains the monopoly of all the oyster-beds, on the under- 
standing that he is to serve the town with good oysters at two pence 
the hundred at most, to keep the haven in good order, and to bring in 
five hundred oysters for the mayor's annual fish dinner. 

" In 1639 ( J 4 Chas. I.) Mr. Pittis was chosen on condition that 
" he pay ^40 a year to the town as long as he enjoys the place, and 
" shall not go forth of the town without the mayor's licence. Ordered 
" likewise that the town-clerk be new chosen and new sworn every 
" year. In (September) 1646 notice was given to the town-clerk to 
" void his place, it being held only during pleasure." 

Richard Stanley, elected July 8, 1648 (24 Chas. I.) The recorder 
having claimed ^5 for coming to Southampton to the election, was 
refused by the House on the ground that his salary of $ per annum 
was to cover expenses. 

Mr. Nutley, 1653 (5 Chas. II.), refused a deputy in May 1654; 
and, June 5, "voted to be discharged for not attending in person 
" upon the duty of his office. [The above order was revoked and] notice 
"was given him, August 10, to attend in person, and reside in town by 

1 Compare Merewether and Stephens' History of Boroughs, pp. xlvi., 1346. 



" September 15 ; " but in December William Hancock was deputy, 
and so remained till the election of a new town-clerk. 

Francis Coles, elected January 19, 1657-58, with the consent, 
though without the presence, of Commissioner Lisle, the recorder; 
the late town-clerk (Nutley) being unable to reside in the town owing 
to his great business. He was sworn and admitted January 22. 

Allan Lockhart, March 1659-60 (12 Chas. II.) ; he resigned Octo- 
ber 15, 1660, completing his resignation November 12, and recom- 
mending his successor. 

Henry Clifford, of Lincoln's Inn, November 12, 1660. Of late 
years the office had been in an unsettled state. 

ct In 1668-69 (20 Chas. II.) Mr. Ferdinand Knapton was chosen 
" [January 15] town-clerk, on condition that he should accept such 
" terms as the Corporation would offer him. When he heard these he 
" refused to accept them, and his election was declared void. He brought 
" a mandamus [May 9, 1699] for his admission, but without effect." 

Mr. Pocock was elected January 22, 1668-69 (20 Chas. II.) ; ad- 
mitted and sworn July 3. In March 1673-74 he was required to resign, 
" because his other business took him off from his attendance on the 
" affairs of the Corporation." 

" In 1699 (n Will. III.), ordered that Mr. William Pocock do show 
" cause why he should not be removed from his office for non-attendance 
" at the town courts and for not entering the records, and for setting the 
" mayor's name without his leave to the return of a writ of error. I do 
" not find what the issue of this was. In 1699 a letter was sent to Mr. 
" Swanton, clerk of assize, asserting the town's right for their town- 
" clerk to officiate in the commission of oyer and terminer as clerk, 
" without the clerk of assize. This was probably a special commission 
" for the town, which was customary at that time ; but now (since 
" 1725) the town is put into the Western Circuit when they have any 
" assize business, and one of the judges comes hither, and of course 
" brings the clerk of assize with him. 

"In 1701 (13 Will. III.) Mr. Richard Beel was chosen [September 
" 20], on the death of last, on condition of residing in the town with 
" his whole family," requiring no salary, and not absenting himself 
above nine or ten days each term. 

"John Knapton, appointed" July 9, 1707 (6 Anne), to act till 
Michaelmas; elected town-clerk September 30, 1708, proposing to 
execute the office gratis, only receiving the usual perquisites, and to 
collect the rents, &C., leaving his reward to the discretion of the Cor- 
poration. " In 1718, Mr. Knapton being in a declining state of health, 
" Mr. John Godfrey, his clerk, was admitted as deputy [June 20], and 
" was sworn to keep the secrets of the Common Council." 


" In 1729-30 [January i], 2 Geo. II., John Godfrey was chosen on 
" Mr. Knapton's death ; to have no salary, nor to practise in the town 
" court as attorney, directly or indirectly. Mr. Godfrey grew very 
" infirm the latter part of his term, and Samuel Figgal Reade was 
" admitted to be his deputy." 

" In 1767 (7 Geo. III.) Charles Le Gay was chosen [February 2], 
" on death of last. 

" In 1774 (14 Geo. III.) William Daman was chosen [March 5], 
" on death of Le Gay/ 3 and sworn April 5, 1774. 

Thomas Ridding, on death of last, chosen March 27, 1787 ; sworn 
April 20, 1787; appointed steward of court leet, April 3, 1789. 

William Curry, appointed March 13, 1804, on the death of last ; 
sworn March 23 the same year. 

Thomas Ridding, May 7, 1810, on the death of Curry, elected and 
sworn before the recorder, May 12 ; steward of the court leet, May 29, 
1810. Mr. Ridding guided the Corporation through the critical period 
which preceded the Municipal Corporation Reform Act of 1835, re- 
ceiving a special vote of thanks, December that year; he resigned 
August 1838. 

Charles Edward Deacon, of the town and county of Southampton, 
attorney-at-law, was appointed August 16, 1838. 

Richard Seward Pearce, of the town and county of Southampton, 
solicitor, on resignation of last, appointed July 6, 1870. 

Previously to the Act of 1835, the town-clerk was appointed by 
the mayor, recorder, aldermen, and Common Council ; and under that 
Act (as by the present, 1882) by the Council, that is, the mayor, alder- 
men, and councillors, to hold during pleasure, but he must not be himself 
a member of the Council. 

" The Oath of the Town-Clerk. 

" You shall be faithful and true to the King of England and his heirs, Kings 
" and Queens of England ; you shall see that true records are kept, and due 
" processes made between party and party, and true judgments in their suits to be 
" given, as nigh as you can, in the Mayor and Bailiffs' behalf. If ye be required, 
" ye shall minister common right after the common law of England and the 
" laudable customs of this town to every person that here will sue, as well poor as 
<{ rich. And also true counsel you shall give to the Mayor and his brethren to 
** your power, and their counsel shall well and truly keep : and not be absent 
" from them at such places and times, without licence of the Mayor, or otherwise 
" reasonably occasioned, as you should usually give your attendance. And all 
" other things that to your office belongeth, as near as you can, you shall do. So 
" help you God." 

No declaration is now required by law of the town-clerk. 


Of the Burgesses. 

Qualifica- The burgesses were originally the free resident householders, enrolled 

admission, in the borough court, and bearing their part in the public burdens both 
as to taxation and duties. But from an early period irregularities 
occurred in their appointment ab extra. Thus, among many instances, 
in 1303 royal letters patent granted the right of burgesses at South- 
ampton to John de London of Bordeaux, and in 1312 extended them 
to his wife Blanche, and their sons and daughters in every particular. 1 

" The charter gives so little direction relating to the burgesses that 
" most things relating to them depend upon practice and bye-laws or 
" orders in their Journals, and regard chiefly their election and dis- 
" franchisement. 

i. "And first of their election. The eldest son of a burgess has a right 
" to succeed his father; see 'Laws of the Guild' (Ord. 9), where this 
" is extended to the next heir." Such eldest son or next heir was 
sometimes admitted in his father's or uncle's lifetime, when however he 
paid a fine, which was often remitted ; other sons of a guildsman were 
admitted on payment of a fine of ten shillings, which was also frequently 
excused (Ord. 10). 

Residence. Residence was required of burgesses, who forfeited their position if 
absent from the town for a year and a day, though sometimes this 
requirement was dispensed with. In December 1485 (i Hen. VII.) 
Robert Reynold was admitted on condition of dwelling within the town. 
In 1508 (24 Hen. VII.) F. Baudewyne was admitted ' because he did 
promise himself to inhabit within the towne.' In 1510 (2 Hen. VIII.) 
Nic. Seggewike was ' disgrated 7 because he was not dwelling within the 
town within a year and a day after summons, according to the custom 
of the town. Others were ' discharged from the Guild ' because they 
were 'no inhabiters' or 'not dwelling within' the town; sometimes 
such were readmitted on a fine, presumably upon their becoming resi- 
dent. In 1579 (21 Eliz.) a burgess, t according to the ancient custom 
of this town,' was g disgraded for that he hath been dwelling out of the 
said town about twelve months and a day.' 

Admission Admissions to burgess-ship were granted frequently for special 

reasons. reasons. 

In 1508 (23 Hen. VII.) Harvey Hayward had also part of his fine 
remitted for that he shall dwell within the town and be a helper as 
he may,' that is, with ships and boats. In 1509 (i Hen. VIII.) Richard 
Kene was admitted by common consent, but with sad reflection on the 
good people about 'because he is an honest man and good of name.' 

1 Pat. 31 Ed. I. in. 44 ; 6 Ed. II. p. i, m. 12 ; 18 Ed. II. p. 2, m. 17. 


John Orpit, Vicar of St. Michael's, was admitted into the Guild, 1510 
(2 Hen.VIII.), by common assent, ' because he hath always been a helper 
of the town/ At the same time John Wilcok, D.D., Vicar of Holy 
Rood, was admitted. In 1520 (July, 12 Hen. VIII.), John Millet, of 
the Isle of Wight, was admitted on his promising to reside in the town, 
and victualling the town with his fish. In 35 Hen. VIII. (1543) a 
couple of barber-surgeons were admitted free, on the understanding 
that they were to be ' ready at the commandment of the mayor and 
burgesses and their successors, to exercise their craft or science when 
need shall require without excess taking for the same/ A certain 
William Bowyer, gentleman, was admitted gratis in August 1557, 
because he had ' married an alderman's wife ' and was altogether well 
thought of in the town. The admission to burgess-ship was exercised 
in an arbitrary fashion. In 1545 it was agreed by a majority of the 
aldermen and burgesses that no more Guernsey and Jersey men should 
be admitted without a distinct vote. On this and some other points the 
court leet jury of 1550 were peremptory : ' And yf ye refuse this to do, 
we will ye stryke all our names owt of y bookes, and so comyt all the 
charges of the towne into y r handes. We speake not this for nothinge, 
but for theire occupyinge and craft wilbe the decaye of our occupyinge/ 

It seems that a few years later the making of burgesses 'for 
friendship ' had become too common, and was said to have lowered the 
office in public estimation ; hence, in 1561 (3 Eliz., September 15), it 
was ordered that the .fine for burgess-ship should be ^Pio, ' except 
prentices, or such that be men of honour and worship, that shall so 
request for their pleasure, for no gain of the petty customs, and men's 
children which ought of right to inherit their father's room, according 
to the Paxbread.' 

The practice having obtained of admitting ' gentlemen and others ' Gentlemen 
into the ' fellowship of freemen or burgesses,' without their being 
obliged to undertake the offices of constable, steward, or bailiff, but 
enabled at once to advance to the dignity of sheriff and so of mayor, 
the court leet in 1600 presented this grievance and prayed a remedy. 

Half a century later the town offices could scarcely be filled for lack Lack of 
of burgesses. In 1652 the court leet presented that the jury of that 
court had, by ancient custom, consisted of burgesses only, descending in 
order from the high sheriff, who should be foreman, but that for want 
of a sufficient number of burgesses, not only was that service in danger 
of being neglected, but the other offices of the town, which should 
devolve on burgesses alone. They prayed, therefore, 'that men able 
and capable of the office of burgess-ship be elected/ and fined on their 
refusing to serve. 

A similar complaint of lack of burgesses was made by the town 




council after the Restoration. It was therefore ordered (September 12, 
1660), that all such resident inhabitants within the town as the mayor 
and Common Council should think fit to nominate gratis as serving 
burgesses within the next six months should accept the position under 
a penalty of ^so. 1 

When and In January 1675-76 it was ordered that residents and traders living 
admitted. * elsewhere should only be admitted as burgesses on a Friday, the usual 
meeting day of the Common Council, and only in the Audit-house,, in 
presence of the council after due notice; but any noble or gentle man 
desiring to be made a burgess might be admitted any time in a House 
summoned for the purpose. A similar order was repeated subsequently. 

In 1707 it was "ordered that no person shall be sworn a burgess 
" until he shall first be proposed to the Common Council duly summoned 
" and assembled, and the whole community be called on to give their 
" consent ; and any persons chosen contrary to this order, their election 
" to be deemed void. A.D. 1730, the charters being silent concerning 
" the election of burgesses, it is ordered unanimously that only the 
" Common Council have a right to vote, and that every burgess be pro- 
" posed at the Common Council six days at least before his election, or 
" his election to be void. But a nobleman may be sworn at a common 
(t council without such notice if nine at least be present. This order is 
" observed still [i.e., c. 1770]. 

(2.) "Disfranchisement, in its largest sense, signifies being deprived 
" of the freedom of the town, which was formerly attended to here with 
" as much punctuality as it continues to be in the City of London ; but 
" at present it is understood to mean only being disburgessed or ex- 
" pelled the Corporation." 

In 1495 (u H. VII.) Griffyn Alcocke, who had been admitted 
freely as the eldest son of his deceased father, was ' disgrated ' for 
assault on Jermain Griffith, whom ( he did streke with his fiste/ Those 
who had been disgrated were frequently readmitted on payment of a 
fine. Offences against the peace by fist, sword, or dagger, as laid down 
in the Paxbread, were constantly visited with expulsion. 

" A.D. 1558 [May 30, 4 and 5 Phil, and Mary], two burgesses were 
" expelled the Corporation for publishing a protestation against the 
" mayor and aldermen taxing the town without calling the rest of the 
" burgesses. 

" A.D. 1565, a burgess was disfranchised for saying that the 
" Corporation made laws against reason and conscience ; another for 
" colouring strangers' goods (see Laws of the Guild, Ord. 30). 

And by 



tion law. 

1 In 1689 Thomas Bernard, grocer, was fined 50 for refusing to be sworn 
a burgess. 


"A.D. 1570, a burgess was disfranchised for calling another bur- Abuse. 
" gess a knave (see Laws, Ord. 15). 

"A.D. 1574 [16 Eliz.], Giles Sharpe was disfranchised for non- Leading 
" payment of the queen's butlerage, commonly called Prisage," and trouble, 
bringing a quo warranto on the town. 1 

" A.D. 1602, Andrew Studley, alderman, was turned out of the Faisifica- 
" Corporation, but not out of his freedom of the town. The articles tlc 
" against him were falsifying the Corporation's books of accounts in 
" various instances for his own advantage, embezzling the public money, 
fe and taking a bribe to procure a lease at a small fine. 

Cf A.D. 1610, Henry Capelin was disburgessed for refusing to pay Hostility 
" 3^4 banquet-money at his admission. N.B. He afterwards paid it, chler? 
" and was admitted. 

" A.D. 1659, several burgesses were expelled by Cromwell, who, in Cromwell. 
" 1662, were restored by the Commissioners for regulating Corporations, 
" and some others were then expelled. Of these last, James Capelin 2 
" was the chief; but as these were not acts of the Corporation, they 
" are not to be placed to their account." 

" A.D. 1662, a burgess was disfranchised for entering strangers' Evasion. 
" goods at the custom-house in his own name. 3 He brought a writ of 
" mandamus to be readmitted, but the writ was returned re infectd. 
" At length he agreed to a reference, and in 1681 notice was given to 
" the collector of the customs that he still continued disenfranchised, 
" that the collector might recover the arrears of prisage that were due 
" from him. 

"A.D. 1676, Thomas Farr, alderman, was excluded from the Common Dishonesty. 
" Council for embezzling the Corporation's effects when he was mayor. 

" Expulsions have not been practised for many years back." 

Other Orders concerning Burgesses. 

"Ordered [1559, 2 Eliz.] that all burgesses from the sheriff State and 
" inclusively upwards shall provide and use one right honest gown of 

" crimson or scarlet cloth on certain days under the penalty of 
By a minute of August 4, 1569, " the aldermen's wives are also 
" ordered to wear scarlet on the same days winder the same penalty," 
according to old custom ; and their husbands were desired to see 
that the gowns be provided and worn. Aldermen whose wives did 
not possess such gowns were to be fined <jfio, and those whose 

1 See under ' Prisage.' 

2 See " Minute of the Proceedings against Capelin," below in last chapter, 
date 1662. 

3 "Perhaps this is what is meant above (A.D. 1565) by colouring strangers' 
" goods, rather than the circumstance mentioned in the Laws of the Guild." 




wives, though possessing, did not wear them were to be mulcted ten 
shillings each day. All the gowns were to be ready against the 
coming of the queen, under pain of .^Pio ; and the ladies were to 
wear with their scarlet gowns ( frentche whoddes ' (French hoods). 

" A.D. 1588. The fine for not having a scarlet gown was set at 
, for not wearing it at ten shillings. 

A.D. 1593. A sheriff was fined for not wearing scarlet on Easter 
" Day, but was forgiven on his submission. 

" A.D. 1616. Mr. George Gollop, having been sheriff, was fined 
" j^io for not having a scarlet gown, and others were admonished to 
" provide them. Half this fine was remitted, the other half was paid. 

" A.D. 1613. Ordered that the burgesses and their wives shall be 
" placed in all public assemblies and churches according to their degrees, 
" by one of the Serjeants appointed to that office. 

" A.D. 1637. Ordered that the burgesses shall attend Mr. Mayor 
" on all days of meeting, or upon summons, on pain of twelve pence. 
" The days of assembly are the Friday before St. Matthew's Day, 
" Michaelmas Day, the Friday after Michaelmas Day, and Saturday 
" following, Christmas Day, Easter Day, Trinity Eve, Quarter sessions, 
" Gaol delivery, and at the coming of the king." It had been pre- 
sented in 1594 as a discredit for burgesses to go to the Law Day at 
Cutthorn on foot, and they were desired to attend Mr. Mayor on 
horseback as heretofore, on pain of two shillings and sixpence, and in 
like manner to accompany him in the circuit round the liberties. None 
were to be absent without leave. 

Feasting In June 1753 ^ was ordered that burgesses on being sworn into 

aged Ur " office should make their entertainments separately, but this order, 
provocative of good cheer, acted prejudicially on the Corporation. 
Within the last preceding years a considerable number of clergy and 
gentry had been admitted ; and the expense of the feasting became an 
objection to the honour of burgess-ship; moderation in such entertain- 
Restrained. ments was therefore urged (September n, 1767). Sheriffs were advised 
to ride the bounds in the forenoon and to give no repast but at Cut- 
thorn, and the Audit-room was placed at the disposal of the sheriff and 
bailiffs for the feasts at Trinity Fair. In 1775 (September 36) new 
regulations were made on this subject. The entertainments usually 
given by the senior and junior bailiffs on the second and third court 
days after their election were discontinued, and after 1777 the feast 
given by the sheriff at Cutthorn was no longer to be provided by that 
officer, but in lieu thereof the mayor was authorised to charge five 
guineas in his annual accounts, afterwards (1778) increased to ten 
guineas, in order to furnish what was necessary at the same place. In 
future, also, the entertainments usually provided by the bailiffs and 


sheriff at Trinity Fair were to be discontinued, and the mayor was 
empowered to prepare instead a modest refreshment at the public 
expense. These regulations, it was hoped, would ease future burgesses, 
the allowance to the mayor was therefore reduced to twenty guineas; 
the stipend of fifty guineas being continued to the existing members of 
the Common Council during their mayoralties in consideration of past 
expenses. By a further regulation (September 29, 1783), it was ordered 
that every new serving burgess should, on his admission to the Corpora- 
tion, deposit fifty guineas in the chest by way of composition for the 
expenses of entertainments formerly given by the bailiffs and sheriff, in 
return for which the Corporation undertook to indemnify such serving 
burgess for all usual entertainments, and also to pay the costs of his 
quietus at the expiration of his shrievalty, and moreover to allow him 
out of the chest during his mayoralty the old allowance of fifty guineas 
notwithstanding the former resolution. This payment of fifty guineas 
by incoming burgesses was informally dropped about 1795, and was so 
permitted by minute of May 30, 1800. 

From one cause or other the scarcity of burgesses to fill the town Lack of 
offices was experienced again, 1788, the Corporation making a spirited a gafn, sse 
appeal to the gentlemen of the grand jury at quarter sessions (October) I788 - 
with a view of recruiting their ranks. The appeal met with remarkable 
success ; it is here given in abstract. 

The Corporation, seeing such a respectable grand jury, could not A PP ealof 
but hope that ' the arm of the magistrate might be strengthened ' by tion. 
their support in checking the increasing licentiousness of the people. 
6 The spirit of discord and delusion had gone forth/ and was ' operating 
with the worst effect on the minds of men who, instead of a conscien- 
tious submission to established laws and customs, vainly sought for 
advantage by opposition to all order and authority, affecting to revile 
the power under which they dwelt safely/ The complicated wicked- 
ness of the c inferior class of inhabitants/ the shameless indecencies and 
blasphemies, 1 were such as f all the watchfulness of the magistracy 
would not be able to prevent or punish without the concurrence of 
those of superior rank.' The Corporation then go on to show their 
origin, and defend their existence. Southampton enjoyed singular 
privileges, and might boast of grants superior to those of most other 
towns 5 and ' while the current of its customs and privileges flowed 
unmolested by turbulent and seditious men, it was esteemed a secure, 
peaceful, and desirable residency for people of all denominations/ 
What gain could malevolent men obtain by a dissolution of the 
present Corporation ? There must be (i.) c disorder, violence, and rapine 

1 Compare Massy, History of George III., vol. ii. p. 64. 


till some new establishment could be formed, and new powers given to 
another set of men, who, under a different name, would still be a corpor- 
ate body intrusted with the execution of law, but without conferring on 
the public any of the benefits of the present charter/ Then they (2.) 
specify the immense benefit of the admiralty jurisdiction, which could 
only come by charter. But for this, 'murder and robbery might be 
committed with impunity by villains who, escaping to the water/ might 
defy ' the shortened arm of justice. 3 Or supposing for a moment (3.) 
that f the present Corporation, wearied out by unprovoked indignities,' 
were ' induced to retire and resign their charter/ was it likely that 
'such resignation would or could be accepted at the loss of certain 
sums annually paid to Government, and to certain grantees under the 
crown, all issuing from the petty customs, that averred grievance which 
some pretended arose from the corporators?' The payment of such 
would be exacted with a heavier hand through revenue officers. Then 
(4.) how could the town walls, quays, and market-places be kept up ? 
Again, (5.) 6 should the barrier which now separates us from the county 
at large be thrown down, the town courts, the courts both criminal 
and civil, must in consequence be removed to Winchester, and every 
individual inhabitant of this place would be liable to serve on juries six 
times yearly, besides occasional special juries, at an expense of both 
time and money at least a hundred times greater than arises to them 
while we thus happily enjoy a state of peculiar jurisdiction/ Let then 
' men of virtue and abilities' rally round the Corporation and assume 
( a participation of those powers and privileges which unworthy men 
are anxious to attain to. Diminished in numbers, we have lost nothing 
of that spirit which should ever accompany authority, and by which 
we are enabled to bear the burden of quick returning offices, and to 
despise the unjust reproach of being tenacious of our rights. If, ani- 
mated by the same spirit, you accede to our wishes, that burden will 
become light, and that reproach will be heard no more.' Having dis- 
posed of certain possible objections to their proposal, the Corporation 
declares that if nothing comes of it, ' you and others who may survive 
must submit to see the honour of magistracy debased in the hands of 
men destitute of every qualification for so important a charge.' 
Amwer. Forthwith two knights and eleven esquires signified their intention 

of joining the Corporation, and others quickly (October 17) followed; 
and on November 3 there were elected as serving burgesses : Sir John 
Collins, Sir Richard King, General D'Auvergne, George Rogers, 
Benjamin Caldwell, John Stewart, M.D., Philip Dumaresque, William 
Sotheby, Alexander Irwine, Samuel Rollestone, Burcher Barrell, Noah 
Le Crass, Colonel Heywood, Alexander Scott, Thomas Dixon, John 
Harrison, George Vincent, Alexander St. Barbe, Frederick Britton, 


Thomas South, George Bastide, James Ayscough, Esquires. It does 
not appear that the town after this suffered from a lack of serving 

" The Burgesses' Oath. 

" You shall swear by the contents of this book that you shall from henceforth be 
" faithful and true to our Sovereign Lord the King, and to his heirs and successors. 
" Obeisant and obedient you shall be to the Mayor and other officers of this town. 
" The franchises, customs, and ordinances thereof you shall well maintain to your 
" power, and keep harmless in that you may. You shall contribute to all manner 
" of charges within the town, as summons, watches, wards, contributions, taxes, 
" tallages, lot and scot, and all other charges, bearing your part thereof as a Bur- 
" gess ought to do. You shall not colour or bear the name of any foreigner's or 
" stranger's goods, whereby the King or town may lose any custom, brokage, or 
" advantage. You shall know no foreigner or stranger to buy or sell any mer- 
" chandise with any foreigner or stranger within this town and the franchises 
" thereof, but you shall warn the Mayor for the time being, or his deputy, of the 
" same. You shall sue or implead ho inhabitant of this town out of this town 
" without the special licence of the Mayor or his assistants, or the more part of 
" them, for the time being. You shall take no apprentice for less term than seven 
" years, within the first year whereof you shall cause him to be enrolled ; and at 
" his term's end you shall consent and procure him to be set up, as much as in you 
" lyeth, in this town, if he have well and truly served you. You shall know no 
" gathering of people, conventicles, or conspiracies made against the King's peace 
" or the ordinances of this town, but you shall warn the Mayor thereof, and let 
" them to your power. The counsel of the said town you shall faithfully keep, and 
" attend the Mayor, for the time being, at all sessions and other assemblies usual, 
" not being lawfully occasioned to the contrary. All these things you shall well 
" and truly perform and keep. So help you God and tl\e contents of this 
" book." 

Honorary Burgesses, 

" They have likewise honorary burgesses ; they call them out-bur- 
" gesses, because they are mostly gentlemen who do not live in the 
" town. But they sometimes pay this compliment to gentlemen that 
" are inhabitants. They are sworn^ and their oath is called 

" ' The oath of such gentlemen as are admitted to the freedom of a burgess of 
" ' the town, and not altogether subject to such taxes, tallages, lot and scot, and 
" ' other attendances as other the common burgesses who pay fine for their freedom 
" ' are liable to. 

" ' Ye shall be faithful and true to our sovereign lord the king, and his heirs 
" ' and lawful successors ; and the franchises and customs and ordinances of this 
" ' town of Southampton you shall maintain and keep harmless in that you may 
" ' to your power. So help you God.' 

" These honorary burgesses have a right to vote in the election of 
" a mayor and of members of Parliament; and in matters of general 
" concern to the town it has always been usual to call a meeting of all 
" the burgesses that are in the town; but these honorary ones cannot 
" be present at the deliberations of a Common Council." 


The following notices concern honorary burgesses : In 1490 (6 
Hen. VII.) my Lord of Winchester was ' made burgess ' free of charge, 
1 but of his gentilnes he pardoned us for the same the fyne of the 
pavelyne 1 and all other costes longing to the same with the homage for 
that yere/ The Abbot of Beaulieu and others were also admitted. In 
1514 (6 Hen. VIII.) Thomas Skevington (or Pace), Bishop of Bangor 
and Abbot of Beaulieu, was admitted ' into the liberties of the gilde of 
the town ' by free gift. He was a donor of some of the town plate. 
These are among the earliest instances observed ; that of 1490 is the 
first of the creation of honorary burgesses. There can be little doubt, 
however, that if the records had remained perfect we should have been 
supplied with earlier cases, the creation of such burgesses being provided 
for in the oldest copy of the Ordinances extant that of c. 1300 (see 
Ord. 57). Space forbids our dwelling on the very copious entries 
of honorary burgesses. 2 From the end of the seventeenth century the 
roll of burgesses consists very largely of non-townsmen and generally 
of men of position. 3 The entries from this latter period (1697) bear 
each a two-shilling stamp ; a century later the stamp increases to four 
shillings; in 1806 to \ ; in 1808 to ^2; in 1815 to ^3. 

It was resolved (January 30, 1829) tnat eaca Common Council- 
man who had attended during the last twelve months should be allowed 
to nominate an honorary burgess; but in October 1831 it was decided 
that no resident within the united parishes of the town should be 
eligible for nomination ; the rule being waived in favour of G. F. Pitt, 
Esq., the donor to the Corporation of his library, who was elected 
December 23. The last admission to the burgess-ship bears date June 
Act of 1835. I 5 !835' With the passing of the Municipal Corporation Reform 
Act (September 9, 1835) the admission to burgess-ship by gift or 
purchase became illegal (sect. 3). 

Within the ten years immediately preceding that Act fifty-three 
burgesses had been elected, forty-seven honorary and six serving; there 
being in the Corporation just previously to passing the Act twenty 
resident or serving burgesses and about one hundred and sixty non- 
resident, chiefly honorary. The former exclusive privileges of trading 
enjoyed by burgesses had long since ceased. Before the passing of the 
first Pier Act in 1803, they were exempted from wharfage dues; but on 
the application for that Act it was agreed that the burgesses should give 
up this right of exemption, and the Corporation that of petty customs, 
receiving in exchange 4 a portion of the dues levied under the Act. 

1 See below under ' Courts.' 

2 Entry of Burgesses from 1496 to 1704. 

3 Admission of Burgesses from 1697 to 1835. 

4 See page 39. 



The burgesses latterly had no privilege excepting that, whether 
resident or not, they, equally with the inhabitants paying scot and lot, 
were electors of members of Parliament for the town. 

Under the present law, the universal qualification for enrolment as Act of 
a burgess is that of being a male of full age, who, on the i5th of July l882 ' 
in any year, is, and has been during the whole of the then last pre- 
ceding twelve months, in occupation, joint or several, of any house, 
warehouse, counting-house, shop, or other building (in this Act referred 
to as qualifying property) in the borough, and has during the whole 
of those twelve months resided in the borough or within seven miles 
thereof, and has been rated in respect of the qualifying property to all 
poor-rates made during those twelve months for the parish wherein 
the property is situated ; and has on or before the 2Oth of the same 
July paid all such rates, including borough rates (if any), as have become 
payable by him in respect of the qualifying property up to the then 
last preceding ^th of January. Disqualifications for enrolment are 
being an alien, or having been in receipt of union or parochial relief or 
other alms within the twelve months aforesaid, or being disentitled under 
any Act of Parliament. 

The burgess roll is prepared each year by the town-clerk according 
to the several provisions of the Act ; it is published as directed and 
printed for sale. The burgesses elect the town-councillors on November council 
I, who must fulfil conditions beyond those of an ordinary burgess; and 
on March I, or on another day with the approval of the Local Govern- 
ment Board, they elect the auditors and assessors from among persons 
qualified to be councillors. 

Burgesses of Parliament. 

The authority for the names in the following list, except in the 
few cases otherwise specified, is the parliamentary return to the order 
of March i, 1878, which has, in the former part, greatly amended all 
previous compilations. The dates are those of the actual meeting of 

1295. 23 Ed. I. Peter de Lyons. 1 

Nov. 13. John de la Barre. 

1298. 26 Ed. I. John Flemeng. 

May 25 (York). William Fowel. 

1300-1. 29 Ed. I. No return made by 

Jan. 20 (Lincoln). the bailiffs. 2 

1302. 30 Ed. I. John de Shirlie. 

Oct. 14. William Fughel. 

1 The returning officers were the bailiffs, other burgesses being bound as manucaptors or 
bailsmen for the appearance of the elected members at the appointed day and place. The mem- 
bers were bond fide burgesses of the town : this continued till the time of James I., after which 
the form of previous election to burgess-ship was always followed. It was attempted to restore 
the old custom in April 1625, and select only inhabitants. 

2 Such entries mean that the town shirked the duty and expense of making a return"; a 
negligence which seems to have been provided against by stat. 23 Hen. VI. c. 14. 



1304-5- 33 Ed. I. 

No return. 

1327-28. 2 Ed. III. 

John Ronde. 

Feb. 28. 

Feb. 7 (York). 

John de Vans. 

1306. 34 Ed. I. 

John le Flemyng. 

1328. 2 Ed. III. 

Roger Normaund. 

May 30. 

April 24 (North- 

Henry de Lym. 

1306-7. 35 Ed. I. 

Bartholomew le Eng- 


Jan. 20 (Carlisle). 


1328-29. 3 Ed. III. 

Henry Burry. 

Nigel de la Wylderne. 

Feb. 9. 

Henry le Flemyng. 

1307. I Ed. II. 

No return. 

1329-30. 4 Ed. III. 

John le Flemyng. 

Oct. 13 (North- 

March 11 (Win- 

Andrew Haywode. 



1309. 2 Ed. II. 

No return. 

1331-32. 6 Ed. III. 

Roger Normaund. 

April 27. 

March 16. 

Thomas de Bynedon. 

1311. 5 Ed. II. 

No return. 

1332. 6 Ed. III. 

Roger Normaund. 

Aug. 8. 

Sept. 9. 

1311. Nov. 12. 

John de Shirle. 
Henry de Lym. 

I332-33- 6 Ed. III. 
Jan. 20 (York). 

John de Weston. 
R(ichard) le Clerke. 

1312-13. 6 Ed. II. 
March 18. 

William Bassingrom. 
William Foghel. 

1333-34. 8 Ed. III. 
Feb. 21 (York). 

Laurence de Mees. 5 

1313. 7 Ed. II. 

Sept. 23. 

Henry de Lym. 1 
John le Flemyng. 

1334. 8 Ed. III. 
Sept. 19. 

Henry Flemyng. 
Laurence de Mees. 

1314-15. 8 Ed. II. 
Jan. 20 

Henry de Lym. 2 
John le Flemyng. 

1335. 9 Ed. III. 
May 26 (York). 

Hugo Sampson. 
Roger atte Hurne. 

1318. 12 Ed. II. 
Oct. 20 (York). 

John Clerk. 
Richard Wegge. 

I 335~3 6 - 10 Ed. III. 
March n. 

Henry Flemyng. 
Roger atte Hurne. 

1319. 12 Ed. II. 

Richard de Sutton. 

1337. ii Ed. III. 

No return. 

May 6 (York). 

Henry Forster. 

Sept. 26. 

1321. 15 Ed. II. 

July 15- 

No return. 3 

1337-38. 12 Ed. III. 
Feb. 3. 

Henry le Flemyng. 
Robert atte Barre. 

1322. 15 Ed. II. 
May 2. (York). 

John de Ronde. 
John Forst. 

1338. 12 Ed. III. 
July 26 (North- 

No return. 


1322. 16 Ed. II. 
Nov. 14 (York). 
1323-24. 17 Ed. II. 

John Jurdan. 
William Broun. 
Henry de Lym. 

1338-9. 13 Ed. III. 
Feb. 3. 

Roger Normaund. 
Thomas de la 

Feb. 23. 

Robert de la Barre. 

1326-27. 20 Ed. II. 
Jan. 7. 

John le Flemyng, 

1340. 14 Ed. III. 
March 29. 

Nicholas Lonye. 6 
Adam Ineys. 

John le Barber. 4 

1341. 15 Ed. III. 

Nicholas Lonye. 

1327. i Ed. III. 

Nicholas de Staun- 

April 23. 

Richard Imberd. 

Sept. 15 (Lincoln), ford. 

1343. 17 Ed. III. 

Nicholas Lonye. 

John Forst. 

April 28. 

Adam Inweys. 

1 Writ for their expenses was issued from the return day to November 15 at two shillings each 
per day, tested November 18 (Parliamentary Writs, II. cclvi.) In the early days, and through 
the Middle Ages, the town paid the burgesses ; in later times the burgesses paid the town. 

2 Writ of expenses, tested at York, December 9, 1318 (Ibid.) 

3 Writ was returned to John de Ronde, bailiff of the liberties of the town, but he gave no 
answer to the sheriff (Ibid.) 

* Writ of expenses at two shillings per day for each, tested at Westminster, March 9, 1327 
(Prynne, p. 83). 

5 See Prynne, Fourth Part of Brief Register. Writ for expenses of Laurence de Mees was 
issued for twenty shillings for ten days. 

6 It was a frequent practice to summon specialists for consultation with the Council or Par- 
liament on matters touching the king's honour and the safety of merchandise, to whom the same 



1344. 1 8 Ed. III. 

No return. 

1379-80. 3 R. II. 

John Polymound. 

June 7. 

Jan. 1 6. 

William Bacon, of 

1346. 20 Ed. III. 

John Wygayn. 

St. Michael's. 

Sept. ii. 

Ralph Beauflour. 

1381. 5 R. II. 

John Polymond. 

1347-48. 21 Ed. Ill 

. John Fismark. 

Nov. 3. 

William Bacon. 

Jan. 14. 

Richard Imberd. 

1382. 5 R. II. 

John Polymond. 

1348. 22 Ed. III. 

John de Worgan. 

May 7. 

William Bacon, sen. 

March 31. 

Thomas de Abyndon. 

1382. 6 R. II. 

John Polymond. 

I 3So-Si. 25 Ed. Ill 

. John le Clerk. 

Oct. 6. 

John Flete. 

Feb. 9. 

John Fismark. 

1382-83. 6 R. II. 

Richard Meye. 

1352. 26 Ed. III. 

Henry Stanford. 

Feb. 23. 

William Bowyare. 

Aug. 1 6. 

1384. 7 R. II. 

John Polymond. 

1353. 27 Ed. III. 

No return found. 

April 29 (Salis- 

John Flete. 

Sept. 23. 


1355. 29 Ed. III. 

John le Clerk. 

1384. 8 R. II. 

John Polymond. 

Nov. 23. 

Thomas de Abyndon. 

Nov. 12. 

Richard Mey. 

1 35 7-58- 32 Ed. Ill 

John le Clerk. 

1385. 9 R. II. 

John Emmory. 

Feb. 5. 

John Wytegod. 

Oct. 20. 

William Bole. 

1360. 34 Ed. III. 

John Jardyn. 

1386. 10 R. II. 

John Pengeston. 

May 15. 

William Warewyk. 

Oct. i. 

Roger Mascall. 

1360-61. 34 Ed. III. 

John Clerk. 

1387-88. ii R. II. 

William Mapel. 

Jan. 24. 

John Jardin. 

Feb. 3. 

John Scarlet. 

1362. 36 Ed. III. 

John Wytegod. 1 

1388. 12 R. II. 

Nicholas Sherwynd. 

Oct. 13. 

Thomas de Kyngton. 

Sept. 9 (Cam- 

John Bygard. 

1363. 37 Ed. III. 

John le Clerk. 


Oct. 6. 

John Wytegod. 

1389-90. 13 R. II. 

William Mapel. 

1364-65. 38 Ed. III. 

John le Clerk. 

Jan. 17. 

Thomas Appelby. 

Jan. 20. 

John Polymond. 

1391. 15 R. II. 

William Mapel. 

1368. 42 Ed. III. 

John Wytgod. 

Nov. 3. 

Thomas Appelby. 

May i. 

Ralph Taillour. 

1 39 2 -93- J 6 R. II. 1 

William Mapel. 

1369. 43 Ed. III. 

No return. 

Jan. 20 (Winches- 

Thomas Appelby. 

June 3. 


1371. 45 Ed. III. 
June 8 (Winches- 

William Bacoun. 

1393-94- i7R.II. 
Jan. 27. 

John Pengeston. 
Thomas Appelby. 


1394-95. 18 R. II. 

Thomas Appelby. 

1372. 46 Ed. III. 

John Clerk. 

Jan. 27. 

Thomas Marleburgh. 

Nov. 3. 

Richard Mey. 

1396-97. 20 R. II. 

Thomas Appulby. 

1373- 47 Ed. III. 

John Clerk. 

Jan. 22. 

John Deryng. 

Nov. 21. 

John Polymond. 

1397. 21 R. II. 

Walter Lange. 

1 37 6 -77- 5 1 Ed. III. 

Richard Mey. 

Sept. 17. 

John Deryng. 

Jan. 27. 

William Malmeshull. 

1397-98. Jan. 27. 

Parl. continued. 

1378. 2R. II. 

William Bole. 


Oct. 20 (Glouces- 

Philip Cake. 

1399. i H. IV. 

Thomas Middelton. 


Oct. 6. 

Richard Bradeway. 

allowances were made as to members of Parliament. Thus in this Parliament three or four owners 
of ships and merchants having been summoned from Southampton, expenses for forty-four days 
(4, 8 s.) were allowed by writ to (Hugo or Nic.) Sampson, who appeared for the town(Prynne 
Fourth Part, &c., pp. 186, 188). 

1 John Wytegod appears to have lent jioo to Edward III. some little time after this, having 
repayment in July 1370 (Pell Issue Roll, gth July, 44 Ed. III.) 



1402. 3 H. IV. 

Thomas Midlyngton. 

1430-31. 9 H. VI. 

William Soper. 

Sept. 15. 

Thomas Marlebergh. 

Jan. 12. 

William Chamber- 

1405-6. 7 H. IV. 

Walter Lange. 


Feb. 1 5 (Coventry). John Penkeston. 

1432. 10 H. VI. 

William Soper. 

1411. 13 H. IV. 

John Shypton. 

May 12. 

William Chaumber- 

Nov. 3. 

Thomas Marleburgh. 

1433. n H. VI. 

William Soper. 

1413. i H. V. 

Thomas Armorer. 

July 8. 

William Chaumber- 

May 14. 

William S ope re. 


1413-14. 2 H. V. 

Thomas Armorer. 

I43 5. 14 H. VI. 

William Chamber- 

Jan. 29 (Leicester) 

Thomas Marleburgh. 

Oct. 10. 


1414. 2 H. V. 

William Sopere. 

John Payn. 

Nov. 19. 

Thomas Marleburgh. 

1436-37- I5H.VI. 

William Marche. 

1415. 3 H. V. 

Thomas Marleburgh. 

Jan. 21. 

John Kirkeby. 

Oct. 21. 

Benedict Wycche- 

1441-42. 20 H. VI. 

William Soper. 


Jan. 25. 

William Chamber- 

1419. 7 H. V. 

William Sopere. 


Oct. 1 6. 

William Chamber- 

1446-47. 25 H. VI. 

William Stone. 


Feb. 10 (Bury 

John Payn. 

St. Edmunds). 

1420. 8 H. V. 

William Sopere. 

Dec. 2. 


William Chaumber- 

1448-49. 27 H. VI. 

William Soper. 


Feb. 12. 

William Stone. 

1421. 9 H. V. 

May 2. 

Thomas Marleburgh. 
Richard Thornes. 

1449. 28 H. VI. 
Nov. 6. 

John Flemang. 
William Stone. 

1421. 9 H. V. 

William Soper. 

1450. 29 H. VI. 
Nov. 6. 

John Payn. 
Nicholas Holme- 

Dec. i. 

John Mascall. 


1422. I H. VI. 
Nov. 9. 

John Mascall. 
Thomas Marleburgh. 

1452-53. 31 H. VI. 
Mar. 6 (Reading). 

Andrew Jamys. 
Thomas Chamber- 

1425. 3 H. VI. 

William Sopere. 


April 30. 

Richard Thornys. 

1455- 33H.VI. 

John William. 1 

1425-26. 4 H. VI. 

William Overey. 

July 9- 

Walter Clerk. 2 

Feb. 1 8 (Leices- 

Thomas Marleburgh. 

1461. i Ed. IV. 

Richard Aysche. 3 


Nov. 4. 

Andrew Jamys. 

1427. 6 H. VI. 

Peter Jamys. 

1472. 12 Ed. IV. 

Robert Bluet. 4 

Oct. 13. 

William Chaumber- 

Oct. 6. 

Walter Fetplace. 


1477-78. 17 Ed. IV. 

John Walker. 

1429. 8 H. VI. 

William Soper. 

Jan. 1 6. 

Roger Kelsale. 

Sept. 22. 

William Chamber- 

1482-83. 22 Ed. IV. 

Thomas Reynold. 

leyn. Jan. 20. 

Roger Kelsale. 5 

1 Received forty shillings in part payment of his Parliament wages bn April 3d, during his 
mayoralty ; knighted in 1456. 

2 In the next book of accounts we find payment to Walter Clerk ' for his parlement wages 
holde at Westm. the xxxiij yere of Henry the Sexte for cxix dayes in parte of payment of his par- 
lement wages X H xix s .' ?'.<?., he received the half of two shillings a day (Steward's Book, 1457). 

3 ' Item payd by the honddes of Rychard Aysche for the parlement wages for the sayd Rychard 
and Anddrew Jamys for lix dayys, for the day iiij s , the fyrst yere of Kyng Edward the iiij st . sm 
xj u xvis.' that is, two shillings a day each (Steward's Book, 1461-62). 

4 Prynne. 

5 Roger Kelsale was attainted (n R. III. 1483-84) with Walter Williams, Sir William Overey, 
J. Fessant, &c. ; a reversal of this attainder being granted i Hen. VII. (1485), Rot. Parl. vi. 246, 



1483-84. I R. III. 

John Shropshire. 1 

1555. 2 & 3 P. & M. James Brande, Re- 

Jan. 23. 

John Walker. 

Oct. 21. 

corder of South- 

1485. I H. VII. 
Nov. 7. 

Thomas Reynold. 2 
Thomas Overey. 

Thomas Fasshyn, 

1487. 3 H. VII. 
Nov. 9. 

Sampson Norton. 3 

1557-58. 4& 5 P. 

& M. John Staveley, Gen- 

Jan. 20. 


1495. ii H. VII. 

Thomas Thomas. 

James Brande, Gen- 

Oct. 14. 

John Dawtrey. 3 


1503-4. 19 H. VII. 

John Flemynge. 3 

l55 8 -59. I Eliz. 

Thomas Bekingham, 

Jan. 25. 

Jan. 23. 


1523. 14 H. VIII. 

Nicholas Dey. 4 

Edward Willmott, 

April 15 (Black 

John Mille. 



1562-63. 5 Eliz. 

John Caplyn, Gentle- 

1529. 21 H. VIII. 

Nicholas Dey. 

Jan. ii. 


Nov. 3 (London). 

John Milles. 

James Brande, Gen- 


1541-42. 33 H. VIII 

Christopher Stowe. 5 

Jan. 1 6. 

John Glynne. 

1571. 13 Eliz. 

Edward Horsey, 

April 2. 

Esq. 6 

1547. i Ed. VI. 

John, prob. James, 



John Crook, Gentle- 

Nov. 4. 

Stonard. 5 


J 552-53- 7 Ed. VI. 
Mar. I. 

James Stonard, 

1572. 14 Eliz. 

Sir Henry Walloppe, 
Knight. 7 

1553. I Mary. 

Sir Francis Flemyng. 

Nicholas Capelin, 

Oct. 5. 

Thomas Mille. 

Gentleman. 8 

1554. I Mary. 

Richard Battler, 

1584. 27 Eliz. 

Thomas Dyggs, 

April 2. 


Nov. 23. 

Esq. 9 

James Brende, Gen- 

Thomas Goddard, 



1554. I & 2 P. & M. 

James Brenne, Gen- 

1586. 28 Eliz. 

John Penruddock, 

Nov. 12. 


Oct. 15. 


James S toner, Mer- 

William Thorley, 



1 Shropshire and Walker received the usual wages, January 21 ; John Walker received pardon, 
with the rest of the burgesses, for all offences, &c., June i, 1484. This was in answer to a 
supplication to the king from the mayor (Walker), 3d December (i R. III.) 1483, defending the 
town's privileges through John Shropshire, Walter Latham, &c. (Steward's Book). 

2 These two burgesses seem to have been paid (,7, 133. 4d.) January 23, 1486 (i H. VII.) 
They left the Friday before St. Leonard's Day (November 6), and returned the morrow after St. 
Luce's [Lucy's] Day (December 13) (Lib. Remembr. H. 152 b, 155). 

3 So Dr. Speed in his brief list. 

4 These burgesses seem to have been members at this time (Lib. Rem. H. 88), as they certainly 
were in the next Parliament (see Parl. Returns, 1878). 

5 Willis's Notitia Parliamentaria. 

6 Ibid. Edward Horsey, captain and constable of Carisbrook Castle, and governor of the 
Isle of Wight from 1565 to 158 ; knighted December 1577. 

7 Fulk Greville, Esq., sat part of the three sessions for Wallop abroad in the queen's service 
(Beatson, Reg. of Parl. i. 457). 

8 Towards the parliamentary charges of Nicholas Capelin, 10 (see Temp. T. Overey, 1580). 

9 October 23, 1584, the nomination of one of the burgesses was given to the Earl of Leicester 
on his request. Thomas Goddard was the town's nominee ; both were to bear their own charges, 
and neither receive anything from the town (Boke of Remembrances, sub ann.) 



1588-89. 31 Eliz. 

Thomas Wilkes, Esq. 

1625-26. i Chas. I. 

Sir John Mill, Bart. 

Feb. 4. 

Richard Goddard, 

Feb. 6. 

George Gollop, Al- 



1 592-93- 35 Eliz. 

Sir Thomas Wilkes, 

1627-28. 3 Chas. I. 

John Mayj or, 2 Alder- 

Feb. 19. 


March 17. 


Thomas Heton, Esq. 

George Gollop, Al- 

1597- 39 Eliz. 

William Wallop, 


Oct. 24. 


1640. 1 6 Chas. I. 

Sir John Mill, Bart. 

Francis Bacon, Esq. 

April 13. 

Thomas Living- 

1601. 43 Eliz. 

Thomas Fleminge of 

stonne, Esq., Re- 

Oct. 27. 

Stoneham, Esq., 

corder of South- 

Solicitor - General, 



Recorder of South- 

1640. 1 6 Chas. I. 

George Gollop, 3 Al- 


[N"ov 3 


Thomas Lambert, 

Edward Exton, Al- 



1603-4. I Jas. I. 
March 19. 

Sir Thomas Fie- 
minge, Knt., Soli- 

1654. (Protector's). 
Sept. 3. 

John Lisle, Esq., one 
of the Lords Com- 


missioners of the 

Sir John Jeffrey, Knt. 

Great Seal, and 

1614. 12 Jas. I. 

Sir Thomas Fle- 

Recorder of South- 

April 5. 

minge, Knt. (son of 


the above). 
Henry Sherfeild. 

1656. (Protector's). 

John Lisle, Esq. 

Sent. 17. 

1620-21. 1 8 Jas. I. 

Sir Thomas Fle- 

I^J^^/L- A y 

Jan. 1 6. 

mynge, Knight, of 

1658-59. (R. Cromw.) 

Thomas Knollys, 4 

Henry Sherfeilde, 

Jan. 27. 

Esq. , of Grove 
Place, Nursling. 

Esq., Recorder of 

Roger Gallop, Esq., 


of Stanbridge. 

1623-24. 21 Jas. I. 

Sir John Mill, Bart, 

1660. 12 Chas. II. 

William Stanley, 

Feb. 12. 

of Southampton. 

April 25. 


Henry Sherfielde, 

Robert Richbell, 

Esq., Recorder of 



1661. 13 Chas. II. 

Sir Richard Ford, 

Thomas Bonde, Esq., 1 

May 8. 

Knight, 5 Alder- 

vice Sherfield, elec- 

man, of London. 

ted for Salisbury. 

William Legg, Esq. 

1625. i Chas. I. 

Sir John Mill, Bart. 

1678-79. 3 1 Chas. II. 

Thomas Knollis, 

May 17. 

George Gollop, Al- 

March 6. 

Esq., Merchant. 6 

derman, of Stan- 

Benjamin Newland, 

bridge and South- 

Merchant, of Lon- 



1 On March i, 1623-24, the Corporation wrote to Sir John Mill and to Mr. Recorder (Sherfield) 
for their assistance in obtaining a new election (Journal). 2 See under ' Mayors. ' 

3 On death of Gollop, town agreed (December 2, 1650) to petition for a continuance of their 
ancient privilege of having two burgesses of Parliament, and for a writ to choose a new one, 

4 Election was at the Guildhall, Monday, January 10, between the hours of nine and eleven. 
The burgesses had to assemble at the Audit-house by eight o'clock (Journal, January 7, 1658-59). 

5 These two members had been invited by the Corporation to accept burgess-ships with a view 
to their representing the town, and were elected respectively in April and March 1661 ; 
Colonel William Legge was Lord of the Bedchamber to Charles I. and Charles II. 

6 On the voting (February 5) Knollys had 34 and Newland 41 votes of the burgesses of the 
town who were the electors (Journal, February 7, 1678-79). Knollys had sat in the Parliament of 
1658-59 ; during the present he died, and was buried in Westminster Abbey, June 3. 



1679. 31 Chas. II. 

Sir Charles Wynd- 

1700-1. 12 W. III. 

Roger Mompesson, 

Oct. 17. 

ham, Knight, of 

Feb. 6. 

Esq., Recorde^ of 

Cranbury, near 



Mitford Crowe, Mer- 

Sir Benjamin New- 


land, Knight. 

1701. '13 W. III. 

Adam de Cardonnel, 

1 680-81. 33 Chas. II. 
March 21. 

The same. 

Dec. 30. 

jun., Esq. 
Mitford Crowe, Esq. 

1702. i Anne. 

Frederick Tilney, 

1685. I Jas. II. 

The same. 

Aug. 20. 


May 19. 

Adam de Cardonnel, 

jun., Esq. 

1688-89. (Interreg- 

Sir Benjamin New- 

1705. 4 Anne. 

Henry Viscount 


land, Knight, of 

Oct. 25. 


Jan. 22. 


Adam de Cardonnel, 

Richard Brett, Esq., 

jun., Esq. 

of Marwell, co. 

1708. 7 Anne. 

Viscount Woodstock. 

Edward Fleming, 

Nov. 18. 

Simeon Steuart, Esq. 
(vice Lord Wood- 

Esq. 1 (vice Brett, 

stock who elected 

deceased), Nov. 25, 

to serve for the 

Sir Charles Wynd- 

Adam de Cardonnel, 

ham, Knight, the 


inn* Eso 

same day (vice 

Fleming, or rather 

1710. 9 Anne. 

Adamde Cardonnel, 2 

vice Brett). 

Nov. 25. 

Roger Harris, Esq. 

1689-90. 2 W. & M. 

The same. 

(vice Cardonnel, 

March 20. 



1695. 7 W. III. 

The same. 

1713-14. 12 Anne. 

Richard Fleming, 

NOV. 22. 

Feb. 1 8. 


1698. 10 W. III. 
Aug. 24. 

Sir Benjamin New- 
land, Knight. 
John Smith, Esq. 
Roger Mompesson, 

1714-15. i Geo. I. 
March 21. 

Roger Harris, Esq. 
Thomas Lewis, 3 Esq., 
of Soberton, Hants. 
RichardFleming, Esq. 

Esq., Recorder of 

1722. 9 Geo. I. 

Thomas Lewis, Esq. 

Southampton (vice 

Oct. 9. 

Thomas Missing, 4 

Newland, deceased, 

Esq., of Stubbing- 

Dec. 27, 1699). 


1 The new writ was ordered November 2. Edward Fleming was elected by the mayor, bailiffs, 
and select burgesses, but petitioned against by Sir Charles Wyndham ; when the House decided 
(December 31, 1689) that the right of election was with the burgesses and inhabitants paying scot 
and lot ; and Wyndham was declared elected. On this most righteous decision, or no doubt having 
it in view, Dr. Speed says, " About this time the scot and lot people claimed a right to vote, which 
" made the election of M.P.'s no longer a Corporation affair; and therefore the names of the 
" members are not entered in the Corporation books after this time." His very scanty list, which 
commences with 1441-42, ends with 1685. 

2 Secretary to the Duke of Marlborough ; expelled the House for receiving an annual gratuity 
of 500 gold ducats from contractors for bread and bread waggons for the army ; new writ ordered 
February 26, 1711-12. 

3 Presented the town with ^200, which the Corporation (August 10, 1722) agreed should go 
to their old standing debts. They proposed further to meet every year in the Audit-house on the 
anniversary of Mr. Lewis's birthday to keep it in a suitable manner in memory of his gift (Journal). 

4 Proveditor-General for Gibraltar and Port Mahon. 



1727-28. i Geo. II. 

Robert Eyre, 1 Esq. 

1768. 8 Geo. III. Henry Viscount Pal- 

Jan. 7. 

Anthony Henley, 

May 10. merston, Baron 


Temple, of Mount 

William Heathcote, 2 


Esq. (vice Eyre). 

Right Hon. Hans 

1734. 8 Geo. II. 

Sir William Heath- 

Stanley, appointed 
Governor of Isle of 

June 13. 

cote, Bart. 
Anthony Henley, 

T? _ 

Wight ; new writ 
May 1 6, 1770; re- 



John Conduit, Esq., 

of Cranbury (vice 
Henley, on petition, 

*774- I S Geo. III. John Fleming, Esq., 
Nov. 29. of Stoneham Park 

April 1735). 
Thomas Lee Dummer, 
Esq. (vice Conduit, 
deceased). 3 

Right Hon. Hans 
Stanley (T.), ap- 
pointed Cofferer, 

1741. 15 Geo. II. 

Peter Delme, 4 Esq. 

&c. ; new writ Nov. 

Dec. 4. 

Edward Gibbon, Esq. 

I, 1 776; re-elected; 

1747. 21 Geo. II. 

Anthony Langley 

died; new writ Jan. 

Nov. 10. 

Swymmer, Esq. 
Peter Delme, Esq. 

24, 1780. 
John Fuller, Esq., of 

Rosehill, co. Sus- 

1754. 27 Geo. II. 

Anthony Langley 

sex (T.), vice Stan- 

May 31. 

Swymmer, Esq. 

ley, deceased. 

Hans Stanley, 6 Esq., 


of Paultons. 

1780. 21 Geo. III. John Fuller, Esq., of 

Henry Dawkins, Esq., 

Oct. 31. Rosehill, Sussex. 

of Dunston, Berks 

Hans Sloane, Esq. 

(vice Swymmer, de- 

of South Stoneham 

ceased ; new writ 


March 24, 1760). 

1761. 2 Geo. III. 

Henry Dawkins, 

1784. 24 Geo. III. John Fleming, "Esq. 
May 1 8. James Amyatt, Esq., 

Nov. 3. 

Esq. 6 

of Freemantle (T.) 

Hans Stanley, Esq., 

appointed Gover- 

1790. 3 1 Geo. HI. James Amyatt, Esq. 

nor of Isle of 

Nov. 25. Henry Martin, Esq., 

Wight, 1765 ; Cof- 

(T.), of Stratford- 

ferer of H. M. 

place, London, 

Household, 1766 ; 

Capt. R.N., Con- 

new writ ordered, 

troller of Navy, 


created Bart. July 

1 Made Commissioner of Excise ; new writ ordered May 14, 1729. 

2 In September 1729 Mr. Heathcote presented the Corporation with 700 guineas for the public 
good j2oo for repairing the sea-banks, ^105 towards an organ for Holy Rood, ^230 towards 
fire-engines and waterworks' debt, and .200 for the use of the chamber, which they appropriated 
in a specified way. In August 1732 Mr. Heathcote proposed to bring water into the town ; leave 
was given him to open ground for the purpose, and thanks returned for his liberality (Journal). 

3 John Conduit, Master of the Mint, died May 23, 1737 ; new writ ordered June i, 1737. 

4 In May 1742 Mr. Delme" presented the town with ^500 (Journal). Edward Gibbon was 
father of the historian. This election was caused by the sudden creation of 170 new freemen in 
the Tory interest (Gibbon, Autobiog., p. 18). 

5 Made a Commissioner of the Admiralty; new writ ordered December i, 1757 ; re-elected. 

6 These members gave between them ,1116 towards lengthening the quay, May 1764. Mr. 
Dawkins was a great donor of turtles. 



28, 1791 ; died ; 

1826. 7 Geo. IV. William Chamber- 

new writ August 

Nov. 14. layne, Esq. 

19, 1794. 

Abel Rous Dottin, 

George Henry Rose, 
Esq. (T.), of Cuff- 

Esq. (T.), of Bugle 
Hall, Southamp- 

nails, co. South- 


ampton, vice Mar- 

James Barlow Hoy, 
Esq., of Miden- 

bury (T.), viceVf. 

1796. 36 Geo. III. 

George Henry Rose, 

Chamberlayne, 1 

Sept. 27. 


who died Dec. 10, 

James Amyatt, Esq. 


1802. 43 Geo. III. 

James Amyatt, Esq. 

1830. iWm.IV. Abel x Rous Dottin, 

Nov. 1 6. 

George Henry Rose, 

Oct. 26. Esq. 

Esq., of Lower 

James Barlow Hoy, 

Brook Street, Lon- 



1831. i Wm. IV. Arthur Atherley, 

1806. 47 Geo. III. 

Arthur Atherley, 

June 14. Esq. (L.), of Ar- 

Dec. 15. 

Esq., jun. (W.) 

undel, co. Sussex. 

George Henry Rose, 

John Storey Penleaze, 

Esq., ofMudeford, 

Esq. (L.), of Bos- 

Christ Church. 

sington, co. South- 

1807. 47 Geo. III. 

George Henry Rose, 


June 22. , 

Esq., of Muddi- 

1833. 3 Wm. IV. Arthur Atherley, 


Jan. 29. Esq. 

Josias Jackson, Esq., 

James Barlow Hoy, 

(W.), of Bellevue, 

Esq., unseated on 

co. Southampton. 

petition, April 

1812. 53 Geo. III. 
Nov. 24. 

Arthur Atherley, jun., 
Esq. (W.), of Wei- 

John Storey Penleaze, 

beck, Marylebone, 

Esq., vice Hoy. 

co. Middlesex. 

l8 35- 5 Wm - IV - James Barlow Hoy, 

George Henry Rose, 

Feb. 19. Esq. (C.) 

Esq., appointed 

Abel Rous Dottin, 

Clerk of Parlia- 

Esq. (C.) 

ment ; new writ 

1837. I Viet. Abel Rous Dottin, 

March 1818. 

Oct. 15. Esq. 

William Chamber- 

Viscount Duncan, 

layne, Esq. (W.), 


of Weston Grove, 
vice Rose. 

1841. 5 Viet. Lord Bruce (T.), 

Aug. 10. of Broomhall, Fife- 

1819. 59 Geo. III. 

William Chamber- 

O 7 7 


Jan. 14. 

layne, Esq. 

Charles Cecil Mar- 

Sir William Campion 

tyn, Esq. (T.), of 

De Crespigny, of 

Whitehall Gar- 

Kingsrew, Fawley 

dens. On petition 

Bart. (W.) 

these elections de- 

1820. i Geo. IV. 

Sir W. C. De Cres- 

clared void. Aug. 

April 27. 

pigny, Bart. 

1842 new elections 

William Chamber- 

vice above. 

layne, Esq. 

Humphrey St. John 

1 At nomination on January 7, 1830, at Guildhall, show of hands in favour of Mr. Hoy, but 
poll demanded on behalf of John Storey Penleaze. The voting lasted five days, final numbers 
being Hoy, 437; Penleaze, 174 ; majority for Hoy, 263. 




1859. 22 Viet. William Digby Sey- 

of Berkeley Square, 

May 31. mour, Esq. (L.C.), 


of the Inner Tern- 

George William 


Hope, Esq. (T.), of 

Brodie M'Gie Wil- 

Curzon Street, 

cox, Esq., died 


November 6, 1862. 

1847. II Viet. Alex. James Edmund 

William Anderson 

Nov. 1 8. Cockburn, Esq., 

Rose, Esq. (C.), of 



hurst Place, co. 

London (Decem- 


ber 8, 1862) vice 

Brodie M'Gie Wil- 


cox, Esq. (L.), of 
Dorset Square, 

1866. 29 Viet. Right Hon. Russell 
Feb. 2. Gurney, Q.C. (C.) 

Cockburn re-elected 

George Moffatt, Esq. 

after appointment 


as Solicitor-Gene- 
ral, July 17, 1850. 
Sir A. J.E. Cockburn, 

1868. 32 Viet. Russell Gurney, Q.C. 
Dec. 10. Peter Merrik Hoare, 
Esq. (C.) 

Knight, re-elected 

U*^ \\SJ 

after appointment 

1874. 37 Viet. Sir Frederick Per- 

as Attorney-Gene- 
ral, April 2, 1851, 

March 5. kins, Knight (L.) 
Right Hon. Russell 

1852. 16 Viet. Brodie M'Gie Wil- 

Gurney, Q.C, 

Nov. 4. cox, Esq. 

died May 31, 1878. 

Sir A. J. E. Cock- 

Alfred Giles, Esq. 

burn, Knight, ap- 

(C.), of Cosford, 

pointed Chief-Jus- 

God aiming, vice 

tice of Common 


Pleas, November 

21, 1856. 

1880. 43 Viet. Alfred Park Butt, 

Thomas Matthias 

April 29. Q.C. (L.) 

Weguelin, Esq. 

Henry Lee, Esq. 

(L.), of Goldings, 

(L.), of Sedgley 

Hertford, Feb- 

Park, Manchester. 

ruary 1857, vice 


1883. 46 Viet. Alfred Giles, Esq. 

1857. 26 Viet. Brodie M'Gie Wil- 

(C.), elected April 

April 30. cox, Esq., of Port- 

6, vice Butt, ele- 

man Square. 

vated to the Judg- 

Thomas Matthias 

ship of the Admir- 

Weguelin, Esq. 

alty Court. 


Little has been said of the dignities of aldermen and sheriff. 
The earliest mention of aldermen occurs in the Ordinances of the Guild 
Merchant, when the ' chief alderman/ who was no doubt the mayor, 
and the twelve aldermen of wards, are mentioned ; the office of these 
latter seems to have been chiefly that of police and sanitary regulation. 
The first charter which refers to aldermen is that of 2 Hen. IV. (1401), 
in which power was given or confirmed to elect four aldermen from 


among the burgesses for the purposes therein stated. The last govern- 
ing charter (16 Chas. I. 1640) speaks of six aldermen, but probably the 
number was indefinite, and nothing is said as to their election or 
creation. Previously to the Act of 1835 the aldermen were those who 
had served the mayoralty, and they became such at the expiration of 
their office without any election ; their number at the passing of the 
Act was nineteen, including the mayor. The aldermen are now ten in 
number, as arranged by the above Act, one-half of whom go out of 
office every third year, but may be re-elected. They hold office for six 
years, and are chosen from the councillors or persons qualified to be 
such ; the councillors themselves requiring a certain property qualifica- 
tion, holding office for three years, and one-third going out of office 
each year. 


The grant of a sheriff, to be chosen from among the burgesses, 
was made by charter of 25 Hen. VI. (1447). For the occupants of the 
office see above. 

Before the Act of 1835 ^ e sheriff was elected by the mayor and 
burgesses from the burgesses. He was invested with the powers of a 
county sheriff; he attended at the assizes when held for the town and 
county of the town, and at the sessions, for both of which he summoned 
the juries. He held a county court when necessary, and executed writs 
from the superior court, which were directed to him immediately. He 
was not connected in any way with the civil court of pleas. His 
principal duties were performed by an under-sheriff. 1 He is now 
appointed immediately after the mayor each gth of November, with the 
powers of a county sheriff, which indeed he is, continued to him. 

Of the Bailiffs. 

11 Though the serving of offices be the charter qualification for 
" membership in the Common Council (see charter 16 Chas. I.), yet 
" some have been admitted on their paying fines for office. As the 
" office of bailiff is the first, and consequently the introductory one to 
" the Common Council, I shall give a few instances relating to that 
" office and the sheriff's, which were sometimes excused together. 

" A.D. 1696. Mr. Richard White was excused from serving the 
" office of water-bailiff for a fine of ^10; and in 1697 excused from 
" that of senior bailiff for ^7, and was sworn of the Common Council. 
<f N.B. The junior bailiff is water-bailiff, the senior, bailiff of the court. 

" A.D. 1726. Mr. William Freeman was excused from serving 

1 Report of Commissioners, 1835. 


" the offices of bailiff and sheriff for a fine of ^30 ; and if it be the 
" recorder's opinion that he is a member of the Common Council by 
" fining, to pay ^5 more. N.B. He was a member of the Common 
" Council. The fines of composition for offices have been very different 
" at different times, and some have been excused without any fine 
te at all ; so that the whole appears to depend upon the will 6f the 
" Common Council. 1 

" It has been usual [of later years] to choose the bailiffs out of the 
" younger burgesses who have not served that office before. But in 
" 13 Eliz. 1571, it is recorded that Richard Goddard, though an alder- 
(f man, was chosen one of the bailiffs, for certain reasons them moving." 2 
In 1587 it was ordered that the senior alderman of the town should 
henceforth be the chief bailiff of the court of the town of Southampton, 
and that the younger bailiff of the same court should preside at Trinity 
Fair, and be at the charges thereof. 3 

Until the Act of 1835 the bailiffs were, jointly with the mayor, 
judges of the civil court of pleas; and with the mayor were also the 
returning officers at the election of members of Parliament. 

Of the Steward and Treasurer. 

Steward.' "The office of steward has been laid aside for some years ; when 

tc it was in use, the steward received and paid all, except some few 
" articles that belonged to the mayor's office, and both the mayor and 
" the steward delivered in books of their accounts every year. There 
" are many of these books in the Audit-house;" they range from 1441 
to 1699, and are among the most interesting sources of local history. 
" But some of their stewards having proved very deficient, they came to 
" a resolution to hold an audit half-yearly for the receipt of their rents, 
" and to appoint a treasurer, and to settle their accounts every quarter." 
The court leet had demanded a general audit of the town accounts 
in 1653, as the fines and amercements for many years past had either 
not been levied, or not carried to the town's account. Several stewards 
and other officers had made no return of the annual rents and profits, 
as they were bound to do ; it was therefore desired that these various 
officers should bring their accounts to be examined by the auditors, and 
in the margin is written fat, which was usual when it was intended 
that a presentment should really have some effect. 

The office of treasurer succeeded to that of steward. Under the 


1 Dr. Speed after this instances a considerable number of fines taken in lieu 
of accepting the various offices ; these compositions, as he observes, are to be 
distinguished from the amercements for refusing office. 

2 " Book H., f. 6 1." 3 Boke of Remembrances, f. 153. 


present law the treasurer, whose office it is to keep the accounts of the 
borough, is appointed by the Council, and holds office during pleasure. 
He cannot be a member of the Town Council. 

Other Officers. 

"There are some other officers appointed from among the towns- "Discreets 
" men who are not burgesses ; as four discreets of the market. 77 These market." 
were anciently chosen on the Morrow of St. Michael, two to superin- 
tend the meat-market and two the fish-market ; and all four were to 
see that the statutes concerning the sale of bread were observed (Guild 
Ord. 31). 

" I do not find this office mentioned in any charter. 

" The form of their oath will show their business : 

" ' Ye shall well and truly serve in your office of Discreets of the Market. Ye 
" ' shall see that they sell good victual and wholesome for man's body, both in fish 
" ' and flesh, and be indifferent between buyer and seller ; and that the fish-market 
" ' begin according to Mr. Mayor's proclamation. And all other things that to 
" ' your office belongeth ye shall well and truly execute. So help you God/ &c. 

" They still continue [c. 1770] to burn unwholesome victuals. 77 

Four discreets of the market are now appointed from the borough 
police, but they have no duties to perform. 

" As Portswood is within the liberties of the town, they every "Aider- 
" year choose an officer of that tithing, who is called Alderman of Ports- p or ts- 
" wood. His business is that of a head-borough or constable, and he wood> 
" is sworn into his office in the town court. 7 ' 

The earliest observed notice of this officer occurs under 1469, when 
he pays over to the steward on the law-day f for divers alewytes xxij d< ; 7 
similarly in 1488. In 1507 ( alewytes for the yere xiij d ' ; ' in 1513 he 
pays sixteen pence for two years. The alderman is still appointed 
every year in pursuance of ancient usage, but he has no duties to 

"The Serjeants, besides their duty of attendance upon the mayor "Ser- 
" and Corporation, are sworn officers to execute all attachments, arrests, Je 
(( &c., within the town and its precincts." 

Before the Act of 1835 two of them were gaolers, one of the debtors 7 , 
the other of the felons 7 prison ; the third collected the tolls of the 
poultry and vegetable market, and the fourth was water-bailiff. 

The four serjeants-at-mace were formerly elected by the ' twelve 
men at the common assembly in the Guildhall, 5 and could only be 
removed by the same power (1548) ; l in the next century they were 
commonly called ( biddels ' (beadles). Towards the end of it (1675), 

1 Boke of Remembrances, f. 53. 


Isaac Watts, the father of the hymnologist, on refusing to renounce 
the covenant and take the oaths on being appointed ' bidell/ was 
adjudged to have refused the office and fined ^3. On being chosen 
again ' bidell ' for the ward of St. Michael and St. John, he was freed 
from the office for seven years at a fine of forty shillings ; chosen to the 
office of constable, October I, 1703, he was excused on payment of five 
guineas, but was not to be let off again under double that amount. 1 

There are now but two serjeants-at-mace, who, with the town-crier, 
are attendants upon the Corporation and Justices. 

Porters." " By charter 33 Hen. VI. (p. 155) they are empowered to appoint 
" brokers, 2 packers, 3 porters, and carriers, as they had been used to 
" do before that charter. The brokers and packers are now out 
" of date, but the porters are, and always have been, 4 united into a 
" kind of prescriptive company, under the direction of the Corpora- 
" tion. They have a common stock of horses, carriages, &c., and their 
" pay is collected by a common steward and divided among them. 
" Their number is limited to seven besides their steward." The same 
number had been prescribed in 150! and subsequent years. Under 
1547 we have a notice of the working of the company. They found 
sureties to pay the town their rent. The accounts were made up every 
Saturday night before the master, who divided to each his share. They 
were to provide four able horses to serve the merchants with, each 
horse to be worth at least twenty-six and eightpence. 5 

" They buy and sell their places ; but must be admitted, and may be 
" turned out, by the Common Council, who also appoint the rates of 
" the carriage, 6 which is at present for every pipe of wine 6d., for 

1 Journals. 

2 By order of 1520, neither merchant strangers nor burgesses were permitted 
to bargain with ships arriving under Wight or in Hampton Water, and to pay ready 
money, by which means coin would be carried out of the realm, contrary to the 
king's laws and hurtful to the town's custom, but they were to employ brokers, 
and the payments were to be made within the town (Boke of Remembrances, f. 

3 In 1469 the packers paid for < the ferme of the pekkyng,' ,5, 6s. 8d. In 
1482 they paid 6 (Steward's Books). In 1518 one paid to the town for his 
place twenty-six shillings and eightpence, and ' to dwell in a new house accord- 
ing to the order of the town.' 

4 Probably they were already associated when, in Close Roll, 4th June (9 Hen. 
III.) 1225, the king directed the bailiffs of Southampton to pay them for cellaring 
one hundred casks of wine. ' Prascipimus vobis quod habere faciatis beremannis 
Suhamptonias id quod habere debent pro C doliis vini portandis et ponendis in 
celariis nostris de Suht. super canteras, et computabitur vobis ad Scaccarium.' 
But in another account shortly before we read of ' hiring ' porters. 

5 Book of Rememb. H., f. 87 b. In 1469, like the packers, they rendered 
account for the * ferm ' or rent of their porterwyke (Steward's Book). 

6 " See Laws of the Guild, No. 71." 


" every hogshead 3d., to any part of the town within the walls; and 
" they are answerable for any accident that may happen till the cask 
" is safe upon its stand in the cellar." The porters of course had a 
strict monopoly. 1 

"Besides these there is a set of inferior porters called bearers, " Bearers.' 
" because their proper business is to carry such things as may be borne 
" on men's backs, as corn, coals, &c. These, too, were always under 
" the Corporation's direction, and were formed into a company. 

" No bearers have been appointed by the Corporation for many 
" years; and as all restrictions of this kind are now discountenanced, 
" everybody carries that will. But the credit of the porters and the 
" moderate price at which they carry, together with the circumstance 
" of their being obliged to stand to all accidents that may happen in 
" the carriage, are sufficient inducements to most people to give them 
" the preference." 

Previously to the Act of 1835 the following offices, not mentioned Officials 
in charters, were held in the Corporation : 

Aldermen of the wards (see p. 208), four in number ; beadles of the 
wards, fourteen, and extra beadles indefinite ; constables, two ; auditors 
of accounts, indefinite; weigher of wool, one, whose duties, once 
important, had become nominal; aulnager, one; measurers of corn 
and of coal, indefinite ; scavenger, one ; keepers of the keys of the gates, 
four : these were always the mayor, the late mayor, and two senior 
resident aldermen; besides these there were originally regularly appointed 
warders of the gates; keepers of the keys of booths, two: these were 
supposed to have reference to booths erected at the fair held above Bar; 
keepers of the keys of the great chest (where the minutes were kept), 
three : these were the mayor and bailiffs, but the mayor really kept the 
keys ; crier, one, who attended quarter-sessions, kept the weights and 
scales, and keys of the market gates, and was paid for crying by those 
who employed him; supervisors of land, mayor and aldermen indefinite 
in number: they had, however, no duties as such, the property of the 
Corporation being entirely managed by the Common Council ; water- 
bailiff, one, whose functions in early times seem to have been respon- 
sible, but who latterly was in general one of the serjeants-at-mace : he 
used to attend the mayor when performing any duty in the capacity 
of admiral. His functions of late years had been to attend the 

1 It appears that the porters sometimes acted as scavengers. In 1667 they 
were presented for not having carried away a mixon over against the French 
church (Court Leet Book). In 1526 they seem to have paid twenty shillings for 
their 'ferm,' and to have received half the penalties for casting dung in the 
streets, provided they acted as informers and presented the offenders (Boke of 
Rememb., f. 27). 


officer of the court of pleas of the town with the silver oar, the 
badge of the town's admiralty, when it had been his duty to make 
arrests on the water within low-water mark ; sand-walkers, indefinite : 
these formerly watched for waifs and wrecks, and their appointment, 
which was made under seal, had been during the French war an 
object of desire as a protection against impressment. 1 There were 
latterly between twenty and thirty ; wardens of Sendy's gift, two. 
Besides the above there were anciently 

Gunner. The town gunner, an official who appears in the earliest consecu- 

tive town records. In the Steward's Book of 1457 are s m ^ interesting 

His work, entries concerning the gunner and his work. His wages were sixpence 
a day ; his office to superintend the making of gunpowder and the 
handling and repair of the guns. In the year above mentioned the 
French fleet, which subsequently burnt Sandwich, stood before the 
town, and preparations for defence had to be made. Among the 
items occur 

Payd to John Branne, gonner, for iiij days, ij s - 

Item for hys ij men to help hym to make gone powdere for iiij dayes, 

Item to a laborere ij dayes to bete coles for the gonepowder, viij d - 
Item payd to John of Chamber for iiij dayes to helpe the gonner to make 
gonepowder, xx d - 

Then follow accounts for labour on the ordnance for four days^ and 
on the bulwarks : 

Item payd for a voyd hoggeshed to put in gonepowder, vj d - 

Item payd for ij quarters of charcole for fyre to make gone powdere, xij d - 
(also for ' coles ' for the same purpose). 

Item for ij sevys for to syfte gonnepowder withall, xij 4 

Then again wages to John Branne, the gunner, and 'to the sayd-John for a 
reward for brennyng of his clothys, xij d - ' 

Item payd for vj whyt lethere bagges to put gonnepowdere in, xiiij d - 

Item payd to Angell Aldebrand for ij quarter of saltpeter for to make gonne- 
powder withall, xxx 5 ' iiij d> 

Item payd to my master the meyre for halfe C brymeston for gone powder, 
ix s - iij d- 

Then payments for laying the guns : 

Item payd to Symken for iij partes of a day to help to ley the gret gonne upon 
the key, iij d - 

Item payd to John Myles, carpenter, for his laboure ij dayes and an halfe 
upon the gret gonne, xij d - 

Robert Carpenter was also paid for work during thirteen days l in stokking of 

1 In 1804 a certain sand-walker belonging to the admiralty jurisdiction of 
the Corporation having been impressed, representation was made by the mayor 
as admiral of the port to the admiral commanding at Portsmouth, stating the 
facts of the case and requesting the discharge of the official. The claim was 
immediately allowed (Journal, May 10, 1804). 


gonnes ' and laying guns in the new wall, &c. His wages were sixpence a day, 
and those of his man fivepence. 

Item payd to John Conner thatt cam fro Sandwyche for hys labor by the 
commandment of my master the meyr, xiij d " 

Thtgunner was protected^ as was usual, with hoardings and shutters : His cover. 
Item payd for nayles to nayle the bordes to kevere the gonner withall, iij d - 
His station was probably at God's House Tower^ and the first affray 
was by candlelight. 

Item payd for v 1L of candellus that were wasted in Codes hows towre and in The affray, 
the bolewerke, that nyght the furst affray was, v d - 

In rektion to the above incident numerous entries occur of hasty 
repairs to the walls, gates, and quays, and of stopping the ' ways up to 
the walls/ there being abundant quay space outside the town, from 
which thire were many communications (see p. 85). Men had been also 
sent in opposite directions to learn news of the fleet : 

Item payd to Richard Assche (see p. 156) for a man to ryde to Portysmothe 
to bryng redyng [sailing] tydynges owt of Normandy of the Frenshmen, xij d - 

Item payd to Will. Taylour for hys labour and costes to ryde to Lepe to 
inqwere tydynges of the Frenshmen, xj d - 

Help had been also invoked from other towns, and the soldiers had 
to be entertained : 

Item payd to Davy Berebrewer for a pyp of bere that was dronke at the Soldiers 
Barreyeale when the furst affray was of the Frenshemen, vj s - viij d - refreshed. 

Item payd to Richard S my the for drynkyng potts that were bowght of hym 
when thesowdyers of Salysbery dyned in the Frerre [Friary], ix d - 

Item payd to John Ball for bred that was ete at the Baryeate when the 
sowdyerswere here, vj d> 

Item :o John Forest for wyn yevan to Thomas Hampton and other gentyl- 
men whei sowdyers were here, ij d- 

Item payd to Edward Cateyn for a pyp of wyn that was bowght when the 
sowdyers come to town of Salysbery and of other places, liij s - iiij d - 

In 1512 (4 Hen. VIII.) a townsman offered his services as gunner at 
the yeaily salary of twenty-six shillings and eightpence and a gown. He 
was to -eceive twopence for the making of every gun-stone, and seven- 
pence aday 'when he workyth yn makinge of gon-powder/and fourpence 
a day fr every man so employed by him. A few years later he was ordered 
to sere the town in peace and in war at ten shillings per annum, 
having also an allowance of four yards of cloth at three shillings and four- 
pence per yard for his livery. In 1657 the town drummer and the town 
gunner each received as annual wages thirteen shillings and fourpence. 

Tie town carpenter is frequently mentioned ; he paid for his place, Carpenter. 
and rad a livery. 

Cf the town paviour, scavenger, and chimney-sweep we have 
already spoken (see pp. 120, 124). 

lie town brickmaker with his kiln on the common is referred to in 








the court leet books of 1575 and elsewhere. In 1623 the price given 
him for bricks was nine shillings and sixpence per thousand ; a few years 
later it was set at ten shillings. In 1704 the assize of bricks, according 
to ancient custom, was said to be 10 inches in length, 4! in breadth, 
and 2j in thickness. 

This officer, who also resided on the heath the ( Cowherds' is still 
known seems to have looked after all the common lands, and had the 
general superintendence of the cattle there turned out. In 1570 he 
made an affidavit, which reads most improbably, that the late Sir Francis 
Dawtrey had tried to bribe him to allow his cattle to go on the com- 
mon. 1 In the next year we find him at his duties in the Seltmarsh. 
It was the law that all men and boys above the age of seven years 
should practise the art of shooting ; but the cattle in the Saltmarsh 
being found a great nuisance, the ' coward ' was ordered 2 to keep his 
beasts on Sundays and holidays out of the shooting-places. These were 
in the Saltmarsh, Houndwell, the Ditches, Castlegreen, and elsewhere. 

Besides the cowherd there were four overseers and twelve drovers 
of the common. 3 

The common carrier might also be considered as a town official. 
He had a distinct monopoly. In 1593, during the season of plague 
(July), then daily increasing, the common carrier between tre town 
and London was kept outside, nor permitted to enter the gates of South- 
ampton with his cart and baggage, or by his servants, on any jretence 
whatever. The carrier compounded with the town for his pl^ce, and 
carried merchandise at a certain tariff fixed by the town. In 1602 his 
fine was j^io. Some years later (1637), his trade falling ofFfDm fear 
of infection, he was allowed to increase his charges. 

Besides the carrier there was a foot-post between the tovn and 
London, who wore a silver badge with the town arms, and had a 
monopoly. He usually started on Monday or Tuesday. 4 

The town minstrels. At one time the town appears to hate pos- 
sessed a body of musicians, who received regular wages and a livery. 
In 1433 they appear to have been but three in number. 5 But iniepen- 
dently of these, strolling bodies of minstrels, under the name aiil pro- 
tection of some great lord or important town, constantly received the 
town's wages and gratuities for their enlivening performances. Thus 
the king's and queen's minstrels, those of the Earl of Arundel, cf my 
Lord Cardinal, and innumerable others, are of constant occurrence in 

2 Court Leet Books, 1571 

1 Boke of Remembrances, f. 106 b. 

3 Court Leet Books, 1640, 1675. 

4 In 1637 a certain person was restrained from going to London 
Monday and Tuesday to the hindrance of the foot-post. 

5 Steward's Books, 1433-34. 



the town accounts, with their rates of payment. By a warrant of 
Privy Council (1593) P^ a Y ers na cl been forbidden to give their enter- 
tainments within the city of London or seven miles of it, in conse- 
quence of the late sickness, from the fear of infection arising from a 
concourse of people ; but outside that distance, and in other cities and 
towns, they were at liberty to exercise their skill, and were advised to 
do so, that they might keep in readiness for her Majesty's pleasure 
whenever she should call for them. Accordingly an order (May 6, 
1593) informed the town that a famous company just arrived would 
play at convenient times, hours of divine service excepted. 1 The craft 
of minstrelsy was, however, becoming discredited. The Act against 
beggars and vagabonds (14 Eliz. 1572) had included among the pro- 
scribed ' common players in enterludes, and minstrels not belonging to 
any baron of this realm ; ' and a final blow was probably received 
under the 39 Eliz. 1597, cap. 4, which repeated the former enactment. 
In 1623 we find the town musicians asking for their liveries, which 
they received with a broad hint to ask no more, but take what was 
given them. A few years later silver badges with the town arms were 
distributed to the musicians by the mayor. 

As kindred to musicians, a notice may be given of stage-players. Players. 
The utmost indulgence was given to scenic performances. It seems 
to have been the custom to permit the use of the townhall for this 
purpose ; but in 1624 the practice was forbidden, owing to the disorder 
in which the hall was constantly thrown ; the table, benches, and forms 
there set for holding the king's courts being ( by these means broken 
and spoiled/ and when the mayor and officers came for the administra- 
tion of justice, especially in pie-poudre courts, which were liable to be 
held without much notice, the court was constantly found in an un- 
seemly and unsavoury condition. 

The ancient Guild Merchant not onlv regulated the trade and the Guild or 

. ., r . , ,. . , mayor's 

civil government of the town, but preserved a certain religious and priest, 
eleemosynary character, and had its chaplain with definite duties and 
an understood position and allowances. 2 Subsequently the chaplains, 
who appear to have been appointed permanently, received a fixed 
stipend of ^3, 6s. 8d. per annum, with a gown and hood, worth 
generally about thirteen shillings and fourpence, consisting of four yards 
of cloth at three shillings and fourpence. Thus in 1457 Sir William 3 
was Guild-priest at the above amount. In 1478 Sir Harry the same. 
Occasionally the mayor's priest was employed on confidential duties. 
It appears that during a visit of King Edward IV. to the town in 1481, 

1 Liber Notationum, 1593. 2 See Guild Ordinances, Nos. i, 2, 3. 

3 Steward's Books. 


some knave stole a cruise belonging to the royal silver. Apparently 
the thief was suspected to be in the royal retinue, for the king having 
moved on to Winchester, Sir David was desired to ride to Hyde Abbey, 
where probably the king was lodged, to inquire into the matter, taking 
with him a bottle of Malmesey worth sixpence as a present to the 
Abbot. On i6th July Sir David again rode to Winchester ( to make 
examynacion for one that toke the crusse,' and, possibly as a result of 
his diplomacy, the thief was detected, for a little after John Smith, the 
tailor, received twenty-four shillings and eightpence as a reward 'for 
riding to London with the king's silver, by the advice of the mayor and 
his brethren. 1 In 1486 Sir Richard received pay as Guild-priest. In 
other years the livery and wages are mentioned, but not the men. In 
1501 and 1509 Sir William, who was also Holmehegg or Holmage 
chanter, was Guild-priest. Sir Hector held both offices in 1543, and 
the price of cloth must have risen, since his gown and tippet cost six 
shillings per yard. 2 

After this signs of the old office disappear from the town books. 
In the following century it was the custom for the Corporation to pay 
forty shillings as a present to the rector or vicar of the parish in which 
the mayor for the time being happened to reside, as a gratuity for the 
performance of such offices as might still be required ; and possibly the 
parish priest was thus considered Guild or mayor's chaplain. In 
September 1638 the steward was ordered to pay the above sum ' to 
Mr. Edmundson, minister of Holy Rood, the minister of the parish 
wherein the mayor dwelleth, as it is accustomed, as a gift and gratuity 
from the town. The money was brought to the assembly, and Mr. 
Edmundson was sent for to the House to receive it here, as the ministers 
heretofore have done, and did receive it as a favour and courtesy from 
this House in all thankful acknowledgment/ 3 

No later entry has been observed in reference to the mayor's or 
Guild chaplain till the present century, when in January 1805 we find 
his salary arranged at , 55. per annum. In December 1820 the 
resignation of that office by the Rev. Thomas Mears is recorded after a 
service of twenty-five years. On his death in 1835 the Corporation 
subscribed twenty guineas to his monument, partly in consequence of 
his having been so long their chaplain. 4 Since that time it has generally 
been, and still is, the custom for the mayor to choose the rector or 
vicar of the parish in which he resides to act as chaplain during his 
year of the mayoralty. The office is of course purely honorary. 

1 Steward's Books, 1481-82. 

2 Steward's Books under dates; also Liber Rememb. B.B., fol. ii. for 1491. 

3 Journal, September 1638. 

4 Journal, December 15, 1820; May 4, 1835. 


SECTION IN .The Staple. 

"There is no mention of a staple in this town before the charter 
" 23 Henry VI., but they always practised statute merchant, 1 and 
" many of the laws of the Guild 2 are formed upon that plan. Their 
" book of records on this subject, used even after they had a staple 
" under the above charter, is still called tf the book of statutes mer- 
" chant/ They did here, as in other places, transact all money 
" matters this way, though the persons concerned, or the business, had 
" no relation to merchandise or trade properly so called. A few in- 
66 stances will show this : 

" In the reign of James I., Thomas Fleming, Knt., of North Stoneham, was 
" bound to Andrew Munday of Nutshaling, by statute merchant in ^3000. 

" William Lisle, Knt., of Wootton, in the Isle of Wight, to John Foyle of the 
" Middle Temple, was bound by statute merchant in ^1000. It appears by the 
" defeasances that these were for lands sold by statute merchant. 

" Philip Leigh of Testwood bound to Mary Leigh of Testwood, ^8000. 

" Thomas Mompesson of the Close, Sarum, bound to Eleanor Hodges, 

Sir John Mill bound to Sir John Clobery, ^1000. 

" A.D. 1654, Thomas Dummer of Chicknell, in the parish of North Stone- 
" ham, in the county of Southampton, yeoman, was bound to John Comfort of 
" Portsmouth, in the county of Southampton, merchant, by statute merchant, in 
" ^600. This was discharged A.D. 1662. 

" A.D. 1658, the Right Hon. Heneage, Earl of Winchelsea, was bound by 
" statute merchant to Mary Russell, widow, daughter to John, Lord Viscount 
" Scudamore, in , 16,000. 

" The latest statute in this book is dated A.D. 1689. They all run 
" ' pro merchandisis in hae stapula emptis ' for merchandise bought 
" in this staple though the transactions had nothing to do with mer- 
" chandise. The Corporation still continue to elect officers of the 
" staple every year, who are sworn into their offices : the mayor taking 
" the oath of Mayor of the Staple, besides the oath of mayor as a 
" civil magistrate." 3 

SECTION V. Of Exemption from Prisage. 

Prisage of wines subsequently called the ' butlerage ' was an 
ancient duty under which the king claimed out of every ship laden 

1 Dr. Speed, in a portion of his notice of the staple, not printed here, dis- 
cusses the difference between statute staple and statute merchant, the former 
being only a statute merchant executed before the officers of the staple. This 
he instances by a staple recogisance in his hands, in which William Esteney, 
co. Southampton, Esquire, was bound to Thomas Colrithe in a hundred marks 
sterling for goods bought of him in the staple of Westminster (May 25, 1416). 
This was really to secure Colrithe in the possession of an estate, a deed being 
annexed reciting the recogisance, and declaring that it shall be void if Colrithe is 
maintained in quiet possession. 2 " See Law 27." 

3 The last vestige of the above was swept away in 1835. 


with wines containing twenty tuns or more, two tuns of wine, one 
before, the other behind the mast, at his price, which was twenty 
shillings for each tun. 

fe The payment of this duty was remitted to the burgesses of this town 
" first by a charter, 10 Henry VIII. which charter does not appear 
" and afterwards by an Act of Parliament, 22 Henry VIII. (1530-31). 
" But as one tun of red wine a year out of the prisage of this port had 
" before this remission been granted to each of the following Abbeys, 
(( Beaulieu, Titchfield, Lettely or Netley, Waverley, and St. Denys, for 
" the celebration of mass, these five tuns are exempted in the Act. 
" Upon the dissolution of abbeys these five tuns, being the goods of 
" the Church, returned into the king's hands ; but they were not regu- 
" larly paid, which neglect brought on a quo warranto 5 [16 ?] Eliza- 
"beth; and in 1608 one Mr. Birchmere, who was prisage-master, 
" or farmer of the prisage, sued the town for arrears of these five tuns 
te of abbey prisage. The town was cast, and paid 500 marks. After 
" which the king, upon their petition, granted them a perpetual 
" exemption from paying these five tuns of prisage for the future; 5 ' 
with remission of all arrears from 4th February (27 Hen. VIII.) 1536 
to the date of the patent, February 6 (6 Jas. I.), 1609. 

" This payment of 500 marks was a great blow to them, and as 
" [this excepted butlerage] was a duty that should have been paid by 
" the burgesses, it was agreed by the consent of all that an order 
" should be made to lay such a tax upon all wines imported by bur- 
" gesses as the mayor and his brethren should think fit. 

" An order was accordingly made the same year (1608) that 2s. 
" per tun on all wines bought for the use of burgesses, or bought 
fi by burgesses of foreigners, be paid, in consideration of the charge 
" which the Corporation had been at in paying the arrears of the five 
" tuns of abbey prisage, and procuring a charter of discharge from 
" that duty for the future. This order to continue for one year." The 
impost was in reality paid several years, and was disputed in 1620, 
when reference was made to the recorder, under whose award it was 
probably stopped. It was revived in the next century; and in 1708 
the collector of customs was desired to receive two shillings per tun 
from the burgesses in lieu of prisage, which was said to be after old 
custom. It is evident that the reason of the payment had been for- 
gotten ; after a few years it was finally dropped. 1 

" They have had some trials at law on this exemption from prisage, 
" but their right has always been supported when their proceedings 
" have been regular." 

1 Abridged from Dr. Speed. 


SECTION VI . Of the Admiralty Jurisdiction. 

The charter of King John granted the town of Southampton to the Ancient 
burgesses at farm, together with the port of Portsmouth, and all the n| 
appurtenances, liberties, and customs which belonged in former times 
to the farm of the town. It seems probable that some maritime juris- 
diction was perpetuated from ancient days under this grant, and 
accordingly we find the town assuming very extensive rights before the 
formal grant of admiralty by the charter 30 Hen. VI. (1451). In 
1239 (see under ' Petty Customs') their rights within the port of Ports- 
mouth were acknowledged. In 1285 the burgesses destroyed as hurtful 
to navigation a weir which had been constructed at Cadlands by 
the Abbot of Titchfield. The Abbot brought his action, but was cast, 
the jury finding that no weir had existed within memory, but that 
formerly there were piles in the water as if there had anciently been 
some such construction, which they were inclined to think had been 
destroyed on account of its injury to the shipping. 1 In 1302 (see ' Petty 
Customs') we find the burgesses giving a lease of the customs over a 
wide extent which was clearly identical with the port. " In a trial, 17 
" Edward II. (1324), with Lymington about the petty customs it is 
" set forth that from Hurst to Langston is within the port of South- 
" ampton. 

" The admiralty jurisdiction was first granted by charter 30 Henry 1451. 
" VI. (1451) ; the extent of it was to be extremities of the ancient 
"port" that is to say, from Langston on the east, including the 
port of Portsmouth, and from Hurst on the west, including Lymington, 
together with all tidal harbours, rivers, creeks, &c., within the boundary 
line. 2 

According to the settlement of the bounds of the port of South- Port limits. 
ampton as returned into the Exchequer in the 32 Chas. II. (Mich, 
term) 1680, the line on the west was drawn from Christ Church Head, 
thence south-east to the Needles, then eastward in a supposed straight 
course to the west end of the Brambles, thence to Hill Head on the 
mainland at the mouth of the Southampton Water, and so up the 

1 Abbrev. Plac. Mich. 13-14 Ed. I. 

2 The grant (July 14, 1628) to Mary Wandesford, wife of Sir George 
Wandesford, and daughter of Robert Pamplin, late yeoman of his Majesty's 
robes, and to her sister Margaret, wife of William Wandesford, and their heirs, 
of all the mudlands between high and low water mark in the haven of South- 
ampton, and other specified parts of Hampshire, with power to ' inn ' or enclose 
them, gave great offence to the town's people as an infringement of their admiralty ; 
and on September 26, 1636, Dame Mary Wandesford petitioned the Privy 
Council for redress against certain of the burgesses for disturbance of her en- 
closures. Commissioners were appointed, who met at the Dolphin, and summoned 
the defendants before them (October 14), but they failed to appear. 


stream of Redbridge, including all bays, channels, roads, bars, strands, 
harbours, &c. On the east the limits were curtailed, as Portsmouth 
was excluded ; though in the settlement of that port, as returned into 
the Court of Exchequer at the same time, it is described as e a member 
of the port of Southampton/ as is also the port of Cowes. 1 

Exercise of " I n consequence of their grant they exercised every branch of 
"admiralty power: they had in the town an admiralty court and 
" prison, they claimed all wrecks, took cognisance of fishing in the 
" water within their precincts, which they suffered none to do but such 
" fishermen as were licensed by them. And as by the admiralty law 
" it is sea everywhere to the first bridge, they claimed a right to exercise 
" that power as far as Red bridge on the river Test, and as far as Wood 
" Mill on the river Itchen. 

" There are many instances in the Journals of their exercising full 
" power on all the water within their district. Thus : " 

In 1474 a man was paid for going to Langston along the coast to 
" look after wrecks belonging to the town's admiralty; in 1499 a mast 
" was brought as a wreck from the Isle of Wight; in 1502 a man was 
" fined for dragging oysters ; " in 1569 the men of Keyhaven were pre- 
sented for ' perking yells at all times 5 pricking eels at unlawful 
seasons. " In 1610 Sir Thomas West of Testwood prosecuted some 
tf licensed fishermen for fishing below Redbridge. The House advised 
" them to use Sir Thomas well, and no doubt he would withdraw his 
" action, which they supposed to be grounded on their fishing with 
(( unlawful nets, and not in opposition to the town's right. The 
" action was withdrawn. In 1611 owners of boats were ordered to 
" bring oysters to the quay for the marshal of the admiralty to lay 
" them in convenient places in the harbour, according to ancient cus- 
" torn. In 1632 the Corporation granted a warrant to the fishermen 
" of Itchen to take away guns from all persons shooting at fowl upon 
" the sea within their admiralty. In 1642 they gave a grant for fish- 
" ing in Itchen ferry river; in 1649 their right of fishing there was 
" disputed ; and the same year Mr. Peter dungeon surrendered his 
" lease for fishing and fowling in the Itchen ferry river. So it appears 
f( that they were cast in the dispute." In 1658 the court leet pre- 
sented that the fishing between Southampton and Redbridge had been 
usurped by Mr. Thomas Knowles and others, to the hurt of the place. 

Itchen f( In 1613 it was ordered that the burgesses and their servants 

" should pay nothing for their passage over Itchen ferry; and the 

1 Modern Practice of Exchequer (1730), pp. 40, 95, 105 ; also below, 
' Courts.' In 1432 the customer at Southampton was desired to appoint 
deputies at Lymington, Newport, and Portsmouth (Rot. Parl. iv. 417). 


" ferrymen were presented for taking money of them. 1 About the 
" same time it was ordered that the fishermen of Itchen ferry should 
" lay gravel on the shore on the town side of the ferry. But these 
" matters relating to the ferry seem rather to depend on their having 
(C the liberty to land their passengers on the town side than on the 
" admiralty jurisdiction. 

" The passage to Hythe was formerly a ferry, and the Corporation Hythe 
" once applied for a charter for it ; on which Sir Christopher Parkins, 
" one of the king's Masters of Requests, sent to them for information 
" concerning this matter. Their answer was, that by virtue of their 
" admiralty jurisdiction they had always settled the price of the pas- 
" sage as follows: for a man and a horse 3d., for a single man id., 
" market people Jd., a cow 3d., 20 sheep 6d. But nothing came of 
" this, and that ferry has been dropped many years. 2 

(t A.D. 1684, some of Cowes were prosecuted for a riot within the 
" town's admiralty. 3 

" The same year an accident happened which put an end to their 
" usual exertion of their admiralty jurisdiction. The case was as 
under : 4 

" A Dutch ship, laden with wines, had been by stress of weather 
" stranded on Calshot Spit, which is within the admiralty of South- 
" ampton. When the mayor heard of it he hired a vessel, and taking 
" with him some of the burgesses and some of the custom-house 
" officers, went down to save what he could for the owners ; his com- 
" pany, besides mariners and labourers, being about ten persons. 
" When he came down, he found that one Robert Wetherick had 
" seized the ship and cargo as a wreck for Sir Robert Holmes, gover- 
" nor of the Isle of Wight, as admiral of that part of the coast. Upon 
" the mayor's declaring the place to be within the admiralty of 
" Southampton, Wetherick went away to get, as he said, further 
" orders from Sir Robert Holmes, and the mayor set his people to 
" work to save the wines by hoisting them out of the wreck into a galliot 
" hoy which he had provided for that purpose. The next day, while 
" they were at work, Wetherick returned with several others, and 
" again seized the wines, declaring that he did it by order of Sir Robert 
" Holmes. However, after two or three hours' interruption, there 
t( being some danger of the wines being spoiled, they suffered the men 

1 Captain Smith, the builder afterwards of Jesus Chapel, Peartree Green, had 
the ferry at this time, and had * oftentimes willed the passengers aforesaid [i.e., 
the ferrymen] to take nothing of the burgesses' (Journal, August 6, 1613). 

2 It is now a regular steam-ferry. 

3 See above, p. 221, as to extent of port at this period. 

4 " Brief of the case in my hands." 


" of Southampton to go on, as well as themselves, and when, the 
" galliot hoy was full, the mayor and his company sailed with her 
ct for Southampton, in order to bring the said wines to the king's 
" custom-house there, being upwards of ninety hogsheads. But when 
" they came about half way up the river, Wetherick and his company, 
(C about twenty, who had pursued them, entered their ship armed with 
" guns and drawn swords, by the command, as they said, of Sir Robert 
f( Holmes, and did cut and beat several persons on board the said hoy, 
" and threaten to kill the persons thereupon if they did not depart, 
" and also the master of the hoy if he did not sail back to Cowes with 
" the wines. On which the mayor and his company gave up the 
" point. But Sir Robert Holmes afterwards lodged a complaint 
" against them at the Council Board, 1 where a determination was 
" given against the Corporation. 

" This check put a stop to the career of their ' admiralty jurisdic- 
" tion,' though they exercised it afterwards in some points, as : 
Journal." " A.D. 1687, they granted a deputation to the men of Hythe to 
" collect a duty on vessels to repair the causeway there, being within 
" the town's admiralty. 

" It appears that in 1707 they had some dispute with the Duke of 
" Bolton on the town's admiralty, but the matter does not seem to have 
" been decided. In 1708 it was ordered that a proper person should be 
" sent by Mr. Mayor to a court of admiralty to be held at Portsmouth 
" by the Duke of Bolton, with a letter to his grace's judge advocate, 
" and a protestation declaring the town's rights. It appears likewise 
" that in 1709 some steps were taken towards an attempt to recover 
" the admiralty jurisdiction, but the affair was dropped. 

" Within the memory of some persons now [1770] living they have 
fc given licenses to fishermen, and have gone once a year to fish them- 
" selves as high as Redbridge and Woodmill ; but these have been 
" long left off, and they have now scarce any remains of their ad- 
" miralty except their silver oar, and their going sometimes a kind of 
te circuit to keep admiralty court at Lymington and some others places, 
te where they sometimes got some small matters of wrecks. But this 
" is in general looked on as a mere formality, and is reckoned to be a 
" jaunt of pleasure rather than of business." 

Admiralty rights were finally extinguished in 1835. 

Southampton is now the head-port for Christchurch, Lymington, 
Keyhaven, Beaulieu, Hamble, and Redbridge ; its custom-house is 

1 The mayor was summoned to attend the King and Council on January 29, 
1684-85, to prove the right of admiralty and the bounds thereof, then questioned 
by Sir Robert Holmes, vice-admiral of Hants. The House ordered the records 
to be searched and the case legally got up (Journal, January 21, 1684-85). 


mentioned below under Docks.' The harbour of Southampton com- 
mences at Hill Head, the boundary between the port of Southampton 
and Portsmouth, and stretches across in a right line to a point just 
below Calshot Castle. 

SECTION VII. Petty Customs. 

The petty customs were the duties on merchandise payable to the 
town, as determined by tables kept by the Corporation, from all places 
within the limits of the port. These places were vaguely described in 
the early charters, but are set forth in a lease of the customs, 30 Ed. 
I. (1302), from Peter de Lyons, no doubt the mayor, and twenty-one 
others, to Robert le Mercer and seven others, in which the members of 
the town demised under the lease, and for which the fee-farm of ^200 
per annum was rendered, are said to be Portemue, Hamele (Hamble), 
Linnentone, Scharprixe (on the east side of the Lymington river, south 
of Walhampton), Kyhaven, and Rumbrygge. 1 Within the lease were 
included the rent of the land-gable, and all profits of amercements, 
forfeitures of bakers and other. 

Disputes on the petty customs were of early and frequent occur- Conten 
rence : first, in regard to Portsmouth. The charter of John (June 29, pJJJ^ 
1199) had granted to the burgesses of Southampton the perpetual farm out 
of their town, together with the port of Portsmues^ and all customs and 
privileges which belonged to the farm of the town of Southampton in 
the time of Henry II. On plea of this grant the burgesses claimed 
jurisdiction not only in the port, but in the town of Portsmouth; a 
claim brought to issue in 1239 (24 Hen. III.), when the burgesses of 
Southampton having sued those of Portsmouth for damages on the 
ground of their having taken certain customs, fines, &c., within the 
port of Portsmouth, a concord was arranged, by which the burgesses 
of Portsmouth renounced claim to customs, See., arising within the port 
of Portsmouth, and acknowledged the right of Southampton, and those 
of Southampton gave up claim to any rights outside the limits of the 
same port; and to avoid future disputes it was agreed, with the royal 
licence, that henceforth all amercements and profits from strangers, 
both in the town and in the waters of the port, should be equally 
divided between the burgesses of Portsmouth and those of Southampton, 
and that each party should have a bailiff of its own appointed to hear 
and hold pleas in the town of Portsmouth, who should proceed by jury, 
and make oath to each other faithfully to divide and adjudge all profits 
equally between the two towns ; the king's rights to great sea-fish 
and his other profits of the sea being preserved. It was further 

1 Indenture in Corporation Archives. 


provided that all pleas of the crown happening within the port of 
Portsmouth should be presented to the king and his justices by the 
coroners and bailiff of Southampton, but that all arising within the 
town of Portsmouth should be presented by the burgesses of Ports- 
mouth and their bailiff. On these conditions the burgesses of South- 
ampton remitted to those of Portsmouth all the damages set forth in 
their plea, the latter paying five marks of silver for this remission. 1 
Dated November 21 (24 Hen. III.), 1239. 

The port of Portsmouth continued to be a member of the liberties 
of the town of Southampton according to the charters of the latter; as, 
for instance, in those of greatest importance, in the 23 and 25 Hen. VI., 
and in the last governing charter of 1640 (16 Chas. I.) It so remained 
as a more or less acknowledged fact 2 till the changes of 1835. 
Lyming- The earliest extant dispute with Lymington on the petty customs 

was in 17 Ed. II., when Geoffrey Scurlag, the mayor, William Culhout, 
and eighteen others,, ' men ' of the town of Lymington, were attached 
to answer to the king and to the mayor, bailiffs, and other men of the 
community of the town of Southampton in a plea of trespass, in taking 
tolls at Lymington, which belonged to the farm of Southampton. The 
burgesses of Southampton represented that they held their town and 
port, extending from beyond Hurst to Langstone, of the king at a fee- 
farm of ^220 per annum ; that on that account certain customs of all 
merchandises within those limits belonged to them, except in the 
cases of such merchants as were free by royal charter ; they therefore 
prayed damages to the amount of ^500 from the men of Lyming- 
ton for the invasion of their rights by taking customs of salt, corn, 
barley, and oats, cloth, wax, and other wares, and for assaulting 
Walter de Depeden, the king's customer, who was agent for the 
town of Southampton at Lymington. In defence it was denied that 
Lymington was within the port, the assault on the customer was also 
denied. The jury, however, found that all the water between Hurst 
and Langstone was of the port and within the precinct of the port of 
the town of Southampton ; that the king's progenitors, all the while 
they held the said town of Southampton in their own hands, had 
received the whole custom arising from wares and merchandise brought 
by ship, as well at Lymington and Southampton or elsewhere, before 
they demised the said town to the mayor and community ; that the 
said mayor and community ever since they had held the town at ferm 
had in like manner received the same; that Lymington was within 
the bounds and precincts of the port of Southampton ; that the custom 

1 Oak Book. Dr. Speed has this document in full. 

2 See above under ' Admiralty,' and below under Admiralty Court.' 


of goods and wares brought by ship to Lymington belonged of right to 
Southampton, and had hitherto been enjoyed by the mayor and com- 
munity of Southampton. Damages were given against Lymington to 
the amount of ^200, while it was found that Walter de Depeden had 
not been beaten. 1 

" Similar fate has often attended Lymington on this subject. But 
" A.D. 1730 the people of that place had the address to get their cause 
"moved from the courts above to the courts of assize, where a jury 
" from their own neighbourhood gave a verdict in their favour. And 
" here I think the matter has rested ever since with regard to Lyming- 
" ton. The Corporation have had many controversies on this subject, 
" but I learn from a late conversation with some of their members 
" that they have of late years found the course of the law so averse to 
"their claim that they at present confine themselves merely to the 
" port of the town." 

About 1730 the borough of Lymington petitioned Sir Robert 
Walpole, first Lord of the Treasury, that as their harbour was situated 
twenty-five miles from the port of Southampton, of which it was a 
creek, it might for the convenience of merchants be made a member of 
that port. Accordingly the Government established a custom-house at 
Lymington, subordinated to the port of Southampton, which is con- 
tinued to the present day. 

Constant feuds arose in the medieval towns on the payment of toll 
and custom, as was inevitable from the practice of granting immunity 
by royal charter from such payments, or from some of them, to the 
inhabitants of various cities and boroughs or other bodies ; a list of the 
towns free of dues in Southampton will be found at the end of this section. 

In 1239 a controversy with Marlborough about toll extorted by the Marl- 
'good men ' of Southampton contrary to the privileges of Marlborough 
was settled (June 17) by an arrangement that each should be free in the 
other's town. 2 

Again, in 1260, the bailiffs of Southampton, Roger Noel and John Bristol, 
Fortin, were attached to answer the burgesses, of Bristol for a similar I2 * 
infringement of privilege, the men of Bristol claiming freedom from 
toll, passage, and other customs throughout England, Normandy, and 
Wales under a charter of Henry II. The case was not decided on its 
merits; the bailiffs alleging in reply and producing in court the charter 
of the then present king, Henry III., which exempted them from being 
impleaded out of the borough. 3 

A few years later a controversy about tolls occurred with Netley 

1 Madox, F. B., p. 220. 

2 Corp. Document (enrolled chart. 23 Hen. III. m. 3). 

3 Abbrev. Plac. Mich. 44 and 45 Hen. III. 




Bishop of 
ter, 1312. 





Abbey, which had been founded in 1239. In 1288 the bailiffs of the 
town had distrained certain ' men ' of the Abbot for payment of toll, 
whereupon the Abbot brought his action against the bailiffs, Robert le 
Barbur, Robert le Mercer, and Peter de Lyons, in 1290, pleading that 
by charter of Henry III. and confirmation of the present king, his pre- 
decessors and himself, the Abbots of Netley, and their ' men ' of Soteshal, 
Walonfolling, Hun, and Totington, had been made free of toll through- 
out the kingdom. Adjustment was made in 1290 by freeing the Abbot 
and his men from toll on goods bought and sold for their necessities, as 
food, clothing, and the like, but binding it on them, notwithstanding 
their charter, if they went into the market like common merchants. 1 

The bishops of Winchester claimed freedom for their ( men ' from 
paying toll or custom at all times within the borough of Southampton ; 
and in 1312 Bishop Woodlock proceeded against the town in conse- 
quence of the bailiffs having demanded toll and stallage from one of his 
men, whose goods they had also distrained on his refusing to pay. 
Judgment went against the town. 2 

In the 2 Ed. III. (1329) a suit between the city of New Sarum 
and the town of Southampton concerning certain tolls and customs 
levied at Southampton from the citizens of New Sarum was brought 
to concord in the following shape : that the inhabitants of New Sarum 
should for ever be free from all toll, murage, pavage, quayage, pontage, 
&c., in the town of Southampton, and within the port and liberties of 
the same; but in consideration of the mayor and community of South- 
ampton holding the town in fee-farm, the citizens of New Sarum agreed 
to pay the usual custom on the several articles there and then specified 
in the agreement. 3 

In 1456 (34 Hen. VI.) an agreement between the towns of South- 
ampton and Coventry arranged that the merchants of neither place 
should pay toll to the other. 4 

As a matter of revenue, in later centuries the petty customs were 
let to Nathaniel Mills in 1632 for five years at ^135 per annum; in 
1645 to William Higgir^ and James dungeon, together with cranage, 
wharfage, gauging, weighing, and hallage of linen cloth, hostelage, and 
anchorage of ships, keelage of boats, &c., and the loft over the tin- 
house called the linen-hall, as also the cellar called the weigh-house, 
together with all beam rights, scales, &c., for five years at ^132 per 
annum. Scheduled to the lease is an inventory of the weights belong- 
ing to the town. In 1654 the same were leased to John Bachelor for 

1 Rot. Parl. vol. i. p. 20. 

3 Oak Book. Dr. Speed has this document. 

4 Document (Penes Corp.) 

2 Oak Book. 


three years at ^135; in 1658 they were let for j^ioo; in 1659 f r 
^85; in 1661 to Nicholas Caplin at f iiio ; in 1723 to John Grove 
for ten years at ^30, he paying, however, the fee-farm of ^50 per 
annum. 1 Later in the century they produced ^150 a year. 

" The burgesses pay no petty customs, and a burgess entering the 
" goods of a person not a burgess to defraud the Corporation of the 
" petty customs, is punished with disfranchisement. In 1700 it was 
" ordered that if a foreigner that is, a person not a burgess bring 
" goods to the port> and an inhabiting burgess buy them and enter 
" them in his own name, that burgess shall pay the petty customs/' 

The petty customs were abolished in 1803 (see page 39). 

The following list of free towns is taken from ' The book of rates of the toll, 
brocage, pontage, petty custom, and all other duties due, belonging, or apper- 
taining unto the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of the town of Southampton . . . 
according to the ancient custom of the said town time out of mind.' 

At the end of a long list of duties 2 arranged alphabetically occurs the 
following note : * The tenants of the Duke of Lancaster renewed their charter 
the xxij of November in the third year of Queen Elizabeth, in which charters are 

Kings Somborne, 



and the manor of Hartley and members of the same are free of prestations, 
theolony, pannage, lastage, tallage, carriage, passage, package, and terrage.' 

* Hereafter follow the names of such towns and places as are free ; and if 
any other claim to be free, let their charters be seen, by what kings, and in what 
year they were made free. 

Andever, for all the company of 




Alresford, free. 


All the tenants of St. Swithun's, 




All the burgesses of Winchester. 


All the honours of England. 













Heartford, East. 









1 Leases. 

2 Given by Dr. Speed in his Appendix, but omitted here from want of room. 


Honours of Wallingford. 



Kings Sumborne. 

Kibolis Evanton. 




Little Sumborne. 


My Lord of Winchester's tenants. 

My Lord of Hyde for his house. 





New Colledge. 


Overt on. 







St. Cross. 

Salisbury half custom. 

South Howton. 












Winchester College. 



Then follows ' The rate of brocage and pontage,' and an attestation to the 
correctness of the copy of the foregoing by Thomas Mason, mayor, and others, 
date'd 2d August, 20 Car. I., 1644. 


" These are not mentioned in any of the general charters, but all 
" depend on particular grants. 

Trinity or 

and three 

Trinity Fair. 

" Henry, by the grace of God King of England and France, Lord of Ireland, 
to all to whom these presents shall come, greeting : Know ye that, for the devo- 
tion which we bear to the holy and glorious Virgin, Mother of God, and for the 
love which we have and long time have had for our town of Southampton, 
considering that by a confluence of our subjects and others the said town 
may be greatly improved and advanced in wealth and prosperity, and in order 
that a greater confluence of people may be made there in future, we have, of 
our special grace and mere motion, granted to our beloved in Christ the Mayor, 
Aldermen, Sheriff, Bailiffs, Burgesses, and community of the said Town of 
Southampton, and their successors, as also to William Gefferey., hermit of the 
Chapel of the Holy Trinity and the blessed Mary aforesaid, a Fair and Market to 
be held every year at and about the said Chapel of the Holy and Undivided 
Trinity, near the said town of Southampton, on the Feast of the Holy Trinity 
and for three days immediately following after the said Feast, in which Chapel 
the said glorious Virgin is very frequently honoured by the faithful in Christ. 
To have and to hold the said Fair and Market, with free ingress and egress 
for all our subjects coming thither to trade. To hold the said Fair by the 
aforesaid Mayor, &c., and their successors, and also by the aforesaid William 
Gefferey, hermit, on the said Feast and three days as is aforesaid, during our 
pleasure. In testimony whereof we have made these our letters patent : 

FAIRS. 231 

" Witness myself at Westminster iQth July, the eleventh year of our 
" reign. * 

"The remains of the chapel here mentioned were standing a few 
<e years ago on the spot where the miller's house is now built. 

" The fair is kept by the head bailiff of the town, who presides 
" in it as chief magistrate, and half the profits of the fair are paid to 
<6 the owner of the site of the chapel. 

"The Journal for the year [Aug. 28] 1646 makes mention of a 
" charter 2 of 2 Henry IV. (1400) and another of 2 Richard III. (1484) 
" for holding this fair, but no such charters appear/' It is, however, 
tolerably certain that the above is but a grant of confirmation; the 
town charter of i Edward IV. (1461) contains a confirmation of a court 
of pie-poudre, which proves the existence of some fair possessed by the 

Three Other Fairs. 

" Elizabeth, &c., to all, &c. Know ye that for the improvement of our town 
" of Southampton and its condition, and for the public good of the said town, 
" we have given and granted to the Mayor, Bailiffs, and Burgesses of the town 
" of Southampton, and their successors for ever, that they and their successors 
" shall for the future for ever have and hold every year within the said town and 
" its precincts three Fairs or Markets : namely, one on the Tuesday next before 
" the Sunday commonly called Shrove Sunday, to last that whole Tuesday and ^^6^ 
" the two days next following. And one other on St. Mark's Day, to last that shrove 
" whole day and the two days next following. And a third on the Tuesday next Sunday 
" after the Feast of St. Andrew the Apostle, to last all that day and also for the d!L s tW( 
" two days next following. Together with a court of Pie-poudre to be held there Aprii 25 
" during the time of the said Fairs, and each of them, with all the liberties, free and two 
" customs, tolls, tallages, piccages, fines, amercements, and all other profits, com- Tuesday 
" modifies, and emoluments whatsoever belonging or appertaining to such Fairs after No- 
" or Markets, and to the court of Pie-poudre, or from such Fairs, &c., arising. ve ^ ber 3o 
" Yet so that these Fairs and Markets, or any one of them, shall be no prejudice to days. 
" other Fairs and Markets in the neighbourhood, &c. In testimony whereof, 
" &c. : Witness the Queen at Westminster, 22d Jan y the 42 d year of our 
" reign (i6oo)." 3 

The mill-house (see above) -that is, the building formerly so used Trinity 
still retains a vestige of the ancient chapel or hermitage, which was of Fair 
some honour in times gone by for pilgrimages and otherwise. Here in continued - 
the ' Chapel of our Lady of Grace/ in August 1510, King Henry VIII. 
made his offering of six shillings and eightpence. The chapel stood 

1 Dr. Speed rightly concluded that this patent must belong to Henry VII. 
or Henry VIII. from its mention of a sheriff, there being none in 1 1 Henry VI. 
The original grant is preserved in the Hartley Institute; it is found enrolled Pat. 
1 1 Henry VII. p. 2, m. 10 (12). 

2 The Court Leet Book of 1603 makes a similar reference to a charter of 
Henry VI. 3 Pat. 42 Eliz. Part 25 (1600). 



much exposed to the river, which was considerably broader at its mouth 
in ancient times than at present ; and the bailiff's permanent booth, 
erected near the chapel for the purposes of the fair, was constantly 
needing protection from the waves. In the neighbourhood of the chapel 
was a backwater or pool, still in part remaining, with the saltmarsh 
beyond. From St. Mary's litton, or churchyard, a causeway led to the 
hermitage called the ( causey of our Lady of Grace/ 1 now Chapel Road; 
and strange as it may seem, this paved and gravelled highway was often 
broken upon by the sea, 2 and within living memory has been washed 
over by the tide nearly as far as the railway bridge. On the other 
side, the chapel or hermitage was connected with Itchen Cross (Cross- 
house) by another causey still remaining. The fair was held round the 
chapel according to the charter, and occasionally some of the stalls 
would encroach within ; a practice censured by the court leet of 1603, 
who found that by the charter (see note above) ' standings ' within the 
chapel were not warranted. They therefore warned an offender to set 
up no more stalls inside, 'unlesse' indeed f he shall first compounde 
w th the town for their good will herein/ The chapel had probably 
long ceased to be used as such; in 1563 (July 6) Thomas Gardiner 
petitioned for leave to purchase ' the free chapel of St. Mary de Graces,' 
late of the possessions of St. Denys's Priory. 

The opening of the fair was a matter of ceremony and of expense, 
owing to certain attendant ' solemnities/ which possibly were of a 
festive character; and in 1600 it was ordered that the bare ' substance ' 
only should be retained, namely, the proclamation of opening, the 
presence of the watch, and last, not least, the bailiff with his pie-poudre 
court, the whole body of the burgesses being bound to attend Mr. 
Mayor to the proclamation. At this the privileges of the fair were set 
forth, and ready justice was promised to every man without fail; the 
sentence concluded thus: 

' This presente Fear to begginne the Trinitie eve at none, and so to contynew 
and endure unto Wensdaye at night. Therefore now at none begyn in Codes 
name and the Kinges, and God sende every man good lucke and this Fear good 
continuaunce : and God save the Kinge and all his well willers. Amen.' 3 

AnJ cere- The fair was opened by the mayor and Corporation till compara- 

Ies> tively lately. After the proclamation a pole was raised, on the top of 

which was fixed a large glove, or gloved open-hand, still existing. The 

senior bailiff then took possession of the fair as chief magistrate for the 

time within its precincts, and president of its court, a guard of halber- 

1 Steward's Book, 1509, &c. At one period adjoining the south side of this 
road was a croft called St. Andrew's Croft (Add. 15, 314. f. 42). 

2 Court Leet Book, 1577, &c. 3 Paxbread vol. 1478. 


cliers being appointed to keep the peace by day and to watch by night. 
On the Wednesday at noon the glove and pole were taken down by 
order of the mayor, with which ceremony all was over. The bailiff 
entertained the Corporation in his booth at the opening and during 
the continuance of the fair,, and unfortunates who dreaded another 
kind of bailiff enjoyed immunity from arrest within its precincts. The 
glories of the opening day began to fade very sensibly about 1840, and 
within the last few years have become finally extinguished. The fair 
itself, reduced to one day, is now held in the cattle ground near the 
railway. It had long ceased to be of value to the Corporation, and its 
advantage to the general public was questionable. In 1751 the profits 
of the borough from Trinity Fair were leased out for seven years at a 
guinea and a half per annum, and in 1744 those from St. Mark's Fair 
were demised for three years at two guineas each year. 

The patent of 42 Elizabeth (1600) concerning Shrovetide, St. 
Mark's, and St. Andrew's Fairs was also a confirmation, and not an 
original grant, at least as regards the two former, for the court leet 
called attention to them in 1596. They might have wanted a spur. 
Powers were sought in theNortham Bridge Act, 36 Geo. III. 1796, for Above Bar 
putting an end to St. Mark's or Above Bar Fair, held on the 6th and Fair> 
7th May, and in 1875 it was abolished. The two other fairs, never Two 
very flourishing, were in existence at the beginning of the century, 
but had disappeared before 1834. 

SECTION IX. The Courts of the Town and County of the Town. 

Court Leet. 

The court leet, commonly called the Law-day, as being the ordi- 
nary tribunal, the most ancient local criminal court here as every- 
where else, was held before the mayor, aldermen, and discreets of the 
town on Hock Tuesday, i.e., on the third Tuesday after Easter Third 
Day, most anciently at Cutthorn, but afterwards frequently in the ^ 
Guildhall, the town-clerk being of later times steward and judge of Easter 
the court, the sheriff foreman of the jury; the latter being summoned 
originally from the burgesses alone, but more recently with greater 

The office of the court leet was to inquire regularly and periodi- Duties 
cally into the proper condition of watercourses, roads, paths, and 
ditches ; to guard against all manner of encroachments upon the public 
rights, whether by unlawful enclosure or otherwise ; to preserve land- 
marks, to keep watch and ward in the town, and overlook the com- 
mon lands, adjusting the rights over them, and restraining in any 


case their excessive exercise, as in the pasturage of cattle ; to guard 
against the adulteration of food, to inspect weights and measures, to 
look in general to the morals of the people, and to find a remedy for 
each social ill and inconvenience. More than this, it took cognisance 
of grosser crimes of assault, arson, burglary, larceny, manslaughter, 
murder, treason, and every felony at common law. These offences 
were presented by the leet jury as indictors, and action was taken 
accordingly. But for the greater number of matters brought before 
the leet the remedy was summary by amercement or fine. 

In ancient time one most important function of the court leet 
was taking the pledges of freemen, who, all above the age of twelve 
years, with certain exceptions, were bound to be sworn and enrolled. 
A laxity in this practice prevailed, however, . early in the seventeenth 
century. Under 1615 we find the complaint ( that many young men 
and youths have been dwelling here a year and a day and have not 
been sworn to the king's obedience as they ought, the town-clerk to 
have care thereof.' But in the margin of the court leet book it is 
justly objected, probably by the inculpated official himself, 'The jury 
ought to inquire of this and make presentment upon their oath, and 
not to refer it to the steward of the court/ From this period back- 
wardness of enrolment in the court books was not uncommonly 

Court Leet The court leet books are extant from 1550 to the present day, 
with here and there a gap of a more or less serious extent. After the 
middle of the eighteenth century they become of little interest, and are 
at the present time mere repetitions of the presentment as to the 
metes and bounds of the town, made year after year at the formal 
meeting of the court. 

Considerable use has been already made of these books in the pre- 
sent work. Entries relating to trade regulation will also be found 
below. The following notices may be added in this place : 

Apparel. Under 1576 we find some curious regulations as to apparel ; and 

first for the ladies : 

' Dyvers women in this towne doo not weare vvhyte cappes but hattes, con- 
trarie to the statute, as yt may appeare by the churchewardens theire present- 
ments every week.' 

The names of the offenders follow. But on the whole subject 
of attire the jury delivered themselves in the following grave 
fashion : 

' The apparell in tymes past used comenlie to be worne by the maiors, alder- 
men, shreffes, and baylifes, and there wyves within the Towne of Suthampton, 
particularly followethe confessyd by Mr. John Gregory, alderman, and William 
Maister, the Towne Stewarde, eyther of them of thage of Ixxv. at the lest. 


Apparell of the Maior and Aldermen. A govvne of skarlett furry d w 1 mar- 
tirnes 1 or foynes 2 for the wynter, and faced with satten damaske or uther the 
lyke silke being blacke or russett collar for the summer. 

A tippett of velvett worne upon the same gowne. 

A govvne of vyolett in grayne 3 faced or furred w 1 the like furres and the like 
silke, and other gownes of fyne clothe garded withe velvet and faced with silke. 

A-jackett or coote of velvett, damaske satten, chamlett or wustede w 1 a welt 
or garde of velvett. 

A dublett sieved w* velvett, satten damaske, or suche like silke with buttons 
of sylver. 

Hosse of fine puke 4 or skarlett w* garters of silke. 

Crest cappes withe broade silke lase about them. 

Short gownes of fyne clothe. 

Hattes of velvet and silke throme. 5 

Ringes of gold of dyvers waightes, some of more and some of lesse waight. 

The apparrell of the Meres and Aldermen's Wiefes. Trayne gownes of skarlett 
furred and lyned, w* gray amys 6 w* broade weltes 7 of velvett. 

Trayne gownes of violett in grayne furred and lyned w l gray amyss w l 
broade weltes of velvett. 

Gownes of murrey 8 in grayne or other fyne clothe w l purfulls 9 or gardes 9 of 
velvett blacke or lawne, and cuffes of velvett at handes. 

Kyrtills 10 of damaske satten chamlett and worsted withe iij weltes of velvett 
upon them. 

Peticotes of scarlett and other fine redd w* a belt of redd velvett . 

For the attyer of there heddes. Bonettes of velvett, mynever cappis, atyer 
of fyne lawne, hattes of silke throme, crest cappis and rownde cappes of velvett. 

Partlettes n for there neckes of velvett w' buttens of golde enamyled and part- 
lettes of lawne. 

Girdelles of sylver and gylte called harnes gerdelles sett w* stone and perle 
and other goldsmythes worke enamyled, tache 12 hookes of sylver and gold ena 
miled and sett w* stone and perle, and the lace of goldsmythes worke, gyrdells 
of silke imbossed w* silver, greate pynes 13 of silver and gold enamiled, purses of 
velvett and silke. 

About there necke a chayne of golde and dothe (sic) were braslettes and 
ringes, some of more waight and some of lesser waight. 

A gowne of crymson in grayne furred w 1 fytche 14 or fased w* Saint Thomas 
worsted or satten of Sypris. 

The apparrell of the Shreves and Bay lief es. A gowne of violett in grayne 
furred and faced, the like furre and silke. 

Other gownes furred with badger, foxe, and lame. 15 

Jackettes or coates of satten chamlett or worsted garded with velvett. 

Dublettes 16 of satten or wosted. 

Hattes of sylke throme. 

Ho,sse of fyne clothe playne. 

Girdills and garters of silke. 

I Fur of the martin. 2 Polecat's skin fur. 

3 /.<?., the foundation of it. 4 Puce, which is explained asyfoz-coloured. 

6 A coarse material. 6 Amice, covering for the head and shoulders. 

7 Turning down of material, hem or edging. 8 Dark red colour. 
9 Trimmings or facings. 10 Jackets. 

II Ruffs for the neck. 12 Tache, a clasp. 13 Pins. 14 Polecat. 
15 Lamb. 16 Doublet, close-fitting vest. 


Shreves and Bayliffes Wieves. Clothe gownes of crymsen in grayne, some 
lyned, with gray amys, and some w l silke for the somer, w l purfulls and gardes of 
velvett and cuffes of velvett. 

Other clothe gownes purfelyd w* velvett and lyned w* wosted : kyrtills of 
chamlett wested and suche lyke w* weltes of velvett on them. Partlettes of 
velvett w* buttons and clapsis of gold enamiled and partlettes of lavvne. Gyrdells 
of silver and gilte called harnes gyrdells and other goldsmythes worke enamyled, 
tache hankes * of sylver and gold enamyled, greate pynnes of sylver, purses of 
velvett and other silke. Chaynes, brastlettes, and ringes of gold of dyvers 
waightes, some of more and some of less waight. 

Thomas Beckingham, late of the towne of Suthampton, alderman, for truthe 
declarethe that all thinges before said in these thre severall descriptions before 
going touching the auncient apparrell of the maior, shreve, and bayliffes and there 
wifes, and every of them, is of a truthe, and have byn tyme out of mynde used 
to be by them woren, for that he is of the age of Ixv yeres, or thereabouts, and 
hathe byn a dweller and trader to the said towne of Suthampton by the space of 
xlv yeres, and hymselfe hath been maior and borne all the offices forsaid, and by 
reason therof he and his wief hathe worne the same. 

The names of the jurors immediately follow. 

Under the next year (1577) several presentments were made of 
infringement of the statute of apparel, with the particulars of each 
offence, e.g., Walter Earl wears guards of velvet on his hose; John 
Delisle's wife has a petticoat guarded with velvet ; Martin Howes a 
gown of Norwich worsted with a broad ' byllyment 9 lace of silk, and 
his wife a hat of taffety lined with velvet. Other wives erred in a 
similar way ; John Mills's wife had a cap of velvet and guards in her 
gown, &c. 

Witchcraft. During the sitting of the court in 1579 a complaint of witchcraft 
was made against a certain Widow Walker, whereupon the leet jury 
prescribed the following test : 

1 We dessire y r worships to examine hir before you, and to permyt five or six 
honest matrons to se hir strippidd to thend to se wheather she have eny bludie 
marke on hir bodie w ch is a comon token to know all witches by, and so either 
to stop the mouthes of the people or els to proceade farder at y r worships 

Divine Attendance at divine service was noticed by the court leet. Under 

1580, ' we present that touching divine service we cannot find any 
that any ways do offend, Stephen Barton's mother and Martin Bowes' s 
wife only excepted, which often we have presented/ Eleven years 
later (1591) the carelessness of many in this respect was presented who 
f all the wike longe cometh not to the churche and especially on the 
Saboth daye.' The churchwardens are required to search all ale- 
houses, &c., ' on the Saboath dayes.' 

In 1600 and several following years all was found well touching 
divine service, as likewise concerning treasons, murders, felonies. 

1 Clasp handles. 



The law of fencing between neighbour and neighbour we find per- Fencing. 
petually laid down in the books. The local custom was for the south 
to fence the north and the east the west, and toward the highway every 
one was required to make his own fence. 

In 1587 the places of punishment are presented as out of repair pillory. 
contrary to the statute, viz., the pillory, the stocks above Bar, and those 
in East Street. About this period every householder was to have his 
club ready in his house against a fray. 

In 1594 the town was suffering under a plethora of ( inmates and Over- 
under-tenants, as well strangers as others, which still increaseth, by CI 
which the town is not only impoverished greatly, but also in great 
danger of infection, hurt by fire, and such like inconveniences/ A 
similar complaint was made in 1603 against greedy landlords, who, to 
the great destruction of the town, had admitted too many under-tenants. 
They were now warned only to admit substantial lodgers who could 
pay their town and parish charges, otherwise the landlords would have 
to pay. A few years later landlords were ordered to put in pledges for 
their tenants (1611, 1618, &c.) 

The foregoing are in themselves but meagre extracts from these 
interesting books. It must be borne in mind, however, that the court 
leet records have been freely used in all parts of the present work. 

The court leet has been for many years practically obsolete, but Court Leet 

J J . . . J . . obsolete. 

might be revived. Its power was exercised in 1802 against certain 
encroachments on the manorial property of the Corporation in the 
waste mud-lands to the north of Chapel Mill, made by persons under 
the authority of the bishop's steward. Notices were served on the 
persons so building and encroaching, and on May n they were granted 
leases under the Corporation. 

Again in 1819 some action was taken as to the north-eastern 
boundary of the county of the town. 

In 1846 it was suggested by the late town-clerk that a perambulation 
of the liberties over their widest possible extent should be held, with a 
view to settling the question about the boundaries through an action 
for trespass. The circuit never came off. 

The Town Court. 

The common court of the town, as it was usually called, a civil 
court of pleas of ancient date (charters 40 Hen. III. 1256, 2 Hen. IV. 
1401), was ordered by charter of I Edward IV. (1461) to be held in 
the Guildhall (Guihalda) before the mayor and bailiffs, on the Tuesday 
in each week on personal pleas, and on pleas of lands and tenements on 
the Tuesday once in a fortnight. 

Several town court books are extant, the earliest bearing date 


22 Ed. IV., 1482 ; but Liber Niger contains some more ancient records 
of the court. 

Before the passing of the Municipal Corporation Act,, 1835, the 
common court of the town was held on the Tuesday in every week 
for the first three weeks after the election of each new mayor, and on 
every alternate Tuesday afterwards. 

County Court. 

When in 25 Henry VI. (1447) tne town and liberties became erected 
into a county separate and distinct for ever from the county of South- 
ampton or Hampshire, the grant of a sheriff and his court were 
naturally involved. The county or sheriff's court was ordered to be 
held every year from month to month on a Monday, and all business 
which might lawfully be brought before county courts was to be trans- 
acted in it. 

Present The court here fell into abeyance with the general decline of busi- 

ness in county courts. It had no relation to the modern county court. 
This is held, under the modern Acts, at the courthouse in Castle 
Square ; the quarter and petty sessions for the borough and the petty 
sessions for the county being held in the Guildhall, the ancient place of 

Court of Quarter- Sessions. 

The form of the justiciary court of the town has varied at different 
times. Under the ordinances of the Guild Merchant (Ord. 32) there 
were to be elected by the whole community twelve discreets, who, with 
the two bailiffs, were empowered to execute the king's commands, to 
keep the peace, protect the franchise, and maintain right between man 
and man. By charter 2 Henry IV. (1401) power was given to elect out 
of their own body four aldermen, three or two of whom, together with the 
mayor, and with four, three, or two of the more honest and discreet per- 
sons of the community, to be chosen yearly by the mayor and community, 
should exercise the office and authority of justices of the peace in as 
full and ample manner as the justices of the county hitherto, but were 
not to proceed in felonies without a special commission. 

The charter I Ed. IV. (1461) ordered that a person skilled in the 
law, 1 to be chosen the Friday before St. Matthew's Day, should be added 
to the court of justices, which was otherwise composed of the mayor, 

1 Master Harvey seems to have been standing counsel to the town from 
about 1469 to 1471. In 1478 Watkin Ford appears to have been the same. 
From about 1493 * 15*3 Master William Frost was the ' lerned counsell of 
the town,' and received for his annual fee twenty shillings. In 1528 Master 
Wintershull held the position. (Steward's Books.) 


four aldermen, and four other burgesses of the more honest and discreet 
persons the prudent, approved, proli homines or prodeshommes, here 
and above, and so constantly, recognised as a distinct and well-known 
class. The charter of 1640 made the mayor, the Bishop of Winchester, 
the recorder, and ex-mayor, together with five aldermen and two of the 
more discreet burgesses to be the court, the mayor and recorder being 
always of the quorum ; but previously to the Act of 1835 it was not the 
practice for the bishop or for the burgess-justices to attend. The court 
had cognisance of all offences triable at county quarter-sessions, and 
also of capital felonies, but seldom exercised jurisdiction in these latter, 
removing them where possible to the assizes of the county of Hants, or 
in case of such removal being barred, whether by the prisoner or the 
prosecutor, petition was sent to the Home Office or to the judges of 
the Western Circuit for a commission of assize made out for the 
county of the town. 

A very large number of the sessions books, rolls, and papers are 
extant from about the year 1588. 

Court of Orphans. 

The charter of 16 Charles I. gave power to the mayor, recorder, 
aldermen, bailiffs, and sheriff, to hold a court of orphans for the town 
and county, with authority over their persons and goods, as in the case 
of the Lord Mayor and aldermen in the city of London. The court had 
become obsolete by the middle of the last century. 

Though granted apparently for the first time by the above charter, idea 
the principle on which the court rested had been anciently recognised, ]JJ Guild. 
and belonged to the very idea and nature of a guild. In 1562 silver plate 
belonging to children under age was delivered to the mayor and burgesses 
to hold in their behalf. John Staveley, by his will in the same year, 
among other bequests, gave a piece of plate to the town, beseeching ( the 
maior and his brethren to be as fathers' to his children. 1 

Court of Admiralty. 

The admiralty jurisdiction, with the court incident thereto, was 
granted by charters 2 of Henry VI., in which power was given to the 
mayor to exercise all the functions of admiral of England within the 
town and port of Southampton, the interference by the admiral of 
England within those limits being prohibited. The charter of 16 Chas. I. 
1640, confirming and revising previous grants, enjoined that the court 

1 Lib. Nig., fol. 99 ; Boke of Remembrances, fol. 93. 

2 See charters 23 Hen. VI. 1445, 3o Hen. VI. 1451, also i Ed. IV. 1461. 
See above under ' Admiralty Jurisdiction.' 


should be held in the Guildhall or other place within the liberties it 
was frequently held ' uppon the Watergate' as often as need should 
require, and should be composed of the mayor, recorder^ and four 
aldermen, or any three of them, the mayor or recorder being one, calling 
to their aid when necessary a civil lawyer for their better information. 
Cognisance was given of all pleas and plaints personal which belonged 
to the Admiralty, and of all actions of contract if the parties or their 
goods were attached within the liberties, with the same power of execu- 
tion as that possessed by the admiralty court of England. Authority, 
of course, was given to choose all officers of the court, such as regis- 
trars, notaries, attorneys, scribes, proctors, marshals, servants, &c. An 
appeal was allowed to the Lord High Admiral, who was by himself or 
by his deputy permitted to hold court within the town or its precincts, 
and to perform all necessary functions of the admiralty, but only, as it 
seems_, on appeal. There appears, however, to have been anciently 
some acknowledgment due from the town to the superior court; 1 thus 
under 1526-27 occurs an entry, 2 f Paid to Mr. Odell^ my lorde admyralles 
deputiej for the allowaunce of the admyraltie of our towne vnder his 
brodd scale, xxvj s< viij d> 3 

The first in the regular series of admiralty records now existing 
bears date I4th July 1493 (8 Hen. VII.), when courts were held (i.) 
at Keyhaven, in the accustomed place on the sea-shore, before Thomas 
Dymock, mayor and admiral of the port, John Walssh, burgess, 
George Cockys, steward of the town, W. Erneley, town and admiralty 
clerkj and others. By the oath of the jury all was reported well, and 
two men of Keyhaven were sworn to administer and execute in the 
mayor's name all duties belonging to the admiralty there. (2.) At 
Lepe, on July 15. The jury was composed of men representing Hythe, 
Lepe, Pennehall (Pennington ?), Ower, Exbury, Hardley, and Cadlands. 
Two persons were sworn, as above, to carry out the mayor's duties in 
his behalf. The jury presented that a monk and certain servants of 
the Abbot of Beaulieu had, contrary to the king's peace, rescued a 
Portuguese bark which had been seized in behalf of the mayor. Minor 
presentments followed. (3.) At Hamul-on-the-Rice (Hamble), on 
September 24, in the accustomed place on the sea-shore, the jury 
representing Hamullryse (Hamble), Shotshale (Satchel!), Bussilden 
(Bursledon), and Letley (Netley). Among other matters, it was pre- 
sented that ' when Barlyes bott of the Isle of Wyght was drownyd 
therein was drowned a prest' and certain others, who were buried at 

1 A gallon of wine or other gratuity was also occasionally presented to my 
Lord Admiral. (See Steward's Book, 1493.) 

2 MS. Temp. Thomae Overey sub data. 


Netley, and that the Abbot had retained $ t 6s. 8d. which the priest 
had in his purse. Other presentments followed about the removal 
of timber, keeping the channels clear, &c. 

The number of jurors at these courts varied very greatly. At a 
court at Hamull Rice (Hamble), on 27th April 1508 (23 Hen. VII.), 
the jury consisted of no less than thirty-six persons, two from Itchen, 
three from Letley, seven from Hamull Rice, three from Botley, two 
from Warisaysshe (Warsash), eight from Shotshame (Satchell), eleven 
from Brisselden (Bursledon), which may represent the comparative 
importance of those places at the time. 

From the early part of the seventeenth century the courts seem to have 
been held at irregular periods. In 1615 the court leet presented that no 
admiralty sessions had been held since the last mayoralty of Mr. Wallop 
(1610),, and urged that a court should be summoned, Mest time, the 
devourer of all things, 1 and the omittance of the priviledge* caused its 
loss. Presentments similar in character were made in 1629, I ^3t 
1705, 1706, 1721, and no doubt in other years. In 1707 and 1708 
courts were apparently held at Lymington, the Southampton Corpora- 
tion asking leave to erect their booth on Lymington quay, and in the 
latter year to carry their oar erect through the borough. 2 On September 
10, 3756, the admiralty circuit, which had been then for a long time 
intermitted, was ordered to ( be gone 5 by the Corporation, and the 
recorder was to be paid a f handsome gratuity if he attend.' His 
attendance having been promised, the mayor was desired to entertain 
him and the aldermen at dinner on the first day (September 20), an 
allowance of three guineas being voted for the purpose, the same as at 
a sessions dinner. Before the meeting of the court, the Corporation of 
Lymington objected (September 18) to a booth being set up on their 
quay for the purpose without their leave having been first obtained, 
which they alleged had been usual. The Corporation of Southampton 
replied that they could find no such precedent, but consented to ask 
leave; and accordingly erected their booth and marched with their 
trumpeter and silver oar through the borough of Lymington. The 
records of these courts are the last entered in the books. They were 
held : (i.) At Southampton, in the Guildhall, on Monday, September 20, 
I 75^ (3 Geo. II-); before George West, Esq., mayor, W. Eyre, Esq., 
recorder, John Godfrey, town-clerk and registrar of the court, and five 
proctors, the water-bailiff, and four marshals. The sand-walkers, who 

1 This language and sentiment, though not altogether uncommon, may have 
been delivered by a certain N. Fuljambe, possibly deputy town-clerk, who in 
another place draws out and signs a list of Sir Thomas White's legacies, ' lest 
time, the devourer of all things, should hinder the remembrance of them.' 

2 King's Lymington, p. 106. 



were but six in number, were not present,, but were ordered to attend 
at Lepe. The jurors, fifteen in all, represented Southampton, Mill- 
brook, Redbridge, Totton, Eling, Marchwood, Dibden, Hythe, Itchen. 
The boundaries of the admiralty jurisdiction were presented as extend- 
ing 'from the bridges of Eling and Redbridge down the Southampton 
Water, and from Botley Bridge down Hamble river into the South- 
ampton Water, thence down to Calshott Castle, and from thence half- 
seas over to the Isle of Wight from the Iron Hand, which was time 
out of mind set up at Keyhaven, and down the creek there to Hurst, 
and thence to Langston Point near Portsmouth, including all the waters, 
creeks, shores, and maritime places within Hurst and Langston as far 
up as the first bridges/ Various presentments were made, and fines 
levied on two sand-walkers for fishing contrary to their duties and the 
Act of Parliament in that case made. It was desired, also, to put in 
force the statutes against unlawful nets. The right of fishing and of 
licensing fishermen was presented as belonging to the Corporation. 
(2.) At Lymington, on September 21, the jurors, twenty in number, 
representing Lymington, Woodside, Keyhaven, Milford, Boldre, Pen- 
nington. (3.) At Lepe, on September 22, the jurors, who numbered 
twenty-two, were from Ashlet, Ower, Hardley, Lepe, Tilbury, Exbury, 
Stanswood, Stone, Holbury, Hythe. (4.) At Hamble, on Thursday, 
September 23, the jurors, eighteen in number, being from Hamble, 
Weston, Netley, Bursledon, Helhead, Swanwick, Warsash, and Brunage. 
The presentments at the various courts were all of the same character. 
It had been intended to hold an admiralty circuit in 1798, before 
which year no court had been held for some time, and it was feared 
the omission might prove injurious to the rights of the Corporation. 
However the town resources were exhausted by various contributions on 
national emergencies, subscriptions for the troops and fleet, relieving the 
families of the killed, and other enlarged benefactions; it was there- 
fore resolved that 

' The intended and necessary circuit through the said admiralty jurisdiction 
be further suspended until the Corporation purse shall be so replenished as to 
admit of so expensive a mode of asserting so valuable a prerogative/ 

The opportunity never seems to have occurred, and the last vestige 
of the old jurisdiction was the continued appointment of sand-walkers. 
All rights of admiralty were finally extinguished by the Municipal 
Corporation Act, 1835. 

Pie-Powder Court. 

A court of pie-powder with the usual objects and powers was held 
from ancient time during the fairs of the town. It was regulated 


by charter 1 I Ed. IV. (1461), and confirmed by that of 16 Chas. I. 

Pavilion Court ( Winchester). 

This court, though not belonging to the town of Southampton, but St. Giles's 
to the Bishop of Winchester, and held as a pie-powder court of special Fair ' 
authority on St. Giles's Hill, Winchester, during the celebrated St. 
Giles's Fair, has yet left so many traces on the town books that it 
should be here mentioned. The fair itself, which originated in a grant 
of William the Conqueror to Bishop Walkelin, lasted at first one day. 
This was extended by William Rufus to three days, by Henry I. to 
eight, by Stephen to fourteen, and by Henry III. to sixteen days. 
During the continuance of the fair no business could be done in the 
city, or in Southampton, or within seven leagues of the hill all round ; 
and collectors were appointed at Southampton and on the roads leading 
to the city to gather the appointed duties on merchandise brought to 
the fair. These profits went to the See of Winchester, though various 
foundations also enjoyed certain benefits from them. 

Controversies with Southampton arising from the fair were not 
infrequent. In 1250 the bailiffs and burgesses had agreed with Adomar 
(Ethelmar), elect of Winchester, concerning restrictions of their com- 
merce during the fair; 2 but in 1260 the bailiffs complained that they 
had been unlawfully hindered in their tronage and pesage on pretence 
of the fair by Gerard le Grue, afterwards (1267) sheriff of Hants, but 
then seneschal of the bishop. They took nothing by their suit. 3 Five 
years later (1265) they proceeded against the bishop, John de Exon, 
for stopping their traffic during the fair, on the ground that they had 
charter rights for trading at all times. 4 In the end, the monopoly of 
the fair was affirmed. 

The pavilion court of the fair, so called for being held in a tent, Court. 
was presided over by certain justiciars, called judges of the pavilion, 
who were authorised by letters patent, probably confirmatory, of Richard 
II. and Edward IV., to have cognisance of pleas and other matters 
during the fair, and to receive and keep for the same period the keys, 
and assume the custody, of the city. The mayor delivered up his powers 
accordingly for the time being on the eve of each St. Giles's Day. 

It appears that a fine was paid by the town of Southampton to the 
pavilion court every year. 

1 The action of pie-powder courts was confined to each fair or market, both 
as to duration and limits, by statute 17 Ed. IV. cap. 2. Before that statute 
these courts had assumed a more extensive jurisdiction. 

2 Chart. 39 Hen. III. m. 5 ; also Reg. Pontiss., ff. 201, 202. 

3 Abbrev. Plac., 44 Hen. III. 4 Ibid., 49 Hen. III. 


Fines. Under 1457, ' Item to my lord Byschop [Waynflete] of Wynchester, 

for the fyne of the pavylon delyverd to Water Clerke, xx s 9 

Under 1478 the fine for the pavilion at St. Giles's Fair was 26s. 8d. 
Under 1488 

For the paulyn : also payd to Christopher Ambros[e] the xxvj day of August 
for a potte of gryn gynger weyng viii 1L the whyche was presentyd to my lord l of 
Wenchester . . . viij s> 

Allso for a potte of sowkett weyng ix 1 '- presentyd to the sayde lord . . . iiij s- vj d ' 
Allso for ij pottes to put y e genger and sowkett yn, xij d - 

Allso payd to Mr. Vensent for vj lovys off soaker weyng xxij 11 - [at 5 |d.], x s - j d - 
Allso payd for pakthede for to torse ye sayd gere, ob. [Jd.] 

The hire of five horses for the mayor at delivering the present was 
2od., and a man was paid 8d. for carrying it. 

Allso payd to ye kepar of the park of Waltam for the convaying off Mr. 
Mayor and his felyshepp frydyng (sic) to Waltam, for the brege was broke in y e 
lane, iiij d - 

Also paid to my lord's porter, I2 d -; for horse meat at Waltham, 6 d ; for 
beer for the men, 5 d - ; and to the passengers [ferrymen] of the Itchen, 4 d - 

Sept. 2, to Christopher Ambrose and two others riding to Waltham to my 
lord for pawlyn, 8 d - and 1 2 d - 

Sept. 3, paid for the costs of Mr. Customar Christopher Ambrose, Mr. 
Vensent, and Thomas Demok w* other burges the nomer [number] of xiiij horse 
for to ryde to Wenchester to mete w l my lord for to mak our fyne for y e 
pavlyn, for meet and drynk, ij s - iiij d - 

Allso pay[d] ye daye aforesayd for owr fyne of the paulyn, xxvj s< viij d - 

Under 1493 

Costes and expenses of the Powlyn tyme : le Paulyn^ xij pounde of comfettes 
gyffe to my lord 2 of Wynchestre, price the pounde viij d - (packed in two boxes), 
x poundes and iij quarters of sokatte at vj d> the pounde, with six pots for the same. 

Then came green ginger and pots, sugar, thirty-three pounds of 
'caprys' and a barrel for them, and a barrel of muscadel. 

To the yemen of my Lord of Wynchester in reward, xx d - ; payd to the clerkes 
and queresters of my Lord's chapelle in gifte, xx d> Item gyff to the porter there, 
xij d - 

Various other expenses attending upon their journey and the car- 
riage of these gifts occur. Then further 

Payd to a man that rode to Waltham to knowe when the bysshop wold be at 
home, for him and his hors, ix d - 

Item payd for the beryng in of the barrell of wyne before my lord and bryng- 
yng home of the panyers, iij d - 

Item payd for ij skynnys of whyte ledder to bynd the pottes of socate and 
grene gynger, vj* 

Item payd to Robert Wryght for ryding to the Paulyn court, and for hors 
hire, xvj d - 

Item for Mr. Mayer, Mr. Overey, Mr. Dautre, and Maister Countroller rode 
to my lorde agayne to knowe the ffyne of the Paulyn, in expenses and hors hyre, 

Peter Courtenay. 2 Thomas Langton. 


Item payd for a tun of reade wyne gyvyn to my said lord for a ffyne of the 
Paulyn, iiij 1 '- 

Nota, and yet in the bysshoppes bookes is set but xl s< because it shalbe 
no precedente in tyme to come. 

That is to say, the fine^ for some reason or other, was much higher 
than usual, and its being repeated at that figure in future years was 
guarded against in this fashion. 

Under 1501 the bishop received for the Paulyn, for three years 
ending Michaelmas 1500, two butts of malvesey, price ^4, 133. 4d. the 
butt, the total being ^9, 6s. 8d., and the fine therefore per year about 

^3, 38. 2^d. 

But the fair and the court were no longer in their medieval glory. 

SECTION X. The Seals, Arms, Coinage, and Sir Bevois. 

1. There have been several official seals of the town, most of which 
bear the characteristic one-masted ship, the earlier having a steerage Seals. 
oar, a rudder appearing towards the middle of the fourteenth century ; 
these seals generally show a star and crescent on the mainsail of the 
vessel or elsewhere. A new obverse to the latest town seal was pre- 
sented, as acknowledged August 23, 1587, by Richard Etuer, late of 
Hampton, fishmonger of London. It bears a magnificent three-masted 
ship in full sail, with the newly given town arms on the mainsail ; the 
older obverse was a one-masted vessel, no ship in England having had 
more than one mast till about 1514 ; on the forecastle were two men 
blowing with trumpets. The legend on the newer obverse is ' Sigillum 
commune villa3 Southamtoniae/ The original reverse, still in use, 
bears in a central canopied niche a figure of the Virgin and Child ; 
within a niche on either side is a figure in adoring attitude ; the legend 

is ( Mater Virgo Dei tu miserere nobis/ Casts of these and of various 
other official seals are to be seen in the Hartley Museum. 

2. The arms of the town were granted by patent of August 4 

(17 Eliz.), 1575 ; they are thus described : f Per fesse, argent and gules, Arms, 
three roses counterchanged of the field ; with crest and supporters, 
namely, upon the helme on a wreath, silver and gules, on a mount vert, 
a castell of gold ; out of the castell, a quene in her imperial majestic, 
holding in the right hand the sword of justice, in the left the balance 
of equitie, mantelled, gules ; dobled silver/ The supporters : out of 
two ships, proper, upon the sea, standing in the fore part of the ships, 
two lions rampant, gold. The patent states that the town had borne 
arms since its incorporation by Henry VI. 

3. The regalia of the town require engraving for their explanation 

even more than the seals. The more ancient maces are exhibited in the Regalia. 


Hartley Museum. The making of one of them is detailed in the 
Steward's Book of 1482-83. The silver oar of the admiralty, a 
cherished badge, has been mentioned elsewhere. 

4. Among the borough and tradesmen's money tokens issued in the 
Coinage. l a tter half of the seventeenth and in the eighteenth centuries, the fol- 
lowing may be noted : Halfpenny size, e Cornelius Macham, his half- 
penny;' on the other side, ( in Southampton 1667,' with the grocers' 
arms. ' William Jolliflfe of' (grocers' arms) ; on other side, ' Southampton 
1666, W 1 !. ' ' George Freeman at ye white ' (figure of horse in middle); 
on other side, f in Southampton, 1668, his half-penny.' /Henry Nor- 
borne in Southa" his half-penny, 1668 ;' on other side, trade arms and 
initials H. N. A. After this the Corporation, by order of November 26, 
1669, required all tradesmen to recall their halfpence and farthings by 
the ist January next coming, it being arranged that the mayor should 
send for ^20 worth of halfpence and farthings to be stamped on one 
side with the town arms, and on the other with ' The Corporation of 
Southampton,' and distribute them to the shopkeepers for the benefit 
of the poor of the Corporation. Proclamation was accordingly made 
December 3, i66q. 1 Halfpence and farthings of the above description 
are met with of this and subsequent dates. They were all called in 
August 28, 1672, in obedience to a royal proclamation of August i6. 2 

Late in the next century the following device was adopted : A 
helmed head in profile, underneath ( S r Bevois, Southampton, half- 
penny ;' on other side, ' Brewery and Block Manufactory United Com- 
pany 1790;' edge, ' Payable at the office of W. Taylor, R. V. Moody 
and Co.' Other issues of this company differ slightly from the above; 
among these are the helmed head in profile, ' S r Bevois, Southampton ; ' 
on the reverse, a rose and crown on a shield, ( Promissory halfpenny 
1791;' edge, 'Payable' (as before). On another the helmed head, 
<S r Bevois, Southampton, halfpenny;' other side, ( Success to the 
Brewery and Block Manufactory 1791 ;' edge, ' Payable' (as before). 
A head in profile without a helmet, ' S r Bevois, Southampton,' as above. 
They issued also farthings with the same devices and legends, date 1790. 
Of the farthing size of older date are ' Henry Miller in ' (grocers' arms) ; 
other side, ' Southampton 1664 ; ' in centre, ' H M M.' ' Jacob Ward of 
(other side) ' Southampton;' in the middle, ' W.' ' Richard Cornelius;' 
in middle, ' R.C. ; ' on other side, c in Southampton 1660 ; ' in middle a 
tun. Of mite size, ' William Jollife of ' (grocers' arms) ' Southampton;' 
in centre * W.I.' No date. 

5. " I should be thought guilty of an unpardonable omission if I 

1 Journal, November 26, 1669 ; May 6, 1670, &c. 

2 Journal, August 28 and September 1.3. 


" should pass over our champion Bevis or Bevois without some notice, 
" though, I confess, I know very little of him. 

" Mr. Camden, speaking of the Earls of Southampton, says that 
" about the coming in of the Normans one Bogo or Beavoyse (Beavo- Sir Bevois 
" tius), a Saxon, had this title, who, at the battle of Cardiff in Wales, 01 
" engaged the Normans. . . . Mr. Speed also calls him Bogo, and 
" gives him arms in the map of Hampshire ; but neither he nor Mr. 
" Camden quote any authority for the existence of such a man. The 
" story told of him here is, that he fought with a giant named Ascapart 
" on the sea-shore near the town, and that Ascapart struck at him with 
" his club, but missing his blow, the club stuck fast in the mud, and 
" that while he was pulling to get it out, Bevis despatched him with 
" his sword." But according to the metrical romance the giant, van- 
quished in the fight, becomes Sir Bevois' s treacherous esquire. 1 

1 The metrical romance of Sir Bevois of Hampton appears to be of French 
origin, and to have taken shape under the minstrels of the Crusades, or soon after 
that period. It was first printed in Venice in Italian so early as 1489 ; it also 
appeared early in French, and was first printed in England by Pynson in quarto 
* Sir Beuys of Southampton : The son of Guy Erie of Southampton' no date. 
Many subsequent editions have appeared, but the versions are not identical. 
Extracts are given by Ellis ; the romance was also printed by the Maitland Club 
in 1838. 


SECTION I. General. 

THE prosperity of the port commenced with the Norman Conquest, 
and probably continued unabated till the loss of the French possessions 
in 1451-53. At the opening of this period (see p. 26) we find a pre- 
ponderance of Normans settled in the town, and the constant transit 
between this port and Normandy must have tended to the wealth and 
importance of the place. 

In the account of fifteenths rendered by William de Wrotham, 
Archdeacon of Taunton, for the fifteen months commencing July 20, 
1304, and ending November 30, 1205, issuing from thirty-five ports, 
and amounting in the whole to ^4958, Js. 3Jd., the fifteenths of 
merchants at the port of London amounted to ^836, I2s. iod., 
Boston, ^780, 153. 3d., Southampton, ^712, 33. 7d. 1 

Wine. The wine trade was settled here early. With the acquisition of the 

French provinces through the marriage of Henry II. (May 1152) with 
Eleanor of Poitou, daughter of William, Duke of Aquitaine, a con- 
siderable traffic was commenced with Bordeaux, in which this port 
shared very largely. The early Close Rolls 2 abound in writs to the 
bailiffs concerning the wine trade generally, or the king's wines, 
whether prisage or otherwise, or those of the wealthy folk whose 
concerns must have kept the port alive. Wine was the principal 
import; but beer, if we may put it in the same company, was at least 
an occasional export. Thus in June 1225 (9 Hen. III.) the bailiffs 
were directed to permit the exportation of beer in the case of a 
merchant of Flanders, notwithstanding a previous order against the 
exportation of grain or other victual to foreign parts. Merchants and 
wealthy men frequently treated directly with royalty as to their dues 
and permissions ; hence many of the surviving writs. 

Coeval with this early period are many of the vaults and cellars in 

1 Madox, Excheq., i. 772. 

2 A mass of these notices from the printed Close Rolls may be seen in 
Woodward and Wilks's History of Hampshire, pp. 174-204. 


the older parts of the town. In this connection may be mentioned old 
the ancient groined apartment of somewhat later date, now used as a vaults ' 
bonded cellar, on the north side of Simnel Street, exactly opposite the 
mouth of Pepper Alley. This is the most ancient quarter of the town, 
and it is possible that in the substructures of the houses there may 
exist many remains yet undescribed. 

The wool trade, which makes its first impress on the statute book Wool. 
in the reign of Edward I., obtains some of its earliest notices in South- 
ampton from arrangements made for just weight. The custody of the 
tron, or weighing beam, was a long time in the family of the Earl of 
Warwick; and from a suit in 1275, anc ^ judgment the following year, 
it appears that a certain tenement in the town belonging to the Earl 
was held by service of weighing all goods in Southampton ; Stephen le 
Neyre, with his brothers and sisters, being in occupation at that time, 
as their ancestors had been before them, presumably with the charge 
of carrying out this duty. 1 In spite of supervision, complaints were 
made in 1290 by Spanish merchants to Edward I. of deception in the 
auncel weight in our town. By this method of weighing, abolished by 
statute in 1351-52, the beam was balanced on the hand ; the merchants 
reasonably prayed a safer method. 2 

In 1299 Nicholas de Barbeflet (see p. H4)/burgess of Southampton, 
obtained by royal grant the tronage and pesage of wools for export 
from Southampton for six years at the yearly rent of forty shillings/ 
and in 1302 John Piacle, king's messenger, received the custody of the 
pesage for his long service, and for the tidings he brought the king of 
the birth of his son Edward. 4 In 1312 the custody of the sixth and 
seventh parts of the pesage was committed to William Mauncel of 
Minchin Hampton, and in 1316 a grant of the pesage which had 
belonged to Guy de Beauchamp, late Earl of Warwick, who had died 
in August 1315, at the annual rent of forty shillings. 5 Just previously 
to this (1314), by some abuse the standard weight intrusted to the 
burgesses had got into the hands of aliens, and the authorities of the 
Exchequer were commanded to see this righted. 6 

In 1327 Geoffry Hogheles was made collector of wool customs in 
the port of Southampton and along the coast as far as Weymouth ; in 
the next year Hugo Sampson was added to the collectorship, John de 
Vienne taking his place in the following. Later in the same year 
John de Vallibus was appointed. Hogheles held the collectorship in 

1 Abbrev. Plac., Mich. 3 and 4, and 4 and 5 Ed. I. 

2 Rot. Parl., i. 47 b. 3 Rot. Orig. Abbrev., 28 Ed. I. 
4 Ibid., 10 Ed. II. 5 Ibid., 6 and 10 Ed. II. 

6 Rot. Parl., i. 332. 


1330: in the next year Hogheles and Sampson together, and five years 
later (1336) Richard de Moimdelard and Laurence de Mees. 

The Beauchamp family retained their old office. In 1369 Thomas, 
Earl of Warwick^ died, seised, among other possessions, of two messuages 
in Southampton and the office of pesage there. The same occurred in 
1401 with Earl Thomas, son of the last ; so of Earl Richard in 1439, 
and of Henry, Duke of Warwick, in June 1445. In October 1485 the 
office of '' peyser ' was granted, during the minority of Edward, Earl of 
Warwick, to Thomas Troys, clerk of the works within the manor and 
park of Clarendon, Wilts, under Edward IV. and Henry VII.; the 
office of weigher in the parish of St. John being granted during the 
same minority to John Skydmore, in succession to Richard Aylesby. 
In 1509 Anthony Legh, chief clerk of the kitchen, was made 
weigher at the king's common beam vice the son of John Baptist 
Grymold. 1 

The office of pesage in the town was the more important in the- 
Middle Ages since by an ordinance of Edward II. in 1320 Southampton 
was one of the ports from which alone wool could be shipped, the 
others being Weymouth, Boston, Yarmouth, Hull^ Lynn, Ipswich, and 
Newcastle; while by the ordinance of the staples in 1353, which fixed 
the staples for wools, leather, woolfells, and lead at Newcastle, York, 
Lincoln, Norwich, Westminster, Canterbury, Chichester, Winchester, 
Exeter, and Bristol, to one of which places all such commodities were 
to be brought in the first instance to be weighed and sealed by the 
mayor of the staple, the port of Southampton was appointed for the 
shipping and weighing a second time of all that came from Win- 

Venetian The earliest notice of the Venetian trade is connected with an 

affray between the patrons, merchants, masters, and mariners of five 
Venetian galleys and the town's people. Blood was shed and pro-, 
perty destroyed, the Venetians rendering themselves liable for felony and 
homicide. As, however, it was far from politic to press the quarrel 
with these wealth-bearing strangers, the mayor and community, by 
desire of Edward II., proclaimed an immunity in April 1323, in con- 
sideration of a certain money compensation. 2 

" This port received great advantages from the following Act of 
" Parliament/' which gave facilities to Genoese and Venetian mer- 
chants : 

1378. " ' Also it is ordained and agreed that all merchants of Genoa, Venice, Cata- 
" ' Ionia, Arragon, and of other kingdoms, lands, and countries lying westward, 

1 See Inquis. Post-Mortem under dates; Rot. Parl., vi. 366; Materials 
for History of Henry VII., and Brewer's Letters (Rolls Series). 

2 Cal. State Papers (Venetian). 


being at peace with our Lord the King, who will bring to Hampton, or any 
other place within the realm, carracks, ships, gallies, or any other vessels, 
laden or unladen, may freely sell their merchandise there to whom they 
please, in the manner before mentioned, and may there reload their said 
vessels with wool, hides, woolfells, lead, tin, and other staple commodities, 
and may freely carry them to their own countries westward, paying at the 
port where they load all manner of customs, subsidies, and other duties of 
Calais, in the same manner as they would pay if they carried the same goods 
to the staple at Calais, provided they give sufficient security that they will 
carry them from thence westward, and not to any other place eastward than 
to the staple at Calais, if haply they have a mind to go thither, on pain of 
the forfeiture appointed aforetime.' l 

" At that time the Genoese and Venetians carried on all the Levant 
" trade, and when they were excused from going up the Channel to 
" Calais, which shortened their voyage, they all came to Southampton, 
" which made this town the centre of all the Levant trade of the king- 
" dom. And so it continued to be till the exportation of wool was 
" prohibited in Henry VIII/s time, which put a stop to the Levanters, 
" as wool was the commodity they chiefly wanted. 2 

" However, the Journals take notice of some few Venetian ships 
" being here after this time; as in 4 and 5 Phil, and Mary (1557-58) 
"and II Elizabeth (1569) ' John Crooke, mayor, a Venetian ship 
" ' here, ^50.' 

"The above circumstance is the reason that the ships of Venice and 
(t Genoa are mentioned in the charters." From the date of the above 
encouragement for some hundred and fifty years the ships came almost 
with the constancy of the returning seasons, the regularity of their 
visits being broken before the middle of the sixteenth century. 

The number of galleys commissioned each season by the Doge was 
from three to five. The decree of the senate was usually in much the 
same terms, specifying the course of the voyage, the duration of stay at 
each place, the number, duties, and pay of the officers 3 and men. The 
ships were generally here about sixty days, their coming being awaited 
with the greatest interest (see below, last chapter). The detention of 
the galleys on one pretext or other by order of our kings was often 
a source of annoyance and loss, and occasionally gave rise to corre- 

Merchant vessels here, as in other ports, were constantly taken up 

1 2 Rich. II. stat. i, cap. 3 (1378). Dr. Speed has this Act, which is 
printed in Statutes of the Realm, ii. 8. The Act was confirmed I Hen. IV. 
(1399) ; see Rot - Parl., iii. 429. 

2 Dr. Speed probably refers to Acts 22 Hen. VIII. (1530-31), cap. i, and 
37 Hen. VIII. (1545), cap. 15. 

3 In 1439 a decree of the senate permitted the captain of the FJanders 
galleys to go ashore every day to hear mass, whether at Sandwich or South- 


Hindrances on all kinds of service, the bailiffs being; directed to furnish the vessels. 

from ship- m, , , , ,, , . 

ping deten- 1 hen at one time they are ordered to arrest all ships in port, together 
3ns ' with the foreign merchants ; at another, to release some and detain the 
rest. Occasionally, in their zeal to carry out the orders of the crown, 
they made mistakes and laid hands on the wrong men or ships. In 
1217 they had to release some citizens of Dublin ; and in the same 
year were attached to answer for the seizure of a Gascon ship laden 
with 140 tuns of the king's wine and with cloth belonging to the 
queen's wardrobe. Damages were laid at ^700, but the bailiffs plead- 
ing error, got off with a fine of sixty marks of silver to Queen Eleanor. 1 
Again, in connection with a late proclamation against suffering 
men or horses to leave the port, the ' mayor 5 and men of Southampton 
were subjected to an inquiry in the same year (i Hen. III. 1217) about 
some horses detained by them, belonging, as it now appeared, to Sir 
Richard Scarcaville, custos of the honour of Windsor. It seems from 
their letter to Peter des Roches, Bishop of Winchester, and Hubert de 
Burgh,, justiciar, that on the day when Louis of France opened his 
siege of Winchester (June 1216, 18 John), a certain clerk came to the 
port with nine horses and two servants, representing himself as f the 
man of the Lord Fulk de Breaute/ 2 to whom also the horses were said 
to belong ; as, however, the clerk produced no royal license for ship- 
ment, or proof of ownership of the horses, they were detained till he 
should put himself right. Simon de St. Lawrence kept one horse 
valued at five marks ; Richard de Leicester another valued at a hun- 
dred shillings ; Thomas de Bulehuse (now dead) another worth five marks; 
Mikarly de Ambly one worth twenty shillings ; Roger de Tonellario one 
worth ten shillings ; Hosbert Petithome kept one, and three the clerk 
took with him. The sequel does not appear, but the story brings before 
us some old burgesses of whom elsewhere and for whom a merciful 
consideration was here asked. 3 

Hindrances The warlike peparations of our monarchs acted as a frequent hin- 
drance to trade. Thus, in view of the expedition to France (1225), the 
bailiffs were ordered to arrest all the large ships in port, and send them 
to Portsmouth for service, but to permit fishing vessels 4 of or below 

1 Abbrev. Plac., Innocents' Day, 2 Hen. III. 

2 Fulk or Falkes de Breautd was at this time, with Savaric de Mauleon, in 
command of the king's southern army (see Dudg. Bar., i. 743, &c. ; Stubbs, ii. 

II, 12, &C.) 

3 Letters, time of Hen. III. (Rolls Series). 

4 In 1223, in consequence of an order for arresting and sending ships to 
Portsmouth, the bailiffs had seized even fishing-boats, and had got into trouble 
with some owners from Romsey, whose boats had been impressed. A writ was 
obtained for delivering the boats on condition of their being ready when called 
upon to do the king service. 


twelve oars to go their way. In 1304 Edward I. granted to Philip the 
Fair, king of France, for his expedition against the Flemings, twenty 
ships, to be picked out from the best and largest of those of Southamp- 
ton and the other southern ports, each ship to be manned with at least 
forty stout men and well found. 

In 1306 (35 Ed. I.) all exports having been forbidden, the bur- 
gesses and good men of Southampton petitioned successfully that, as 
they lived by their ships and merchandise, they might be exempted and 
suffered to go with their ships to Gascony, and not elsewhere, for wines, 
on such security as the king and council might require. 1 

Early in this century we read of serious piracies on the Southampton From 
wine trade, and of the reprisals and protests made in consequence ; the piracy * 
trade from Bordeaux and Bayonne had suffered heavily. 

A little later (1336, 10 Ed. III.) the collectors of customs were 
ordered to permit two ships of Roger Norman and Thomas de Bynedon 
to take a freight of thirty sarplars of wool to Gascony, notwithstanding 
that the king had ordered all ships and mariners to be impressed, and 
had forbidden any to go to those parts, except in large fleets, on account 
of the e aliens ' hovering about. In the next year (1337) similar per- 
mission was given to merchants of the Society of the Alberti of Florence 
to ship into Gascony seventy sacks of wool. 2 

In 1345 a return of all ships which served the king in the French General 
war gives another relative view of the importance of Southampton, nence." 
The whole fleet was divided into the north and the south. The south 
fleet was gathered from fifty ports or maritime towns from the mouth 
of the Thames along the south and west coasts, including Wales. The 
total number of ships in this fleet was 493, the mariners were 9030. 
Of these, 25 were king's ships manned by 409 mariners ; London sent 
25 ships and 662 mariners; Southampton 21 ships and 576 mariners. 
Some of the results seem surprising to us now ; the little village of 
Hamble, near Southampton, and of course within its maritime juris- 
diction, sent 7 ships and 117 mariners ; Hook, n ships and 208 men; 
Portsmouth sent but 5 ships and 96 men ; while Toway sent no less 
than 47 and 770 mariners; Dartmouth, 32 ships; Plymouth, 26; 
Bristol, 22 ; Lymington, 9 ships and 159 mariners ; Poole, 4 ships and 
94 men ; the Isle of Wight, 13 ships and 220 men. 3 

Under 1379 an instance of jealousy is recorded on the part of the Jealousy, 
merchants of London. It appears that a rich Genoa merchant had 
sought permission of the king to occupy the castle lately built, or rather 

1 Rot. Parl., i. 193. 2 Abbrev. Rot. Orig., n Ed. III. 

3 Bree's Cursory Survey, 336, 342. Bree gives also at length the case of 
Sir Nicholas D'Amory's prize, which was gone into by a Southampton jury under 
order of Council, pp. 231, 235. 



rebuilt, at Southampton for the better security of his merchandise, 
holding out a promise of bringing untold wealth to the kifig and 
kingdom, while he undertook to make Southampton superior to all 
the ports of Western Europe. These great designs so inflamed the 
merchants of London that they procured his assassination one evening 
near his house. 1 

The year 1381 seems to have been specially prosperous to South- 
ampton from the Venetian trade. 2 

Conve- It appears that in 1394 (17 Rich. II.) the merchants of the 

Norman* western counties Hants, Wilts, Somerset, Dorset, and Berks who 

traffic found Calais a most inconvenient staple^ petitioned that they might 

have the privileges conceded to the merchants of Genoa, Venice, 

Catalonia, and Arragon, and use Southampton as their port for 

Normandy, without carrying their wools to Calais, receiving also 

Norman goods at Southampton. However no relief came: ' Let 

them repair to Calais as is appointed/ was the reply. 3 

In 1403 (4 Hen. IV.) it was conceded to the Genoese that their 
goods might be unladen at Southampton and conveyed thence to 
London by land, conditionally on the merchants showing their goods 
and paying all dues before the customers of Southampton,, and thus 
being released from paying scavage or toll on the ' showage ' or 
opening of imported goods in London. 4 

Southampton also was made a centre when, in 1422, William Sopur, 
John Foxholes, clerk, and Nicholas Banister of Southampton, were 
empowered to sell certain ships for the king's benefit before the end of 
the next Parliament, proclamations of the coming sale being ordered 
in London, Bristol, Hull, Lynn, Yarmouth, and Plymouth, that persons 
desirous of becoming purchasers might repair at once to Southampton. 5 
Loans. j n 1436 (i4th Feb., 14 Hen. VI.) loans were regulated by order 

of council in aid of the expedition into France Q under the Duke of 
York in the April following. Southampton was put at 200 marks ; 
possibly 100 was the actual amount of loan, as also in the case of 
Winchester. 7 

Sale of 

1 Walsingham, i. 407 ; Stow, sub ann. 1379 and 1380. 

2 Walsingham, i. 450. 3 Rot. Parl., iii. 322. 
4 Ibid., iii. 491, 520. 5 Bree, 273. 

6 A few years after we have a curious notice of one of the captives in these 
wars. On March 8, 1450 (28 Hen. VI.), John Melton, who had done good service, 
but had been made prisoner with the Lord Gaucourt, and had now left two 
children in pledge, was permitted to trade from Southampton to France till the 
middle of the following May in a balinger called the ' Thomas of Hampton,' of 
22 tons or under, with ten mariners and one page, in order to complete his 
ransom (Wars of English, i. 514). 

7 Ord. of Privy Council, iv. 319. 


In 1451 alum was brought to our port in large quantities by the Alum. 
Genoese. 1 

At this period Southampton was also a great emporium for tin, Tin. 
and in 1453 (3 1 Hen. VI.) the king arrested it all for the public 
service. An urgent letter from the king and council (August 14) 
addressed to the mayor, Andrew James, and others John Ewerly, 
Thomas Osbern, Symken Edward, Lawrence Moyen gives them 
power to weigh and sell the tin lately arrested in the town by the 
king's command, and to send the produce in all haste to the Treasury, 
towards the cost of the army to be sent into Guienne in the approach- 
ing September under the Earl of Shrewsbury. Tin that could not be 
sold was to be sent to London ; and those who had claims on tin sold 
were to be referred to the council at Westminster. 2 

In 1454 (32 Hen. VI.) a loan was ordered to be levied in the 
various ports to the amount of j^iooo for keeping the sea and securing 
trade. London was set at ^300, Bristol ^150, Hampton j^Pioo, 
Norwich and Yarmouth together ^100, the ports occurring in this 
order. Of the rest, none was put at more than ^5O. 3 

In the next year (1455) from a petition of the Commons we learn Italian 
that Italian merchant strangers had been accustomed to ride about the merchants - 
country spying out the nakedness of the land, and with their ready 
money buying up at first hand wools and woollen cloth from such 
indigent people as were content to sell at great loss ; they had also begun 
to manufacture, owing to which the price of woollen cloth had fallen. 
They were therefore restrained from buying wool, woolfells, cloth, or 
tin excepting in the markets of London, Hampton, or Sandwich. 4 In 
the following year the town seems to have become the resort of several 
wealthy Italians. 

In 1464 (4 Ed. IV.) Southampton was one of the ports from Export for 
which, in common with Poole, Chichester, Sandwich, London, Ipswich, w 
Boston, Hull, and Lynn, wools, woolfells, shorlings and morlings 
that is, shorn sheep-skins and wool from the dead sheep might be ex- 
ported to the staple at Calais. 5 

In 1492 (June 24, 7 Hen. VII.), a staple of metals was erected at Staple of 
Southampton by royal proclamation, it being averred that mines of ni 
gold, silver, tin, copper, lead, and other metals remained unworked in 
England ; in consequence of this the king had licensed an incorporation 
of a mayor and fellowship of merchants of the staple of metals at 
Southampton, for the purpose of working mines and uttering metals at 
reasonable prices. No metals were henceforth to be exported but at 

1 Rot. Parl., v. 214, 216. 2 Ord. of Privy Council, vi. 156. 

3 Rot. Parl., v. 245. 4 Ibid., v. 334. 5 Ibid., v. 563. 


one of the staples ; nor was the melting of tin ore permitted to any 
who were not of the guild. 1 

A considerable section might be written on the assignments made 
from time to time on the customs of Southampton. Only one or two 
instances can be given. 

Assign- I n 1417 (5 Hen. V.) the Bishop of Winchester (Beaufort), then 

customs, chancellor, had lent to the victor of Agincourt the sum of ^14,000 on 
security of the customs of wool, hides, wine, and all other merchandise 
in the port of Southampton and its dependencies; and the amount was 
not a third repaid when, in 1421 (9 Hen. V.), he advanced another 
^14,000 on the same security. 2 These heavy loans and assignments in 
repayment on the customs of Southampton were woven into the accu- 
sations against Beaufort made by Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester, in 
1440. Hampton is represented to the king as being ' the best port in 
your royaume;' the cardinal, with his customers there, was not only 
the largest wool merchant in the kingdom, but more than probably was 
carrying on a trade directly prejudicial to the king's interest. 3 

Again, in February 1433 (11 Hen. VI.), the customs were pledged 
to the feoffees of the Duchy of Lancaster from the Easter of that year, 
to the amount of ^6028, 133. yjd. for money borrowed by Henry 
V.; 4 and two years later (Feb. 1435, 13 Hen. VI.) the feoffees made 
another advance on a further assignment of the customs of the port of 
Southampton. 5 In 1451 a preferential payment of ^20,000 was 
assigned on the subsidies of London and Southampton for the defence 
of the realm. Assignments for the royal household and in grants to 
officials and others cannot be specified. 

During the first half of the reign of Henry VIII. there seems to 
have been a brisk traffic from Southampton, as well as from London 
and Bristol, with the Mediterranean and Levant. From hence were 
exported woollen cloth, calf-skins, &c., the chief imports being silk, 
camlets, rhubarb, malmsey, muscadel, and other wines; oil, cotton, 
wool, Turkey carpets, galls, and Indian spices. 

Falling off At the same time during this period the townsmen were bitterly 

lde ' complaining of the falling off of trade. In November 1528 the Bishop 

of Bangor, writing to Wolsey, and telling him of the joy in Hampton 

at his elevation to Winchester, by which he had become Earl of the 

former town, speaks of the hopes entertained from him by the towns- 

1 See Letters of Rich. III. and Hen. VII. (Rolls Series). 

2 Rot. Parl., iv. in, 132. 

3 Wars of English (Rolls Series), ii. 440. On the above accusation, however, 
see Prof. Stubbs, Constit. Hist, iii. 91. 

4 Rot. Parl., 437, 463 ; Ord. Privy Council, iv. 141, 143. 

5 Ord. Privy Council, iv. 290. 


folk who had now small resort of shipping. In 1533 we nave the 
complaint that the galleys and carracks do not come as they used. 

Under 1551 we have a notice of some sixty ships laden with wool 
for the Netherlands sailing from this port ; but the period of decay 
had set in. 

At this time (1551) the expediency of establishing a free mart in Proposal 
England for the merchandise of cloth and tin was debated, and a paper mart? 6 
on the subject was left in the handwriting of Edward VI. 

The experiment was first to be tried at Southampton, as a con- 
venient resort for the merchants of Spain, Brittany, Gascony, Lombardy, 
Genoa, Normandy, and Italy, especially at that time, when circum- 
stances were likely to 'decay the marts of Antwerp and Frankfort ;' 
Southampton being also a better port than Antwerp. In the event 
of success at this port, the scheme was to be extended to Hull, which 
would serve for Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. 

Free mart was to be kept at Southampton for five weeks each year, Details, 
commencing after Whitsuntide, so as not to interfere with St. James's 
Fair, Bristol, or Bartholomew Fair in London : freedom from arrest 
was ensured in coming and going, except in cases of treason, murder, 
or felony : no goods were to be shipped during the fair from any other 
place along the coast from Essex to South Wales : Southampton was 
to enjoy a strict monopoly during that period, no bargaining of 
wares being allowed elsewhere throughout the shires of Hants, Wilts, 
Surrey, Kent, or Dorset: a special pie-powder court was to be erected : 
agreement was to be made with the merchants of the staple not to 
hinder the mart by their liberties : fresh advantages were to be given 
to the Southampton people, who might also have a loan of money, if 
such could be spared : a good look-out would be kept by the king's 
ships at sea. 

After this, l the discommodities and lets ' to the mart are ranged 
under eight heads, with an answer to each. It might be said that 
{ strangers lack access hither by land, 5 but enemies would lack the same 
an advantage not applying to the Flemish city : if the ill-working of 
our English cloths were objected, Parliament was about to take that in 
hand; yet even now the Flemings sought English manufacture: if it 
were urged that there was too much English cloth already in the 
Flemish market, the cloth might be bought up with English money 
and conveyed to Southampton for retail during the mart. The great 
merchants, it was true, had their dwellings at Antwerp, but they could 
enjoy no peace or safety there ; they came from Bruges, where they 
were first settled, to Antwerp for English commodities, and now they 
would come to Southampton. As to the ' poverty and littleness of the 
town of Southampton,' room enough would be found for the strangers, 



who would meet there not only the town's people, but foreigners, 
Spaniards, Germans, Italians, Flemings, Venetians, Danes, &c., who 
would all trade together; and the merchants of London, Bristol, and 
of other places would certainly be found at Southampton during the 
mart. 1 Nothing came of this scheme. 

Grants of " I n order to recover a foreign trade to the town/' continuing Dr. 

Mary. . Speed from where we last left off (p. 251), " Queen Mary being pleased 
" with her reception when she met Philip of Spain, who landed here, 
" gave the Corporation a grant that all malmseys and sweet wines 
" growing in the islands of Candy and Retimo, or within any part of 
" the Levant, imported into England either by denizens or strangers, 
" should be landed only at the port of Southampton, on pain of 
" forfeiting sos. for every butt, one moiety to her Majesty, the other 
" to the town. 2 This grant was confirmed by Act of Parliament, 5 
ft Eliz. 1563, but was limited to importations made by strangers; 
" which being only a temporary Act, it was made perpetual by 
" another, 13 Eliz. 1571." The privilege was worth some 200 marks 
a year. 3 

Town loss " The grant is still in force [1770], but the establishment 4 of the 
Turkey " Turkey Company [in 1605], who have a grant of an exclusive right 
Company, to the L evant trac i e ^ anc j A D> ^^ procured [April 17] a royal 

" proclamation to be issued to prohibit the importation of sweet wines 
" by foreigners, quite deprived the town of the benefit of it. The town 
ee had many controversies on the subject, and [August 1615] petitioned 
" the king for redress." The matter was referred by the council to 
Secretary Lake, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Master of the Rolls, 
and Attorney-General, who ordered the town to withhold their suit 
for a time owing to the troubles in Turkey. After waiting eighteen 
months they petitioned again, and their case was referred to Secretary 
Naunton, Sir Fulk Greville (afterwards Lord Brooke), then Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, Sir Julius Caesar, the Master of the Rolls, and the 
Attorney-General, who pronounced for the petitioners : " on which the 
" Turkey Company were ordered to make some recompense to the 
" town ; but they never did. The recompense desired by the town 
" was the liberty to import currants from the Levant." In 1618 the 

1 Burnet's Collectanea, vol. ii. pt. ii. pp. 115-120. 

2 Pat. i and 2 Phil, and Mary, part x. (August 9, 1554) ; Pat. 4 and 5 
Phil, and Mary, part v. (June 17, 1558). 

3 " The Corporation usually farmed out this duty, sometimes for ^200 a 
" year, as they set forth in a petition concerning the surrender of their charter in 
" 1683. In 29 Eliz. 1587 the Earl of Leicester paid for it ^133, 6s. 8d. ; in 
"31 Eliz. 1589 the Earl of Essex paid 200 marks." 

4 Two temporary companies had been granted by patents of Elizabeth 
respectively in 1581 and 1593. 


town had asked a compensation of ^100, while the Company would 
only offer ^50. By April 1624 tne Corporation put their losses at 
over c^iooo, but eventually got nothing. 

66 In 1635 it was determined by a decree of the Exchequer that 
fc Malaga wines were within the town's grant; and in 1723, upon 
" examination of the above decree, it was found that all the ports of 
6t Spain within the straits were equally within the town's grant, and 
ic that natives importing in foreign bottoms were to pay the duty. But 
11 there is now [i.e., c. 1770] so little wine imported in foreign bottoms 
" that it comes to nothing. The sweet wine duty produces now about 
" <^2O a year, which is mostly, if not all, paid by Jews in London." 

There is little doubt that the settlement of foreign refugees in 1567 Decay of 
did something for trade, though the town was loth to own it (see under pc 
' French Church'). Under 1582 we find among the alleged causes of 
decay the haunting of pirates, 1 the numerous shipwrecks, and past 
abuse of prosperity ; evidently the finger could not be put on the 
disease, but a suggestion is made of two free marts in the year, the pay- 
ment of half customs, or a monopoly of the trade with Spain and Portugal. 
In 1587 (April) Leicester writing to Walsingham says that Bristol, 
Hampton, and others of the best towns are fast falling to decay ; some- 
thing must be done to revive trade, while great credit was due to the 
clothiers, who often kept the people at work to their own loss. In the 
year of the Armada (1588) the mayor writing to the council (April) 
says they are unable to furnish the two ships and pinnace required on 
account of the decay of trade and their heavy charges ; moreover above 
a hundred and ten mariners had been pressed in the town for her 
Majesty's ships, so that there would not be enough found to man the 
vessels. Portsmouth was also said to be in a ruinous and weak 
condition. 2 

Belonging to the unprosperous reign of Elizabeth there remain Merchant 
among the town records several merchants' agreements with the owners auM 5 
of vessels, the greater number of which were of very small tonnage. time * 
Under 1576 mention is made of the 'Hope/ 'Gabriel/ 'Trinitie/ 
4 Mayflower/ ' Dove/ of Hampton, the owners of which devised them 
for one ( viage ' to certain persons who were to pay the crews and other 
expenses and most merchants seem to have declined the responsibility 
of a whole vessel. Thus the ' Mayflower/ 28 tons, was let out : 

1 Piracy was and had been a constant evil. In 1550 there was a great 
take of pirates by the royal ships in the neighbourhood ; some were executed and 
hung in chains at the admiralty gallows here, others distributed to other places 
* for a terror and example.' 

2 There are several documents of Lord Howard of Effingham of this period, 
1588, among the Corporation papers. 



' John Cotton, m r of the Mayflower, burthen of xxviij tonnes or thereabouts, 
hath demised unto Nicholas Capelin five tonnes, Thomas Buck six tonnes, John 
Hooper seven tonnes, of Suthampton, merchantes, for one viage from hence to 
Burdeux, ther to tarrie xvj dayes, to unlade and also to relade, &c., and from 
thence to Suthampton, fraights for every tonne xxxj s . th'one halfe at the right 
discharge and th'other halfe within tenne dayes after at the porte of Suthampton 
foresaid. The merchants to pay all the duties, the m r and five men.' 1 


the port. 

A few months later occur several notices about piracies, and pro- 
ceedings accordingly. In 1619 the port was required to raise .^300 
towards the suppression of this curse ; but the mayor wrote to the 
council that with difficulty they had managed ^150, and could not 
possibly do more. In 1633 the Corporation protest again ' their burdens 
are excessive ; they have contributed ^300 towards the fleet sent against 
the Algerines, have lent ^140 for the Palatinate wars, and contributed 
towards the French Protestants ; they have lost much by their trade, so 
greatly depending on France/ 

Shipping in About 1572 there were fifty-three ships in the port of Southampton 
the same number as at Bristol a low figure as compared with some 
other places. There was one ship of 200 tons, one of 80 tons, one of 
60, two of 50, one of 40, two of 35, six of 30, four of 25, ten of 20, 
four of 1 8, eight of 15, two of 12, four of 10, six of 5, and one of 
6 tons. 

In 1598 we find Southampton reckoned among the decayed towns, 
such as Newcastle, Hull, Boston, Lynn, northwards; and Poole, Wey- 
mouth, Bristol, and Chester, west and southwards. 2 

Camden (1586-90) and Speed (1596) at the close of the sixteenth 
century speak nevertheless of Southampton as still rich and beautiful, 
famous for the variety and neatness of its buildings, and as being the 
resort of merchants. It is certain, however, that the town had before 
this passed the zenith of its prosperity, and had begun to decline. The 
Act of 22 Henry VIII. (1531) before quoted (p. 38) had described the 
foreign trade of the town as lamentably fallen off; and a previous 
statute of 1523 (14 and 15 Henry VIII.) ( for the haven and port of 
Southampton' had recited and made perpetual one of n Henry VII. 
(1495) cap. 5, wherein the following melancholy account is found; the 
statute deals with wears and engines unlawfully placed in the South- 
ampton water : 

' Before this tyme ' it * hath been the grettest haven, succour, and receite as 
well for marchauntes and shippes of this realme of England as of carrykis, 
galeyes and other shippes, and marchauntes of other regions and countries ther 
aryving and resorting, to the profite of oure Sovereign Lord the King, the great 
encrease of the marchauntes of this lond, and the comen wele and comforte of all 
the countrey therto adjoynyng, the which is now lately greatly decayed, and is 


Decay of 
port and 

1 Liber Notationum, sub ann. 

Cal. State Papers. 


like shortly more to decaie by reason and occasion of divers and many weares 
and other engynes for fisshing ther made, levyed, fixed and had bitween a certeyn 
place in the said haven called Calshord and another place in J?e seid haven called 
Redbrigge/ by reason of which ' within fewe yeres no ship of greate burden shall 
mowe come or arive in the seid Haven without due and hasty remedy be purveied 
in this behalfe.' 

We have already mentioned some of the remedies attempted for 
the decay of trade at this port under Edward VI., Mary, and Elizabeth. 
Under James I. the Corporation obtained an Act of Parliament 1 
(4 James I. c. 10, 1606-7) for confirmation of some parts of the charter 
granted in the 23 Henry VI. (1445) and for relief of the town, in which 
the privilege of exclusive trading in the town was maintained for its 
own freemen^ exception being made in favour of the barons or burgesses 
of the Cinque Ports. We now resume and finish Dr. Speed's chapter, 
with the omission of two or three sentences : 

" After this the trade of the town was principally with France and Dr. Speed 
" Spain ; for which reason they opposed the establishment of a com- re 
" pany of Spanish merchants in the city of London. 

fc A.D. 1636. An additional duty was laid upon bay-salt, and this 
" town petitioned to be exempted from it because most of the shipping 
" belonging to the town was employed in the Newfoundland fishery ; 
" and they were exempted in consequence of a certificate from the 
" customers that the town was in the division of the western ports 
" which were to be excused. 

" A.D. 1656. The town petitioned the Parliament to be made a free 
" port; setting forth that it was the only port in England for the Levant 
" trade. This matter of making the town a free port has often been 
" talked of. 2 After the Restoration they had a great trade here for 
" French wines, which lasted till the high duties laid upon those wines 
fe very much lessened the demand for them, which drove our merchants 
" into the Portugal trade, and they are now very deservedly remarkable 
" for the goodness of their port wines. Besides this, they have had a 
" Norway trade for timber, but they now deal chiefly with Russia for 
" timber and hemp. 

" The Guernsey and Jersey trade mostly centres here, and they have 
" a pretty good share of coasting and coal trade. 

" All the Cornish tin was once brought to Southampton, and the Tin. 

1 Dr. Speed has given the Act in full in his Appendix. It is printed in 
Statutes of the Realm, vol. iv. p. 1148. An exemplification of these privileges 
as to buying and selling, dated Westminster, 24th July (1607), 5 James I., with 
the great seal attached, is shown in the Hartley Museum. 

2 In 1754 the Corporation abolished their petty customs on African and 
American goods for twenty-one years, and offered any foreign merchant com- 
position on reasonable terms. 




Efforts at 



" warehouse where it was kept is still called the Tin-house. There was 
" besides an office for the receipt of the duties upon tin, which is the 
" great house next to Holy Rood Church. When this method of 
<c bringing the tin hither began^ or how long it lasted,, I do not find ; 
" but the Tin-house is mentioned in some of the ancient laws of the 
" town, and 29 Henry VIII. (1537-38) the Journal says a burgess was 
" made with a view of bringing the tin trade to the town. But they 
" must have had it long before this, for 31 Henry VI. (1453) the king 
" arrested all the tin in Southampton, and sold it to his own present 
" use. 1 The office above mentioned was built about 5 Edward VI. (Jan- 
" uary, 1551-52)." 

To return to the general history. None of the specifics of the 
period were of avail to stay the gradual decline. Yet it is not to be 
supposed that the townsfolk succumbed to fate without many an. effort. 
The Journal of November 2, 1666, attempts in the following way to re- 
lieve the local depression : 

' Whereas it hath pleased God by a late distructive fire to consume the greatest 
parte of the City of London, whereby many persons of quality have lost their 
habitacons in that place, and there being in the Towne of Southampton (hereto- 
fore a place of very considerable trade, which by reason of the late civill warrs 
and mortality there is now depressed and gone) many very good houses with con- 
venient cellars and warehouses, which now stand void and unimployed, wee the 
Mayor, Bayliffs, and Burgesses, out of tender respect to those sufferers before 
mentioned doe hereby publish and declare that if any of them that are merchants 
and men of credit and reputation shall think fitt to settle themselves upon the 
accompt of trade within the said towne, they shall for some small acknowledgment 
be admitted into the Corporation there, and be made as free to all intents and 
purposes as any member thereof. And this offer to continue for the space of 
twelve months after the date hereof and noe longer.' 

The result does not appear. In the following century (1761) the 
Corporation made a similar offer, inviting ( merchants of credit and 
substance' to settle in the town,, and offering (June 19) burgess-ships 
gratis to such as should come to reside, or should establish mercantile 
houses in the town. 

All this bears out the picture of Bishop Gibson (1695-1722), who 
describes the greater part of the trade as lost and the great houses of 
the merchants as ' dropping to the ground/ 2 The local poem of the 
same period by Dr. Speed, printed as an appendix to Batt-upon-Batt, 
mourns to the same effect : 

. . . ' Hampton, in the days of yore, 
The lawful pride of all the southern shore, 

1 " Cottoni Posthuma, p. 184." 

2 Defoe (1726), Letters, ii. 80, 8r, and Stukeley (1723) give similar accounts. 


With all advantages of Nature graced, 
Betwixt the arms of fair Antona placed ; 
Guarded by forests both on land and sea 
From storms, and man, the ruder enemy/ 

Yet all is now changed it is not an easy poem to quote from, and 
a little will suffice : 

( For age. who like a bloodhound glory traces, 
And destroys towns as well as handsome faces, 
Hath made thee poor and dull like other places. 

Whither are all thy winged lovers flown, 
The mighty carracks and great gallion, 
With all that numerous train which did resort 
In marine coaches to thy crowded port? 
They cease their courtship now, and only own 
Thou hast been once a rich and handsome town.' 

It appears that before the middle of the eighteenth century the Newfound- 
Newfoundland fish trade, which had been chiefly located in this port, la 
had migrated to Poole. 

The Guernsey and Jersey trade, which seems to have moved to this Channel 
town from Poole 1 about 1515^ was in the middle of the last century, trade. 
as stated above, in a flourishing condition ; and wool was exported in 
large quantities from Southampton to the Channel Islands for the 
manufacture of worsted stockings, which were sent to England for sale. 
A brisk wine trade was carried on, together with much smuggling. 

A few years later it seemed as if the old spirit for building war ships Shipbuiid- 
in these waters were revived. The great building period was, no doubt, 
the reign of Henry V. Here he built his famous ships the ' Holy 
Ghost ' and ' Grace Dieu/ 3 the former by William Soper in 1414, 
the latter by Robert Berd, clerk, surveyor, in 1417, each ship costing 
about ^500; and in July 1418 the Bishop of Bangor was sent down 
from London to consecrate the latter, receiving ^5 for his expenses. 4 
These ships were adorned with the royal devices, swans and antelopes, and 
with the royal motto. In November 1594, from a list of ships built in 

1 Poole had been formally constituted a port in place of Melcombe, then 
decayed, in January 1433-34, on the lines of Southampton (Rot. Parl., iv. 445), 
as Melcombe had been (Ibid., iii. 70), and now again by order of the Treasury 
the custom-house at Poole has been closed, June 30, 1883, and that port placed 
under the collector at Weymouth. 

2 Boke of Remembrances, f. 1 6. 

3 The old ' Grace Dieu ' probably came to an end in 1460. When in January 
that year some of the Earl of Warwick's men from Calais surprised Lord 
Rivers in bed and cut out his ships from Sandwich, the * Grace Dieu ' could not 
' be had awey because she was broke in the botome ' (English Chron., Camd. 
Soc., p. 85). 

4 Devon's Issue Rolls. 


the several ports from the year 1581, amounting in all to forty-six, we 
find twenty-five built in London, seven in Bristol, two in Southampton, 
nine in the western ports, and one each in Ipswich, Hull, and Liver- 
pool, with the royal allowance of five shillings a ton towards each. 1 But 
now in March 1782 the ' Mediator/ 44 guns, was launched at Northam ; 
on the stocks were the ' Regulus/ 44, and ' Stately/ 64; the 'Saturn/ 
74, was about to be laid down ; she was launched in 1786. About the 
same period (April 1781) the ' Agamemnon/ 64, was launched from 
Buckler's hard on the Beaulieu river; in 1789 the ' Illustrious/ 74, from 
the same yard, making the twenty-first ship of the line built there by 
Mr. Adams; and in 1791 the 'Beaulieu/ 40, and in 1793 the ( Santa 
Margaritta/ 56, were added to the number. 2 No ships of war are now 
built at Southampton; at the same time vessels are launched in our 
river (see below) which would have astonished our forefathers, whether 
of the period of the snakes, cogs, and busses of Henry II., or of the 
dromons of Henry V., or of the gallant three-deckers of our more im- 
mediate ancestors. 

SECTION II. Trade Regulations. 

The following trade regulations in Southampton are gathered from 
the town books : 

Bakers' The lakers, like most of the trades, were gathered into a corporation, 

with a common hall, admitting into their number by fine ; and, like all 
the other trade corporations, they had relation to, and were supervised 
by, the town. 3 

In 1519 (n Hen. VIII.) the bakers complained that the profits of 
baking biscuit for ships was engrossed by certain of their craft by subtle 
means, to the prejudice of the rest; for reformation whereof it was 
agreed before the mayor and his brethren, with the assent of all the 
bakers, that in future 

* Every baker shall bryng his porcion of biscatt into the hall over the market- 
place, and there to be sold by the mastres of the craft indifferently, so that every 
man shall have his porcion, and that no man take uppon hym to do contrary to 
this agrement uppon peyne to lose for every tyme x s - ; therof vj s> viij d - to the 
towne's use, and iij s - iiij d - to the light of Seynt Clement, and for the seconde 
defawte ... to lese the libertie of there corporacon for ever.' 4 

The bakers had always to report to the town on the stock of grain 
they had ready for the supply of the public; 5 the same applies to the 
brewers. 6 

1 Cal. State Papers. 2 Local Newspapers. 

3 In 1441 all the bakers were fined. 4 Boke of Remembrances, fol 18 

5 Ibid., fol. 26 b. 6 Ibid., fol. 30. 



In 1546 (38 Hen. VIII.) half a mark was received of the bakers for 
'sealing their corporation/ 1 arid the same for that of the brewers. 
Under 1584 the fine for admission into the corporation of bakers was 
fixed at twenty-six shillings and eightpence, half of which went to the 
town, and half to the corporation of bakers. 2 

In 1596 (March 25), in view of the scarcity of corn and the different One kind 
kinds of bread then made, namely, white, wheaten, and household, it 
was thought convenient : 

' That only one kind of bread be made, which should be made of the wheat or 
other corn wholely as it comes from the mill without sifting or otherwise hand- 
ling the same, either by taking the flour, the bran, or gurdgeons from the same, 
and in no case to make white or wheaten called raunged 3 bread, but one only 
sort of waye bread or household leavened bread, the same to be good and 
wholesome for man's body, and not corrupted (as by the statute in this behalf 
made).' 4 

In 1644 the assize of bread was fixed at thirty-two shillings the Assize, 
quarter or four shillings the bushel ; the year before it was thirty shil- 
lings the quarter or three shillings and ninepence the bushel. 5 

On February 20, 1663, a ' mutiny ' occurred among the poor in 
consequence of the scarcity of bread; upon which Mr. Mayor summoned 
all the bakers and millers of the town to the council-house, and in pre- 
sence of the justices and assistants offered them good wheat till harvest 
next at four shillings and sixpence the bushel, provided they would 
receive it in eight or ten days. And that they might not pretend want 
of money, he offered to give time for the payment, and to lend a store- 
house gratis to hold forty or fifty quarters. On this the bakers and 
millers engaged not to sell wheat or meal above four shillings and six- 
pence the bushel till June 24th, and bread four shillings and sixpence. 

Barbers. The fine for barber-craft, which embraced common Barber- 
surgery, was divided as usual between the town and the corporation of SIJ 
the craft. In 1512 (Feb. 9) Joanna, late wife of a barber, came before 
the mayor and agreed to the fine of twenty-six shillings and eightpence 
for setting up barber-craft, one moiety to go to the town, the other to 
the craft : 

' Whereunto the said barbours of there frowerd mynde wold not aggre. And 
because the barbours be bounde by there corporacon to do no thyng which shalbe 
prejudicall to the towne, therefore it is put to there choyse, whether they will pay 
to the towne the said 13 s - 4 d - for the towne's part, and she not to occupy the 
craft, or elles she to pay it, and occupy the craft.' 6 

The town at any rate should not to lose its fine. 

1 Temp. T. Overey, sub ann. 2 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 141 b. 

3 Raunged, ranged or sifted. 4 Ibid., fol. 195. 

5 Journal, sub ann. 6 Liber Remembranc. H., f. 180. 


1577. Paid Richard Davis, the harbour,, the xvij th of August in 
parte paim* for healing Mother Chriscians legge of the almes house, x 5 - 1 

Under 1638 (Dec. 14) we find the holder of an episcopal license in 
trouble. Martin Peale, a barber (surgeon), having been amerced by the 
leet jury, not only refused to pay, but 

* Demeaned himself in a most insolent and contemptuous manner to the House, 
slighting and vilifying the magistrates and theire favour in granting him a free- 
dome to use his trade here, saying that hee was not admitted a freeman by the 
Towne but by the Bishop, and that hee was told another tale when hee was with 
the Bishop. And being reproved by the House for his unmannerly language, 
said that hee had noe respect for this House and never got 6 A by the House; which 
proud and peremptorie language of soe meane a fellow in this place is not to bee 
indured. It is therefore this day ordered that he finde sureties for his appearance 
at the next sessions of the peace there to answer/ &c. 2 

Trimming. The following entry concerns barber-craft in the modern sense. In 
1608 the barbers complained of the infringement by one of their number 
of the orders made and subscribed in a past mayoralty ; in consequence 
of which the offender paid two shillings and sixpence to the poor, and 
it was ordered (Dec. 9), and agreed to by the barbers, that none of them 
should henceforth trim any person upon the ' Saboth daye/ unless in the 
case of gentlemen strangers who should be in the town, or who should 
resort to it and desire to be trimmed at such otherwise forbidden time. 3 
Wholesale Breiuers. In 1488 the fine for beer-brewing for the whole year for 
three persons was ten shillings each. In 1531 (23 Hen. VIII.), for the 
avoidance of gambling and idleness in the town, ' by reason that every 
other howse is a bruer or tapper/ it was agreed that ' a certen of bruers 
bothe of ale and here' should be appointed ' to serve substancyally the 
said town, and also a certen yn every warde to be tappers of the same, 
fynding suretie that no nyght wacche ne unlawful games shalbe usid 
within there howses. ; The brewers were to serve their customers in 
the gross, and not to tap beer for them in their houses, on the principle 
' that one may lyve by another/ The tappers were the retail dealers or 
innkeepers. 4 

The following entries are worth noting : 

1552 (Nov. 6). Brewers were forbidden to receive their wood and 
fagots in carts or wains, but only by water in boats, upon pain, &c. ; 
but they might have what was meant for their own consumption 
brought like other people. 5 

1562. Brewers were prohibited the use of iron bands on their cart 
wheels, ' for that it is thought to be a great annoyance to the town 

1 Temp. T. Overey, sub ann. 2 Journal, Dec. 14, 1638. 

3 Journal, sub data. 4 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 29. 

5 Ibid., fol. 64. 


in breaking the pavement, which hath been, and is daily, chargeable to 
the inhabitants, upon pain/ &C. 1 The shaking up of the beer was also 
a grievance. In 1577 this inconvenience was charged to the use of 
iron-bound carts. Such a cart not only caused 

' Decay ' to the pavement, but it ' causeth the beer to work up in such sort 
that the barrels seem to be full when they are brought, but when they are settled 
they lack some a gallon of beer, some more, to the enriching of the brewers but 
the hindrance of the town.' 

Two years after this the court leet presented, as they had often done 

' That the bruers cartes arre bounde with iron, contrary to the comaundement 
to them geven, wherefore they are to be amerced, for that yt is not only a greate 
decayeing of the pavement of this towne, but also the cause of the spurging of 
theire beere so that their barrels can not come full to theire customers.' 2 

It was the practice, however, to bring round ' filling beer ' to make up Filling 
deficiencies, a rule sometimes overlooked by the brewers. But in 1579 eer ' 
the following curious regulation was made for the purpose of securing 
good measure : e That in consideration the brewers shall not be here- 
after constrained to bring " fylling beer " about to their customers/ 
they are to allow them twenty-one barrels for twenty, and at the same 
time are to see their barrels sent out full. 3 Clay from the Saltmarsh 
was used instead of bungs, and the jury were constantly bidding the 
brewers fill up the holes as they dug from time to time, or dig no 
more. 4 

The following regulations occur : 

In 1553 a certain person was admitted into the corporation of Licensing. 
beer-brewers, and licensed (with another of the same corporation) to 
serve with beer Jersey, Guernsey, and Alderney. 5 

In 1553 no beer-brewer was permitted, as before, to sell otherwise 
than in gross, and not by retail as by the pot or gallon, nor was he to 
1 occupye any typpling/ i.e., keep a public-house. Nor was any brewer 
to sell the best beer above two shillings the barrel, or to make any 
( dobyll dobyll bere/ upon pain, &c. The best sort of beer or ale was 
to be sold at a halfpenny a quart. 6 

In 1557 the prohibition against the extra strong beer remained, and 
was repeated in subsequent years. Good beer 7 was to be twenty-two 
pence the barrel, 8 single beer fourteen pence, and three halfpence beer 
not above eighteen pence the barrel. 

1 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 92 b. 2 Court Leet Books, 1577, 1579. 

3 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 135 b. 4 Court Leet Books, 1567, &c. 

5 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 65. 6 Ibid., fol. 70. 

7 Ibid., fol. 77. 8 In 1570 it was to be 2od. 


Iii 1596 the prohibition of double beer being repeated, an order 
was made to brew t one sorte of verie good and wholesome ordinarie 
beere 9 at two shillings and sixpence the barrel and not above. 1 But 
at the end of the year a beer-brewer, who appears to have been bailiff 
as well as a burgess of the town, was called to the Audit-house on a 
charge of brewing double beer, and on his contumacy was ' disgraded 
of his burgess-ship/ and finally ' committed to the Counter for his pre- 
sumption and obstinacy/ 2 

Whether heads were stronger by the end of Elizabeth's reign, or for 
other cause, c doble ' beer 3 was permitted to be brewed in 1601 at three 
shillings and fourpence the barrel, and single at one shilling and eight- 
pence. The price of double beer in 1606 was the same as above, but 
the ordinary was two shillings the barrel. It was further ordered that 
there were to be but ' six brewers within the town/ who should ' sell 
their ale a full quart within doors and three pints without doors/ 4 The 
assize was, of course, regulated by the price of malt and hops; and in 
January 1607-8, malt being two shillings the bushel and hops ^8 the 
hundred, it was ordered 5 that double beer should be sold at four shillings 
the barrel, and the ordinary at two shillings. In 1643 the brewers were 
sent for to the House, and ( warned to brew theire strong beere not 
above eight shillings the humberton, and theire small beere not above 
[blank] the humberton/ and not to brew at any other rates at 
their peril. 6 

In 1703 the leet jury presented that the ancient custom of the 
town was to sell beer and ale by the hooped quarts, and they desired 
the justices when they granted licenses to insist upon this measure 
being observed. 

In 1713 the jury state that ' the beer hogshead ought to contain 
sixty-three gallons, according to the ancient custom of the town, as 
proved at the assize at Winchester, March 4, 1655, in a suit com- 
menced by W. Knight, brewer, of this town, for the burning of several 
casks, upon the jury's presentment that year, as may be seen in the 
leet book for 1654.' The ancient gauge for humbers was forty-two 
gallons, being the sixth part of a tun, and a barrel was by the statutes 
thirty-six gallons. 

Where to Butchers. In 1457 the rent for stalls at the Friar's Gate was four 

aeatt shillings each per annum, but a stall taken by the day was charged at 

one penny. In 1548 the butchers above Bar were forbidden to sell 

flesh in their shops by retail, but were to carry their meat to the 

1 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 187 b. 2 Ibid., fol. 194 b. 

3 Ibid., fol. 208. 4 Journal, 1606 (March 27). 

5 Ibid., 1607 (January 27). 6 Ibid., December 9, 1643. 


market at Friar's Gate, where also all foreign l butchers were to keep 
their market. 2 As to the price of meat in 1549, from May 20 to 
sixteen days before midsummer the butchers were ordered to sell good 
beef and veal at three halfpence per pound, and mutton at twopence, 
on pain, &c. 3 Not only was the price set, but frequently the hours of 
sale. In 1571 the butchers at Friar's Gate were prohibited from selling 
after one o'clock P.M., on pain of three shillings and fourpence for each 
offence : two wardens of the butchers were at the same time appointed 
to superintend all sales and matters of business. 4 In 1579 the butchers 
were forbidden to have slaughter-houses within the walls, a piece of 
sanitary regulation which deserves to be noted. In October 1593, 
certain irregularities having occurred, two wardens of the occupation 
were appointed for the year, who, by virtue of their office, were em- 
powered to search every butcher's shop to see that his victuals were 
good and wholesome for man's body and not corrupt. 5 The appoint- 
ment of wardens occurs under other years : their office was always of a 
similar kind. 

Bull-baiting was practised not only for amusement but with a Bull-bait- 
notion that it made the meat more wholesome. In February 1496 mg ' 
John Johnson was fined two loads of fagots, to be laid at the butts 
behind the west quay, for killing a bull not baited. 6 Similar entries 
occur in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The bull-ring was 
in the upper part of the High Street. 

The following presentment occurs in 1633 : 

* That the butchers have often been warned not to beat their calves or prick Blowing up 
their meat, and yet they do so beat and prick their veal, whereby the wind veal< 
entereth, so the flesh swelleth with bubbles, as it were blown, which is unwhole- 
some for man's body, for which they are amersed io s- a piece.' 

And in 1675 the jury presented 

' The dangerous practice of butchers in blowing up their veal, which may 
occasion infection ; as we are credibly informed is done by most of the 
butchers.' 7 

In 1518 the butchers, chandlers, and glovers came before the mayor 
in the Audit-house, and the former bound themselves to the mayor and 
his brethren that they would not sell ' ther shepis vellis but oonly to the 
glovers of this towne ; J the glovers agreeing to give to the butchers from 
Easter to shearing-time for every dozen eight shillings, from shearing to 

1 By no means foreigners in the modern sense. 

2 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 5 2 b. 

3 Ibid., fol. 55. 4 Ibid., fol. 112. 

5 Ibid., fol. 176. 6 Liber Remembranc. H., fol. 12. 

7 Court Leet Book. An order at Winchester occurs under 1565, in which 
butchers are warned against blowing or unlawfully stuffing their veal. 




Bad wax. 


All-hallows-tide, two shillings and fourpence a dozen, and from All- 
hallows to Shrove-tide, five shillings a dozen -, l nor were the butchers 
to sell tallow to any but the chandlers of the town. 

Cappers. Tn 1502 the fine on admission to the craft of cap-making 
was six shillings and eightpence to the town, and the same amount to 
the master of the craft. 2 

Chandlers. In 1507 two chandlers sufficed for the town, who bound 
themselves in the sum of three marks ' to serve the towne of candylles 
of talow from hensfTbrthe for one farthing the pound/ In the next 
year three chandlers entered into a similar engagement. 3 The price rose 
in the course of a few years. In 1518 the price given to the butchers 
for tallow being six shillings per hundredweight, the chandlers were 
ordered to produce their candles at a penny a pound from Whitsuntide 
to Michaelmas, and from Michaelmas to Whitsuntide at a penny for 
the quarter pound, provided they were made with cotton, otherwise at 
a penny the pound. Huxters were debarred from retailing candles 
except at the above price. 4 

In August 1519 the curates of the town complained 

* That by meanes of makyng of false wex by wex-chaundelers yn myxyng 
rosyn and turpyntall w 1 the same yn tapors and candilles, not only the images, 
vestments, and awter clothes be gretely hurtid, but also it is a grete deceyte to 
the byers and very noyeous to all parisshoners beinge yn the chirches at the 
Dyvyne Servys. For reformacon wherof the said Meyre w* the advise of his 
brethryn called before hym yn the Audite hous . . . [the] wex chaundelers, that 
from hensfurth none of them shall myxe any rosyn or turpyntell w* wex yn 
makyng of tapors or candilles, &c., but to make all clene wex w* white matche, and 
not to use black torche weke, &c. And every of them to sett there marke uppon 
the tapors uppon peyn to forfeit all wex so myxed, and imprisonment vj dais and 
vj nyghts for the fyrst defawte, and for the seconde defawte to sitt oppynly yn the 
stokkes iij markett dais, and for the iij d defawte to be banysshed the towne.' 5 

In October 1548 certain tallow-chandlers engaged to furnish poor 
ag we jj ag r ' cn w j^ canc |] e s for the following year at three halfpence per 
pound, the butchers being obliged to furnish the tallow at eight shillings 
per hundredweight. 6 Similar arrangements were made a little later, 7 
and the above remained the price of candles for some time. 8 In 1571 
chandlers were appointed for the different wards; 9 in 1576 two seem to 
have sufficed as formerly in the town. 10 These were appointed for 
twenty-one years from Lady Day 1576 ; one was to serve the parishes 

1 Liber Remembranc. H., 9 Hen. VIII. 

2 Liber Remembranc. H., fol. 6 b. 

4 Ibid., 9 Hen. VIII. 

5 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 17. 

7 Ibid., fol. 54. 8 Ibid., fol. 68 (1553). 

10 Ibid., fol. 133- 

3 Ibid., fol. ult. b. 

6 Ibid., fol. 52. 
9 Ibid., fol. 112. 


of Holy Rood, St. Michael, and St. John, and the other to serve 
All-Saints, St. Mary's, Bag-row, and East Street; the tallow of the 
butchers was to be divided equally between them. 

In the reign of Elizabeth, the most depressed period for the town, 
one chandler sufficed for all the local business l and towards the end 
of the reign (1598), under the tight hand of the Corporation, we find 
this unfortunate monopolist, ' the town chandler/ complaining of his 
inability to serve the town as he ought, i.e., at the price fixed ; he was 
accordingly dismissed, and another chandler appointed. 2 In 1609 the 
price of tallow candles seems to have been fourpence the pound. 

Cloth-workers. In June 1504 the wardens of the shearmen (cloth- Com- 
workers), with all their company, complained before the mayor and his P 
brethren of wrongs done them by divers galleymen ( in t.akkyng 3 and 
foldyng certain clothes and kersies 9 contrary to their liberty ; when 
it was agreed that * merchant strangers and Basariotts' having servants 
of their own that could ' fold [and] takk such clothes and kersies ' 
might use their servants 5 skill for their own goods, but not otherwise. 
It was also agreed that the shearmen should take for the ' takkyng and 
foldyng ' for every kersey a halfpenny. 4 

Under 1518 we have two batches of shearmen, eight in one, and 
ten in the other, there being two wardens to each batch. 5 

In 1554 ' northeren men/ coming to the town with cloth to be 
sold, were declared ' free and frank of custom coming in at the Bargate 
for all such cloth as they bring upon horse and pay hallage/ 6 

In 1608 the shearmen complained of their office being usurped by 
certain who were now made to pay the town and the shearmen for 
their privilege. In March the following year (1608-9), tne cloth- 
workers, clothiers, and serge-makers (French and English), were 
summoned to the House, and received orders to admit no more new- 
comers into their trade without leave. The same decree was issued to 
the shearmen-tuckers (fullers). These latter were desired (August) to 
bring their articles and orders to be confirmed and established ; the 
articles which were agreed to are not recorded. 

In 1618 the cloth-workers of Southampton and Winchester peti- 
tioned that the late unusual exportation of wool might be prohibited 
as damaging to the cloth trade, and reducing 3000 of their poor to 
distress. 7 

In September 1629 it appearing that the cloth-workers had omitted 
to read annually in public among themselves the articles of their 

1 Liber Remembranc. (1560), fol. 196 b. 

2 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 198 b. 3 Dressing. 

4 Liber Remembranc. H., 19 Hen. VII. 5 Ibid., fol. 191. 

6 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 72. 7 Cal. State Papers. 


corporation, they were fined ^5 : on paying which they were assured 
of the town's assistance in future against strangers and new-comers, 
according to the purport of their corporation. 

The stock of the company had to be certified from time to time to 
the town. On October 14, 1670, the cloth-workers certified to having 
chosen their two wardens, and to the value of their stock being ^19, 
8s. 6d. The serge-makers also certified, but to the effect that they had 
no stock whatever. 

In the court leet book of 1666 occurs a presentment of thirty-two 
clothiers, embracing some important names, and commencing with 
Joseph Delamot, alderman, for forcing their spinners ' to take goods 
for their work 9 [i.e., instead of cash], ' whereby the poor were much 
wronged, being contrary to the statute, for all which they were amerced 
severally as followeth/ Yet no fine appears to have been exacted. 

Cobblers. Early in the sixteenth century the cobblers were fined 
for giving work in their occupation to certain men contrary to the 
rules of the corporation. 1 In 1576 they were presented as a body, 
'for that they do usse to mende and cobble rnens shewen w* naughtie 
flittinge lether/ 2 Trade infringements were involved in the following 
entry : Under 1578, ' received of a shoemaker for making a fault 
against the cobblers/ 3 In May 1633 the shoemakers complained of a 
certain cobbler for making new shoes. On inquiry it appeared to the 
House that both sides were in fault, viz., ' the said Foye for making 
new shoes/ and the shoemakers for mending ( old shoes/ Thereupon 
it was ordered that if either party offended, the shoemakers in mending 
old, or Foye in making new shoes, a forfeit of five shillings to the 
town would follow. 4 

Coopers' Coopers. The enrolment of charter granted to the Society of 

Coopers in the time of Christopher Ambrose, dated December 6, 1486, 
recites their petition : 

' To the right honorable and right gracious syrs the meyre, aldermen, wise- 
men, and other good burgesses of the towne of Suthampton, mekely besechith 
the poore maisters artificers of the occupacon and crafte of cowpers within the 
same towne. That whereas the same artificers from daye to daye have bene, and 
yet are, contributours after theyr symple power unto the grete charges, taxes, 
taggages, and watches that have [been levied] upon the ayde reparacon and 
defens of the same towne, and have not wherof to lyve, ne to maynteyne theyr 
symple countenaunce and estate.' 

They have had fair times in the past, owing to the resort partly of 
many foreigners and strangers 

* But of late ther have commen and resorted as well cowpers of aliens as 

1 Liber Remembranc. H., f. 140 b. 2 Court Leet Book. 

3 MS. Temp. T. Overey, sub anno. 4 Journal. 


of dyvers nacions, as of other Englisshe straungiers which never were prentices 
of the seid occupacion and crafte of cowpers within the seid towne, and there 
have occupied the seid occupation and crafte of cowpers in howses, shoppes, 
and chambers within the seid towne as largely and as frely without impeticon 
or any fyne makyng unto the meyre, c., unto the gretest damage, distruccon, 
and empoverysshement of the seid maisters artificers.' 

They pray that no cooper be allowed to set up unless he 

( Have made fyne and gree with the mayre for the tyme being and with the 
maisters of the seid occupacon and crafte.' 

The penalties of imprisonment and fine of one hundred shillings 
were added, the latter to be levied by the mayor's command and 
equally divided between the town and the coopers. 1 A few days after 
this (Dec. 12), the steward received a fine from the master-coopers 
in consideration of a livery granted to them by the mayor and his 
brethren, of thirteen shillings and fourpence, together with six shillings 
and eightpence, the fee for the town seal being affixed to the grant. 2 
At about the same period the coopers were paid eightpence for tunning 
a tun of wine bought for the king on the occasion of his visit. 3 

Admission into the corporation of coopers was heavier than that 
of the other^ trades. In 1608, <^?4 was paid, and, on the usual plan, one 
half of the admission fine went to the town, the other to the society. 4 

In 1657 (April 17) the coopers' charter was again confirmed with 
the town seal. 4 

Corvesers, Cordwainers, i.e.. Shoemakers. The earliest notice Shoe- 
observed occurs in 1488, when the town steward acknowledged receipt makers - 
from the masters of the corveser craft (April 19) for the town's part 
of what they had gathered from the galleymen. 5 In the early part of 
the seventeenth century the entrance to the craft was a payment some- 
times of thirty-five shillings to the town and thirty-five to the shoe- 
makers' corporation. 6 In 1713 leave was granted 7 to the company of 
cordwainers to prosecute certain persons for using the trade of a cord- 
wainer contrary to their privileges. 

Dancing- School. Thomas Grymes having set up such an establish- 
ment, is ordered (Dec. 1608) to give it up, and settle himself otherwise 
or depart the town. 8 

Fish-Sellers. In February 1550 seven fishmongers were appointed 
to serve the town for the whole year ( with good and wholesome fish, 

1 Liber Niger, fol. 60. 2 Liber Remembranc. H., f. 170 b. 

8 Steward's Book, 1486. 4 Journal. 

5 Liber Remembranc. H., 3 Hen. VII. 

6 Journal. * Ibid., July 10. 8 Journal 



well watered from time to time.' l Frequent orders occur about season- 
ing and watering fish at the proper times. 

Glovers. The white tanyers (tanners),. otherwise called glovers, were 
prohibited from purchasing lamb-skins killed within the town, the 
skinners having to purchase and live thereby, and sell to the glovers at a 
reasonable price. 2 By an order of 1518 it had been provided that the 
glovers when they got their skins were to be careful to sell the wool 
only to dwellers in the town, upon pain, &c. 3 

In January 164445, the glovers complaining against certain new- 
comers for not ' confining themselves to journey-work, but privately 
working for themselves/ these latter were banished from the town. 4 

Hackney-men. In 1558 certain ' horse-hirers' were appointed for 
the town with two wardens. The hire of a horse was fixed at eight- 
pence for the first day, afterwards at sixpence. The time set for a 
journey from Southampton to London or Bristol was seven days, and 
the charge for a horse was to be six shillings, with sixpence extra for 
every extra day. Two days were assigned for a journey to Salisbury, 
and the hire of a horse was put at sixteen-pence, and sixpence for every 
day after. 5 Fines were paid to the town by the hackney-men for their 
privileges, which were protected as usual. A few years later (i577)> 
the journey to London or Bristol was set at eight days, 6 the price being 
fixed at six shillings and eightpence, with not above one shilling and 
fourpence for each extra day. The journey to Sarum was still charged 
one shilling and fourpence. 

A copy of a letter from Hampton Court, dated January 30, 1592-93, 
directs posting stations to be made between the Court, Portsmouth, and 
Southampton, in order that intelligence may be had the quicker from 
Normandy and Brittany, where the queen's forces were ' employed for 
the help of the king of France against his subjects/ The court being 
at Hampton, the stations were to be at Kingston-on-Thames, Guilford, 
Farnham, Alton, East Meon, Portsmouth, Southampton ; the distances 
and charges for the horses being laid down. 7 

Lacemaker. In 1608 one of this unthriving trade petitioned for 
the monopoly of ' gathering old goods in this town; 1 but his suit was 

1 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 58. 

2 Ibid., fol. 22, b, Nov. 1523. 

3 Liber Remembranc. H., 9 Hen. VIII. 

4 Journal. Glovers could yet pity glovers, and subscribed (1577) towards 
one who had been locked up four days in the Bargate for lack of a passport. 

5 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 77 b. 

6 So in 1609 a certain person released from the Bargate receives a passport 
to London, eight days being allowed for the journey (Journal, Aug. 1609). 

7 Boke of Remembrances, fol. towards end. 


disallowed, as the matter was lawful for any one who carried himself 
honestly. 1 

Linen Hall. In May 1553, ' considering that heretofore of long 
time, forjack of good oversight/ the merchants resorting to the town 
with linen cloth had, contrary to good order^ after unlading their goods^ 
stowed them away in various hostelries and houses^ ' the town having 
both lofts and warehouses meet for the same/ which stand void by 
reason of the greediness of those who have more regard to their private 
gain and lucre than to the advancement and wealth of the town, it was 
ordered that the Linen Hall be used under severe penalties. 2 Notices 
of this hall occur from time to time. 

Mercers. In February 1486 (i Hen. VII.) the steward received a 
fine of twelve pence from a man of Havant, a mercer, for that he went 
with his fardell up and down the town of Southampton hawking, con- 
trary to the privilege of the mercers' craft. 3 Admission to the craft was, 
as usual, by consent of, and fine to, the town and the company or cor- 
poration of mercers within the town. 

Sergemakers, Sergeweavers, and Woolcomlers. A company of these 
trades was formed in 1609 under the authority of the town, entrance 
to the trade being fixed at a fine of $, divided equally between the 
town and the company. Apprenticeship was for seven years, enrolment 
being ordered as usual in the town books. New-comers of the same 
trade were not to be admitted into the town unless they brought a 
certificate of having been apprenticed here or elsewhere for seven 
years. 4 Previously to this arrangement sergeweavers appear to have 
been admitted on their giving security to the town for their sufficiency 
and good behaviour. 5 

In 1616 articles and orders concerning the above trades received the 
town seal ; 6 but in February 1619-20 the above corporation of serge- 
makers, sergeweavers, and woolcombers dissolved by consent of all 
parties. 7 They had not thriven on the town's articles. 

A corporation of the same trades was formed anew in 1657, their 
charter being sealed on July 24 ; the terms do not appear. 8 Shortly 
after this (1663), the town being in want of a woolcombmaker to 
supply the necessities of the woolcombers, Peter Purkis, whose patro- 
nymic is known in Hampshire story, humbly petitioned to be made a 
freeman of the town and to use the said craft. This was allowed, pro- 
vided he should pay to the mayor fifty shillings by May 6. 9 

1 Journal, fol. 65 b. 2 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 68. 

3 Liber Remembranc. H., i Hen. VII. 

4 Journal, July 20. 5 Ibid., Feb. 1608. 

6 Ibid., Dec. 1616. 7 Ibid<> j an> 28> Feb 4 

8 Ibid., July 24, 1657. Ibid., March 6, 1662-63. 


Silkworkers. See under f French Church/ 

Surgeon. In 1644-45 (J an - TO ) William Phillips, chirurgeon, was 
allowed to come with his family into the town and practise physic, but 
to go at a month's notice if desired. 

In 1656 (Nov. 14) Dr. Johnson was ordered to bring a sufficient 
certificate from the parish where he last lived in London of his marriage 
and the time he lived there. On May 5, 1667, he received ^5 from 
the mayor as a gratuity, beyond what he had been already paid, for his 
great attention during the plague. 1 

Tailors. Under 1470 the fines of the tailor craft are entered at 
length, two pages of tailors occurring, together with their payments : 
the town and the masters of the tailoring art dividing the fines. The 
usual^fine was thirteen shillings and fourpence. 2 

Individuals sometimes abjured their freedom. Thus/ on August 18, 
1474, in the presence of the mayor and his brethren and the masters 
of the occupation of tailors, with many more of the same trade, Cor- 
nelius Clerke ( released up his freedom and liberty of the said occupa- 
tion/ desiring to depart from the town and go with a carrack, swearing 
on a book to do so, and never to do the same occupation within the 
town. The fifteen shillings which he had paid as his fine to the town 
and craft w r ere, at his request, refunded. 3 

Tailors' Very similar in substance to the coopers' petition given above was 

on ' that of the tailors in 1474-75, before William Overey, the mayor, 
aldermen, prudhommes, and other good burgesses of the town. They 
spoke of their support towards the great charges of the town for its 
repair and defence, and being unable to maintain their poor estate, 
they begged relief against strange tailors coming to the port in carracks, 
galleys, and ships of Spain, Portugal, Germany, Flanders, &c., and 
setting up their craft contrary to former and proper custom, without 
fine made to the town; to the destruction and impoverishment of the 
master-tailors and others of the same craft. The authorities were 
prayed to order that no alien tailor be suffered to keep shop, house, or 
chamber within the town or franchises of the same for the purpose of 
their work, except they first made fine and agreement with the masters 
of the craft, upon pain of imprisonment for the first offence, and for 
the second to be fined one hundred shillings, to be divided equally 
between the town and the master-tailors. For the concessions granted 
on this petition the tailors gave the town one hundred shillings sterling. 4 

Beneath the above enrolment is a further proviso, bearing date 
October n (15 Hen. VII.) 1499, to the effect that it should not be 

1 Journal, under dates. 2 Liber Remembranc. H., fol. 36. 

3 Ibid., fol. 26. 4 Liber Niger, fol. 13. 


lawful for any man, whether burgess or commoner, to take either as 
journeyman or apprentice any other than an English subject, on pain 
of losing his freedom : nor was any foreign subject to be admitted to 
set up a shop for tailor's craft on any fine whatever. 

The doings of the galley-tailors had always to be watched. In 
1498 the names of six offenders remain on the books: ' These aforeseid 
tailors ben sworne uppon a boke affore Vyncent Tehy, then maire of 
Suthampton, that they shall not cutte nor make no manere garnaments 
of ony nacyon but of there owne nacyon upponne payne of gravouse 
punyshement/ l 

In 1608, the corporations of the tailors and the blacksmiths having 
petitioned against certain who had set up trade without being free of 
the town or their corporations, were empowered to go with a serjeant 
and shut down the shop windows of the intruders. The coopers and 
cobblers made similar complaints shortly afterwards, and had the same 

In November 1610 the freedom of the company of tailors was 
purchased at fifteen shillings and twenty shillings, the fine being 
divided as usual. 

In September 1616 the company seems to have been placed on a Rearrange- 

r . r merit of 

new tooting. In consequence ot company. 

* Divers persons, foreigners, and not free men/ who had come to the town and 
were exercising their craft, the tailors were in sad plight and likely to fall from 
bad to worse ; they therefore petitioned with success : I. That there may be a 
settled company and fellowship of the said craft and mystery of tailors estab- 
lished. 2. That they may yearly elect on the Friday before Michaelmas two 
men to be wardens or overseers of the company, to have the management and 
care of money, for which they must render account in the Audit-house before the 
mayor, &c., to such persons as shall next succeed them in their office. 3. 
Persons refusing to serve when elected to be fined thirteen shillings and fourpence, 
half to the town and half to the company. 4. Apprentices to be taken for seven 
years, &c. 5. Who should be enrolled in the Audit-house by the town-clerk in a 
book kept for the purpose, under pain of six shillings and eightpence, half to the 
town, half to the company. After this follow several other items at great length, 
dealing with apprentices, journeymen, foreigners, &c. 2 

On a petition of the tailors (May 17, 1644), certain offending 
strangers, who had kept open shop, had fourteen days given them to 
finish work in hand^ after which they were to work journey-work or 
depart the town. 3 

Tipplers (tavern-keeper ;>}. Cleanliness was sometimes lacking; a 
certain Guernsey man drinking (1569) in an alehouse in the town 
having been nearly poisoned owing to the dirty habit of publicans in 

1 Liber Remembranc. H. fol. 4 b. 

2 For all the above see Journal under years. 3 Journal. 


not washing out their pots, ' for voyding the daunger thereof we request 
that order may be taken that no innkeeper, tavener, or ale-house 
keeper do sell wyne, berre., or alle, but that ther pottes be wasshed, that 
men that byeth the same maye se the same drawen, and the pottes 
wasshed to avoyd the inconveniences that maye growe thereby.' 1 

Drunkards In 1581 (August 10) the tipplers were forbidden to receive into their 
1 up ' houses any of the common drunkards of the town, the names of many 
of whom are given. 

Alehouses In 1601 the inordinate number of alehouses was presented, 2 a 

repressed: grievance which prevailed over the whole country. 

On March 3 (i Jas. I.), 1604, a circular letter from his Majesty was 
addressed to the mayor and justices concerning the excessive ' number 
of alehouses, victualling and tippling houses within this our realme, 
and of the great abuse in granting licenses for the same, and in setting 
them up and putting them down at pleasure/ without due regard to the 
number or quality of the persons licensed. His Majesty, with the 
advice of his Privy Council, takes order for reformation in this behalf, 

' Finding that by the law and statutes of this our realm the keeping of ale- 
houses and victualling houses is none of those trades which it is free and lawful 
for any subject to set up and exercise, but inhibited to all save such as are 
thereto licensed, which ought to be no more than a number competent for the 
receipt of travellers, and for supply of wants to poor people not able to provide 
for any quantity of victuals for themselves (which are the true, ancient, and 
natural use of these houses), and with this also that they be not made the recep- 
tacle of drunkards, felons, and loose and idle persons : we do hereby \vill and 
command you, the mayor and justices, &c., strictly to observe and put in use the 
directions hereunto annexed.' 

These were: I. Concerning the number of such houses necessary, the 
fitness of the persons to be licensed, and the revision of licenses granted before 
this time, that unfit persons might be rejected. 2. Publicans were to be licensed 
and allowed at the general quarter sessions. 3. Articles of good order were to 
be conceived by the justices for observance by innkeepers, and the justices were 
to see them observed. 4. Alehouse-keepers were bound by recognisance not to 
permit unlawful games, and to bring their licenses for inspection and reconsidera- 
tion at the sessions twelvemonth wherein such license was granted. 5. The 
names of all persons licensed were to be registered, and a report on their conduct 
to be certified by the justices to his Majesty's Privy Council. 3 

Under 1608 a publican was ' disallowed to tipple any more ' (i.e., 
keep public-house), on account of his having kept ' dicing, carding, and 
many other unlawful games in his house/ which was presented by the 
' biddels 3 of the ward of All Saints : other similar instances occur. In 

1 Court Leet Book. 2 Ibid. 

3 Journal. In the Parliament which commenced March 19 the same year, 
an * Act to restrain the inordinate haunting and tippling in alehouses ' was passed, 
i Jas. I. cap. 9. 


1618, eleven persons were presented for keeping alehouses without 
license, so that the law had not been closely administered. 1 However, 
matters were reformed, and in February 1623 the mayor reported that 
he had obeyed the orders in suppressing unnecessary alehouses, and 
moderating the strength of the ale brewed. 

Tobacco-cutters. In 1644 a certain John Cannon, a foreigner of the 
Devizes, was sent for to the House, April 12, and warned to bring in 
two sufficient sureties by that day week to save the town harmless, or 
else depart; he was also warned to forbear cutting tobacco in the town 
at his peril. Still he went on cutting, and (May 17) on complaint of 
the tobacco-cutters, free commoners of the town,, order was made that 
he c presume not (after hee hath cutt about 80 Ib. w ch hee hath in his 
house) to cutt any more tobacco for himself or any others within the 
towne and the libertyes thereof at his perill/ 2 

Fintners. In 1613 they were ordered to sell their Gascony wine at 
not more than sixpence a quart; subsequently (1633) white and red 
claret were included in a similar order. In February 1631-32 the 
vintners bein^ summoned to the House to receive from the authorities 


the price of wine, made no appearance ; whereupon Mr. Mayor, with 
the consent of his brethren, proceeded to publish the order for them. 

Wool. A ' sisterhood ' of twelve women, two of them being 
wardens, of good and honest demeanour, existed in the sixteenth century 
as a company for the packing and covering of wool, their duties being 
( to serve the merchants in the occupation of covering of pokes [pockets] 
or balous [bales]/ They were sworn, and the regulations of their work 
are given at length. 3 The employment of women in this capacity is 
said to have been of long continuance. 

In 1554 certain irregularities as to the attendance of the ' sisters y 
were adjudicated on. No one absent from her duties for more than 
three months was to be permitted to return to the ' sisterhood 7 without 
the mayor's license. 

The following order also occurs : 

1 Item, yt is ordered by the sayde maior and his bretherne that all suche as 
shalbe nomynated and appoynted to be of the systeryd shall make a brekefaste 
at their entrye for a knowledge, and shal bestowe at the least xx d< or ij s -, or more 
as they lyste.' 

The names of the thirteen are given, two being wardens. 4 

1 Journal. 

2 Ibid., see also Cal. State Papers, Nov. 17, 1629. 

3 Lib. Rememor. BB., fol. 26 b. 4 Ibid., fol. 28. 


SECTION III. Modern Trade. 

Some account of the Railway and Docks is a natural introduction 
to any notice of the modern trade of the town. 

London The formation of a RAILWAY to London was thought of so far 

ampton Uth " back as 1825, and the question was revived in earnest in 1830, when, on 
railway. November 22, the Corporation received a deputation from the subscri- 
bers to the intended railway and docks, and in consequence passed a 
resolution affirming their willingness to treat with that committee, or 
with any respectable company that might be formed having in view the 
extension of the port. 

On July 22, 1831, a resolution of the Southampton and London 
Railway Company was communicated by their chairman, Colonel 
Henderson, to the Town Council, empowering the directors to appoint 
the mayor an ex-officio director during his year of office and the year 
following. This arrangement was accepted by the Corporation, who 
expressed their sense of the public value of a railroad from London to 
Southampton ; an opinion which they reaffirmed by a lengthy resolu- 
tion of November 16, 1833. 

The enabling Act having received the royal assent in July 1834, 
and the Corporation seal affixed to the conveyance of the needful land 
on October 30, 1835, the works were commenced in March 1836. By 
1 2th May 1838 the line was opened from London to Woking Common, 
a distance of twenty-three miles, the trial trip being made that day, and 
accomplished in forty-five minutes. In May 1839 the line was com- 
pleted from Southampton to Winchester, and from London to Basing- 
stoke, the intervening space of eighteen miles being performed by 
coach. In the same month in the following year (1840) the whole line 
was in operation. 

The We may now turn to the DOCKS. These were contemplated under 

Docks. the Act 43 George III. cap. 21 (1803), ' for abolishing certain dues called petty customs^ &c., and for making convenient docks/ &c., Mr. 

1803. ' Rennie, the celebrated engineer, having reported favourably on their 

construction. The preamble of the above Act sets forth the antiquity 

of the port, which was capable of being rendered more commodious by 

the construction of docks and pier and the improvement of quays and 

wharfs. The Corporation had been entitled to ' petty customs ' on 

exports and imports, which rights they were willing to relinquish on 

compensation being given. 

The improvement sought to be carried out would involve consider- 
able outlay, the cost of which should be defrayed by the trade of the 
port. Commissioners for all purposes under the Act were appointed as 
follows : The mayor, recorder, common council-men, and their sue- 


cessors, with ten specific commissioners. Powers were given for making 
channels in the water by placing booms ; making bye-laws for the ship- 
ping in the harbour ; entering into contracts for building docks, piers, 
warehouses, &c. ; all such erections being vested in the commissioners. 
The petty customs were in future to be received by them, monies arising 
from such duties being applied as follows: i. The payment of one- 
fifth to the mayor and common council for the time being, as com- 
pensation for the purposes of the town. 2. To the building and 
repairing of the said piers^ docks, warehouses^ &c., and for keeping the 
channel marked out. 

Accordingly the Corporation has received from the port account 
one-fifth of the dues collected, one-third of the fifth being taken in lieu 
of petty customs, and the other two-thirds in lieu of anchorage, ground- 
age, wharfage, and storage. 

The Act gave the commissioners power to remove the walls and 
gates of the town, which were in the way of the needful improve- 
ments (see p. 94). 

The above Act was altered and amended by the 50 Geo. III. cap. soGeo. 
168 (June 9, 1810), as to the appointment and qualification of com-> Z 68, 
missioners and as to the rates chargeable under the Act ; but the 
formation of the docks was still in abeyance owing to the demand on 
capital by the improvements already being carried out (see p. 113). 

It was not till 1836 that the Dock Company was incorporated by 
Act of Parliament, the construction of docks being commenced in 
1838 with a capital of ^1,000,000, since increased to ^1,500,000, of 
which ^i, 154,7 1 1 have been used (1882), leaving the balance for 
further works. Something over two hundred acres of mudland were 
originally purchased from the Corporation for ^5000 for the purpose 
of the docks : a portion of this land still remains unenclosed. 

The first stone of the docks was laid with full masonic honours on 
Friday, October 12, 1838, by Admiral Sir Lucius Curtis, Knt. and 
Bart., of Gatcombe House, assisted by the chairman (Joseph Liggins, 
Esq.) and directors of the Southampton Dock Company, in the pre- 
sence of the mayor and Corporation and a distinguished assembly. 
The engineer was Mr. Francis Giles^ the present member of Par- 

The great tidal dock was commenced in October 1839, and com- 
pleted at a cost of about ^140,000. It was the largest in England, 
containing a surface of 16 acres of water, 18 feet deep at low water 
spring tides, entrance 150 feet wide, the average rise of tide being 13 
feet; it was opened on August 29, 1842, the ' Liverpool' and the 'Tagus' 
entering it, the former with passengers and cargo on board from 
Gibraltar, the latter with the directors. The inner or close dock, then 


in progress, was not opened till 1851 ; it encloses 10 acres of water, and 
is 28 feet deep. 

The first graving or dry dock was formally opened on nth July 
1846, having been about fourteen months under construction, at a cost 
of about ^60,000. Another was opened in the following year. The 
entrance gates of these docks are respectively 66 and 51 feet in width, 
and the length of their floors 400 and 251 feet, with a depth of water 
over blocks of 21 feet and 15 feet. A third graving dock was finished 
in 1854. It is 80 feet wide, 500 feet in length, with a depth of 25 feet 
over blocks. The fourth has an entrance directly from the Itchen. It 
is 56 feet wide, 450 long, and 25 feet in depth over blocks. 

The docks are fitted with all necessary appurtenances; there are 
numerous cranes, and three sets of powerful sheers worked by steam, 
for lifting masts, boilers, and heavy machinery up to 100 tons weight. 

It is intended to construct another dock of 37 acres with a minimum 
depth of 26 feet at low water ; and already the extension quay, 1720 feet 
in length with 20 feet of water at low tide, is completed and in con- 
stant use on its river side. 

These docks having deep water, with the natural advantage of 
practically four hours of continuous high water, afford every con- 
venience for the largest steam-ships; and being themselves within a 
sheltered, landlocked harbour, offer great immunity from risk and 
accidents. Cargoes of every description are landed and warehoused, or 
forwarded by railway with great expedition, there existing from the 
dock quays and warehouses perfect and rapid railway communication 
to all parts of the metropolis, the coalfields, and manufacturing 
districts. Additional railway facilities are about to be added by the 
construction of new lines directly connecting Southampton with the 
Midland and Great Western Railways. The Dock Company's own 
lines of railway, 10 miles in length, worked by their own locomotives, 
run on all the quays and into and alongside each warehouse, being con- 
nected at several points with the London and South- Western Railway. 
Trucks pass direct between the docks and every railway in the kingdom. 

There are extensive bonded and free warehouses adjacent to the 
dock quays, and large vaults under the warehouses. 

For the grain trade there are large and convenient warehouses fitted 
with improved machinery, with deep-water berths alongside, whereat 
grain-laden vessels of the largest tonnage may lie afloat and discharge. 

By order of Privy Council there is a defined ' foreign animals wharf/ 
where animals landed must be slaughtered within fourteen days. By 
the same authority there is a 'foreign animals quarantine station;' 
animals landed there must be intended for purposes of exhibition or 
other exceptional purpose. There is also under order of Council a 


' foreign animals reshipment station ;' animals landed thereat must be 
intended for reshipment to a foreign country. Southampton is the only 
port which provides for the quarantine of foreign animals. Animals not 
subject to slaughter or quarantine are landed at approved places within 
the docks. 

Within the area of the docks, eastward of its main entrance, is a 
large sugar-refinery, constructed by the Dock Company, and leased to 
Messrs. Garton, Hill, & Co. Here are made both refined sugar and 
' saccharum ' for brewing. Adjacent to the saccharum works is the 
extensive boiler and engine factory of the Royal Mail Steam-Packet 
Company, also constructed by the Dock Company. Here are all the 
appliances for the repairs of machinery and the construction of boilers 
for the fleet of this company, comprising twenty-five ships. On the 
western side of the close dock is a large coal depdt, built by the Dock 
Company, and leased to Messrs. W. Hill & Co. 

On the dock estate are the custom-house, Board of Trade, and dock Custom- 
offices, all substantial modern buildings, also erected by the Company. Mercantile 
The Dock Company have also two sets of complete workshops, one for 
general repairs, the other for repairs of locomotives and pumping 

The capabilities of the docks were demonstrated in the early days Embarka- 
of last August (1882) by the unprecedented departure of troops. The 
transport department of the Admiralty dispatched hence to Egypt eleven 
large steam-ships, their aggregate tonnage being37, 352 tons ten of these 
vessels having been ordered here from other ports, Southampton being 
selected as the port of embarkation. In one day five of the ships were 
dispatched, their united lengths being one-third of a mile. These con- 
veyed, besides stores and war materials, some 1300 men and 850 horses, 
all of which arrived on the morning of the departure of the ships. 
The eleven transports took in all 175 officers, 3264 non-commissioned 
officers and men, and 2002 horses, three batteries of artillery, Royal 
Engineers' vehicles, and sundry equipments. 

On Wednesday, the 9th of August, her Majesty the Queen, accom- Visit 
panied by their Royal Highnesses the Princess Beatrice and Duchess of Majesty. 
Connaught, their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales, 
with their sons and daughters, His Royal Highness the Duke of Cam- 
bridge, together with a number of distinguished naval and military 
officers, visited the docks and inspected the various transports, the 
Queen going on board one of the largest. 

The establishment of docks at Southampton gave a fresh impetus to Ship- 
all shipbuilding industries. At Northam on the Itchen, above the trade!" 5 
docks at Northam, there is the old and prosperous firm of Messrs. Day, 
Summers, & Co., where many of the largest mail steam-ships and other 


vessels have been built and engined. This firm manufactures large 
quantities of machinery for various places in England and abroad, and 
also for foreign Governments. Nearly all dockyards at home and abroad 
now use Day & Summers' steam-sheers, which have been made for lifting 
weights up to 150 tons. There is also the wooden shipbuilding yard of 
Mr. John Ransom, who has a fleet of sailing vessels of his own con- 
struction engaged in the foreign trade. And, not to mention further 
concerns of a smaller character, in 1876 the shipbuilding business was 
much extended by the establishment of the iron shipbuilding and 
engine works of Messrs. Oswald, Mordaunt^ & Co. Since their arrival 
at Southampton this firm had launched, previously to August 1882^ 
twenty-four sailing vessels, with an aggregate tonnage of about 40,920; 
and fifteen steamers, with an aggregate tonnage of 23,763. At the 
same date eleven ships were in construction with an approximate gross 
tonnage of 26,707 in the aggregate. A very large trade is now being 
carried on in their yard. 

Growth of The modern prosperity of Southampton may be said to have been 
docks and sketched out in the Act of 1803, which contemplated docks and other 
improvements; its actual growth as a prominent seaport and trading 
centre followed quickly upon the carrying out of these essential works. 
A Parliamentary return 1 of January 1847 shows how the trade had 
rapidly increased since railway and dock facilities had been given, and 
that in 1845 the port had stood fifth among the ports of the kingdom 
in respect to the number of ships outward and inward during that year, 
their tonnage, and the declared value of their exports. The number of 
ships, outward and inward, was 1435, their aggregate tonnage 300, 134, 
while the declared value of the exports of British and Irish produce was 
^1,475,000, inferior only in amount to London, Liverpool, Hull, and 

In 1846 the exports had risen to ^2^996,275, and the number of 
ships belonging to the port was 230, with a tonnage of about 14,000. 

In 1880 Southampton stood fourth among the English ports in 
regard to the total numbers of sailing ships and of steam -ships entering 
such ports; the numbers of such ships having been for 1879 

Number of Sailing Ships. Number of Steam-Ships. 








5,523 . . . 





Hull, .... 

1,613 . 


1 Evidence in the House of Commons, 1882, on Didcot, Newbury, and South- 
ampton Railway Bill. 


In regard to the tonnage of the above ships, Hull stands 1,199,005 
and Southampton 919,107, so that Southampton was after Hull in 
tonnage, but before in numbers. In the same list it is also before 
Bristol as to tonnage, which stands at 650,050 for the two classes of 

In the next year (1880) 3637 sailing vessels and 5011 steam-ships 
entered the port ; and 3398 sailing vessels and 4993 steam-ships left. 

In 1881, 3311 sailing and 5323 steam vessels entered, and 3101 
sailing and 5245 steam vessels cleared. 

In 1880 Southampton also stood third among the ports of England 
in regard to the tonnage of vessels (steam and sail) which cleared from 
and entered the various ports. The numbers were : 

Tonnage of Ships Tonnage of Ships 

Ports. Cleared. Entered. 

London, . . . 6,024,937 . 10,454,171 

Liverpool, . . . 7,215,137 . . 7,245,227 

Southampton, . . 2,006,436 . . 2,027,270 

In 1880 this port stood fifth among the English ports in regard to 
the tonnage of vessels belonging to the various ports, the total tonnage 
of Southampton vessels being 69,308 ; and it stood sixth in regard to 
the actual number of vessels belonging to the ports, the number belong- 
ing to Southampton (steam and sail) being 323 vessels. 

The value of the total exports and imports at Southampton for the 
five years ending 1880 was as follows : 

Exports. Imports. 

1876 . . . ,8,229,850 . . .9,198,924 

1877 .... ,8,665,078 . . 9,055,179 

1878 . . . 8,335,808 . . 9,191,027 

1879 . . . 8,904,622 . 7,756,773 

1880 . . . 9,306,326 . . 9,205,183 

Southampton stood fourth among English ports in regard to the 
value of its exports and imports, the value being for 1880 : 

London, r 94,o43,836 

Liverpool, 191,489,838 

Hull, 38,735,272 

Southampton, ...... 18,511,509 

The following table 1 shows the tonnage of ships entering and 
clearing from Southampton : 

1 Statement of Dock Company, presented to the British Association, August 
1882, and information of Philip Hedger, Esq., Secretary and Superintendent. 



Tonnage (Register] of Ships for the Years 1875, 1880, 1881, 1882. 







With Cargo. 

In Ballast or Carrying 





















































3 i 9, 844 


















Total, 1875 . . 3,394,181 tons register. 

1880 . . 4,029,500 ,, 

1881 , . 4,177,940 

1882 . . 4,057,803 ,, 

Statement showing Tonnage (Register) of Vessels entering at various Ports in 1882. 






Ballast and Carrying 











Bristol . . . 






. 659,867 






Cardiff . . . 












Hull .... 












Liverpool . . 







1 5,7 8 3 





London . 











10,686, o< 

Southampton . 
























Swansea . . 










79 J >433 


Tyne Ports . 













Statement showing Tonnage {Register) of Vessels clearing from various Ports in 1882. 










Ballast and Carrying 





Sail. Steam. 


Bristol . . . 












Cardiff . . . 












Hull. . . . 












Liverpool . 








7"i 369 




London . 












Southampton . 
























Swansea . . 









5o,77 2 



Tyne Ports . 












Statement showing Total Tonnage (Register) in and out at various 
Ports in 1882. 

London, ....... 16,807,032 

Liverpool, . .... 15,402,351 

Tyne Ports, 12,445,704 

Cardiff, 9>77,233 

Sunderland, . . . . . . . 5,219,756 

Southampton, ....... 4,057,803 

Hull, 3,840.468 

Swansea, ....... 2,787,688 

Bristol, 2,379,155 

It will be seen that the above returns, communicated by J. E. Le Feuvre, 
Esq., place the port sixth in the kingdom. 

The principal exports of Southampton for the year 1880 were as 
follows : 

Apparel, .... 

Arms and ammunition, 

Beer and ale, 

Candles of all sorts, 

Cotton yarn, 

Bags and sacks, empty, 

Cotton manufactured piece goods, 

Hosiery and small wares, 

Earthen and china ware, 

Haberdashery and millinery, 

Hardware and cutlery, 

Hats of all sorts, 

Leather, wrought, 

Linen piece goods, 

,589,270 in value. 

16,594 barrels. 
807,300 Ibs. 
2,910,000 Ibs. 
69,396 dozens. 
322,477,100 yards. 
,209,081 in value. 

64,151 dozens. 
^396,246 in value. 
4,664,300 yards. 


Jute manufactures, .... 5,582,500 yards. 

Machinery and millwork, . . . ^259,393 in value. 

Copper, wrought and unwrought, . 13,793 cwts. 
Iron, of all kinds, .... 11,453 tons. 

Painters' colours, .... ,21,279 in value. 

Paper, except hangings, . . . 13,39* cwts. 

Silk, manufactured and mixed, . . ^86,401 in value. 

Telegraphic wires and appliances, . .7248 in value. 

Woollen and worsted yarn, . . . 12,900 Ibs. 

Woollen and manufactured cloth of all kinds, 631,600 yards. 

Worsted and mixed stuffs, . . . 2,802,500 

Flannels, carpets, &c., . . . 1,557,600 

Hosiery of other sorts, . . . ; 101,822 in value. 

The principal imports 1 of Southampton for the year 1880 were as 
follows : 

Animals, live cattle, &c., . . . 14,347 in number. 

Brandy, proof gallons, . . . 14,357 galls. 

Butter, 361,702 cwts. 

Cheese, 19,606 

Cocoa, 193,844 Ibs. 

Coffee, 106,072 cwts. 

Wheat, 438,9 2 i 

Barley, 386,833 

Oats, .... 182,009 

Maize, 105,463 

Dyes, indigo, . . I3>43 55 

Eggs, great hundreds, . . . 1,176,052. 

Fruit, raw and unemptied, . . . 1 13,650 bushels. 

Hides, raw, . . . . 25,907 cwts. 

Hides, tanned, ..... 41,746 Ibs. 

Potatoes, 476,937 cwts. 

Seeds, clover, grass, . . . . 20,810 ,, 

Silk, raw, 77,670 Ibs. 

Silk, manufactured, .... ^18,007 in value. 

Skins (sheep), number, . . . 733>79o. 

Sugar, unrefined, . . . . 84,207 cwts. 

Sugar, refined, 41,114 

Timber, sawn and split, . . . 36,271 loads. 

Tobacco, unmanufactured, . . . 1 3,565 Ibs. 

Tobacco, manufactured, . . . 133,108 

Wine, ...... 206,414 galls. 

Wool, 21,069,190 Ibs. 

Notice of It would be impossible to omit all mention of the Peninsular and 
Peninsular Q r ' lenia i Steam Navigation Company, once and for so many years inti- 
Steam al mat ely associated with the prosperity of Southampton, though now all 
Company, connection has been severed^ and the port has recovered the blow. 
This Company secured a contract with Government, under competi- 
tion, for carrying the eastward mails, and obtained a royal charter in 

1 Kindly supplied, with foregoing column, by T. W. Shore, Esq. 


1840; it commenced with a capital of a million sterling, and power to 
increase the same to a million and a half, under condition of its opening 
an improved communication between England and India within two 
years. 1 The company at first selected Falmouth for landing its mails; 
but having met with several inconveniences in connection with that 
port, it made Southampton its head-quarters on the completion of the 
docks, in spite of a recommendation from the Treasury that Dartmouth 
should be selected, as had been appointed in the case of the Royal 
Mail Company and the West India mails. However, in each case the 
manifest convenience of Southampton, with its docks and railway 
directly in short communication with the metropolis, prevailed, and in 
1842 both companies started their vessels from this port; and in 
August 1843 Southampton was confirmed as the port of landing and 
embarking the mails carried respectively by the Peninsular and Oriental 
and the West India Companies. 

The chief companies in present connection with the port are as Chief 

r steam 

lOllOWS : companies 

Royal Mail Steam-Packet Company, incorported by royal charter in Ij 
1840; entered on its first contract that year to carry mails to the whole port - 
of the British possessions in the West Indies and North America, with 
the colonies of France, Spain, Holland, Denmark, Mexico, and the 
Spanish main. The powerful ships provided by the company com- 
menced their passages in January 1842, being surveyed at Southampton, 
and starting from that port. After a time the original routes were 
modified. The company's magnificent fleet of steamships is divided into 
two lines : (i.) The West India line, carrying mails to the West Indies, 
Mexico, Central America, the North and South Pacific ports, &c. ; 
and (2.) the Brazil and River Plate line for Vigo, Lisbon, Pernambuco, 
Rio de Janeiro, Monte Video, Buenos Ay res, &c. 

Tke Union Steam-Ship Company, formed in 1853 as the Union 
Steam Collier Company, its name having been altered and registered 
as at present in 1856. This company is of Southampton origin, and 
was originally intended by its promoters for the coal trade ; but on the 
outbreak of the Crimean war, the Peninsular and Oriental Company 
having withdrawn their vessels from Constantinople in consequence of 
their whole fleet being required for postal and war services, the directors 
of this company altered their original project, and having first run 
their vessels between Southampton, Constantinople, and Smyrna, 
chartered them in the British and French transport service. In 1857 
a five years' contract was entered into with the Government for a 
monthly mail service to the Cape of Good Hope : in 1858 St. Helena 

1 Guide to Southampton, by Mr. C. J. Phillips. 


and Ascension were added; afterwards Natal. Then the service was 
extended to Mauritius, to Algoa Bay, to Point de Galle, and to 
Zanzibar. The ships call at Plymouth on the outward voyage to the 

The London and South-Western Steam-Packet Company is also of 
Southampton growth. Its vessels carry the Channel Island mails, and 
run also between this port and Cherbourg, St. Malo, Granville, Havre, 
and Honfleur. The fleet numbers eighteen vessels. 

Messrs. G. T. Harper & Co., Limited, Steam-Ships There are 
five steam-ships belonging to this company, their tonnage being 6000. 

The Southampton, Isle of Wight, and South of England Royal Mail 
Steam-Packet Company, Limited. The vessels of this company, nine 
in number, ply constantly each day between Southampton, the Isle 
of Wight, and Portsmouth. 

The Southampton Steam-Towing Company have three vessels in 
constant work. 

Ships call- The following companies' ships call at this port : 
ing at Tfie jy or ^ German Lloyd Steam- Packet Company Boston and 

New York, New Orleans and Baltimore lines. 

Liverpool, Brazil, and River Plate Company. This company's ships 
call here homeward bound from the Brazils to land cargo, passengers, 
and specie. 

The Netherlands Steam- Skip Company. The vessels of this com- 
pany sail from Southampton every fortnight for Java, &c. 

Rotterdam Lloyd Steam- Ships, carrying mails, sail from Rotterdam 
for Java via Southampton and the Suez Canal, calling at Penang, 
Batavia, Samarang, and Sourabaya. 

British and Irish Steam-Packet Company, Limited. The steamers 
of this company sail for Plymouth, Falmouth, and Dublin ; also for 
Portsmouth and London. 

City of Cork Steam-Packet Company. The vessels of this company 
call here from Cork and sail for Cork via London. 

Clyde Shipping Company. This company's steamers leave South- 
ampton for Waterford and Glasgow, and for Belfast and Glasgow, 
calling at Plymouth each voyage. 1 

Rotterdam and Southampton Line. Ships arrive every Monday, sail- 
ing thence for Liverpool. 

The steamers of the Liverpool, Bristol, and London Steam-Packet 
Company, and of the London and Liverpool Steam- Ship Company, 
arrive here every week, calling also at Falmouth and Plymouth. 

1 For preceding notices of the steam-ship companies, see the Guide of Mr. 
Shore, executive officer of the Hartley Institute. 


Extensive timber, grain, and coal trades are also carried on. 

The following companies are in connection with the trade of the Companies 

in connec- 
tOWn : tion with 

The Southampton and Itchen Bridge Company. It had been intended 
originally to build a permanent bridge over the river Itchen at the place 
of the original ferry; and early in 1834 the permission of the Corporation 
was sought for making a road across the marsh to the proposed bridge, 
for which a bill was in preparation for the ensuing Parliament. The 
Corporation, however, fearing damage to the navigation of the river to 
Chapel and Northam, refused their consent. A bill for a floating 
bridge was, however, introduced forthwith, to several clauses of which 
the Corporation took exception. The Itchen Bridge road was at once 
carried out; and the ( Southampton and Itchen Bridge and Roads 
Company 5 obtained their first Act in 1834, and their second in 1851. 
Their first bridge began to ply in 1836, and was supplemented by a 
service of boats. The bridges have been renewed on improved con- 
struction from time to time. Two large bridges are always now run- 
ning, simultaneously leaving each side of the river, so as to avoid 
detention; the boats being only occasionally called into requisition. 
The bridges run on guiding chains. 

The Hy the Pier and Hythe and Southampton Ferry Company, Limited. 
The modern steam-ferry was started by private enterprise and a 
company afterwards formed. This company now owns the Hythe 
pier, recently built, and has power to purchase the ferry steamers. 

The Southampton Tramways Company owns upwards of six miles of 
tramway through the main arteries of the town and immediate suburbs. 
It was incorporated in 1878. 

The Free Colden Bridge, opened June 27, 1883, across the Itchen, 
about a mile above Northam Bridge, gives another entrance into the 
town through St. Denys. 

On the Northam Bridge, see pp. 3, 12. 

The Didcot, Newlury, and Southampton Junction Railway will give Didcot, 
a direct communication with the Midland Counties, Liverpool, and 
the North by its junction with the Great Western Railway at Didcot ; 
and by its junction at Aldermaston will create a new and direct 
through line via Reading to and from London, Winchester, and South- 
ampton. This railway is incorporated under four separate Acts of 
Parliament, passed in 1873, I ^7^ 1880, and 1882, the Acts providing 
that the undertaking shall be divided into three separate sections, 
called respectively the ' Newbury/ "Southern/ and 'Southampton' 
sections. The e Newbury section/ from Didcot to Newbury, was opened 
for traffic on April 12, 1882; the ' Southern section/ from Newbury 
to Burghclere, is under construction ; and a special Act for the ' South- 


ampton section J having passed a committee of the House of Commons 
on May 15, 1882, and of the Lords on July 13, and the required 
capital being quickly subscribed, it is anticipated that the whole line 
will be completed in the course of 1884. The ' Southampton section' 
joins the 6 Southern section y at Burghclere, and passes southward by 
Whitchurch, forming a junction with the main line of the London and 
South-Western Railway to Salisbury, Exeter, Plymouth, and the West ; 
from Whitchurch it runs to Winchester, thence through Twyford, 
Allbrook. Chilworth, and Shirley to Southampton. Here the company 
will be assisted by arrangements with the Southampton Harbour Board 
and the Corporation, having obtained from the latter, free of cost, a grant 
of thirty acres of the mudland on the western shore for the purposes of 
their stations, &c. The company undertake to construct a new rail- 
way pier at Southampton, in connection with the line, for the accom- 
modation of the passenger service to and from the port; in addition to 
which they will have the right to the joint use of the existing Royal 
Pier, access to which will be provided from the new pier. The 
happiest results to the port are anticipated from the completion of these 
works. The London and South-Western Company are at the same 
time largely developing their system. 

Bridge of We may mention here also, as by no means unconnected with 
and s.-w. traffic, the magnificent bridge lately built by the London and South- 
Company. Western Railway Company, spanning their line over the level crossings, 
and having two handsome limbs of approach from the town side and 
one from the Itchen Bridge road. This work, carried out by Messrs. 
Joseph Bull & Sons at a cost of some ^42,000, is a prominent feature 
in this quarter of the town. It was opened publicly by the Mayor and 
Corporation shortly before the visit of the British Association. 



SECTION I. The Aims-Houses. 

IN the year 1564, Richard Butler, in the first year of his second Cutler's 
mayoralty, aided partly by charitable contributions, erected two alms- houses. 
houses for sick people or persons sick of the plague on a plot of 
ground at the north side of St. Mary's Churchyard, left to the town 
by Thomas Lyster, sometime mayor (1536) ; and about the time of 
their erection, 1 Lawrence Sendy, burgess, gave <^2O in trust to the 
Corporation for an allowance of forty shillings a year to the sick 
infected poor at the alms-house, if any there were; if not, to any other 
poor of the town. 2 

" There were other [five ancient and decayed] alms-houses in East Ancient 
<( Street, of which I have met with no account. The site of these houses in 
" last was very lately granted away by the Corporation to a person street. 
" [Isaac Malortie, Esq.] who has built some [three] dwelling-houses 
" there, which he calls York Buildings : the houses fronting the 
'' [East] street stand upon the alms-house ground. The condition of 
" this grant was that he should build other alms-houses, which he did 
tf on part of the ground belonging to those at St. Mary's" a rent 
of forty shillings per annum for the old site in East Street being also 
secured by the Corporation for the benefit of the inmates. 

The new houses built by Malortie, five in number, thus added Malortie's 
to the former two, were taken possession of by the Corporation in 
October 1768. Nos. I and 2 were allotted to the poor of Holy- 
rood, Nos. 3 and 5 to All Saints', and No. 4 to St. Lawrence's, accord- 
ing to the order in which the old houses had been appropriated; the 
parish officers attending and accepting the keys of their respective 
houses from the mayor, and acknowledging themselves and their 
several poor to be tenants at will of the Corporation. 

The allotment to particular parishes came in time to be disregarded. 

In 1830 the site of the alms-houses being required for the purposes Aiire- 
of the workhouse, the guardians of the poor offered to purchase and Grov<? ^ 
convey to the Corporation a piece of land in Grove Street, together Street - 

1 Date of bond by Corporation for payment of L. Sendy's gift, April 30, 1565. 

2 Dr. Speed, Journal, and Liber Niger, fol. 104. 


with seven tenements which they would erect on it, in lieu of the old 
alms-houses; and in September 1831 the town seal was affixed to a 
deed of exchange, the seven houses having been duly erected. Malor- 
tie's houses were then removed, but Butler's the pest-house, as it was 
called which had been marked for destruction in 1773, existed till 
about 1865. It had been some years previously occupied by a poor 
burgess, who received a moiety of Sendy's gift, together with an 
annual rent of ^2, 2s. for a portion of the garden which had 
been built over for workhouse purposes, and fifteen shillings from 
Malortie's rent above described. An ancient stone bearing the shield 
of the town and a merchant's mark, with the founder's initials,, R. B., 
and the date 1565, removed from the old buildings, is still to be seen 
between the first and second of the Grove Street alms-houses. The 
seven houses consist each of two rooms, and are appropriated to four- 
teen occupants. They are under the management of the borough 
charity trustees. 

SECTION II. Care of the Poor. 

Provisions By the ancient ordinances of the Guild Merchant doles were provided 
Guild. for the sick and poor of the place when and where the Guild should be 
sitting in the quaint but usual form of so much ale (Ord. 4) ; forfeits 
and alms were also awarded to the poor on other occasions (Ord. 7), and 
members of the Guild were to be assisted in poverty (Ord. 22). These 
regulations belong probably to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 
Later on we find the 'townys almys 5 settled on a plan, and lists were 
kept of the weekly recipients of charity. Thus in the steward's book 
of 1441 we have f a remembraunce of the almys (^4, 2s. id.) the 
whych the town yewyth every weke to pore men and women; 5 then 
follow the details. 

Legislation The town books, of course, bear the impress of public opinion as it 
action. gradually took shape in reference to the care of the poor. By statute of 
1349 (23 Ed. III. c. 7) the giving of alms to sturdy beggars had been 
strictly forbidden ; and by statutes of 1495 C 1 * Hen. VII. c. 2) and 1503-4 
(19 Hen. VII. c. 12) those who could not dig and were not ashamed 
to beg were sent for that purpose to their native places or to their last 
settlements. Under this system we come across fines levied on those 
who lodged ' valiaunt beggers ; ' and in 1527 the town took to shaving 
the rogues ; thus, ' to iiij berbors for cuttyng of vacabundes here short, 
iiijV There must have been heavy work to employ four barbers, but on 
the other hand the price does not seem excessive. Indigenous beggars 
had long been permitted by law within certain limits ; and about 
1529 the town provided sixty-four liveries for its beggars, ( because 


they should be knowen from straunge beggers." l This order probably 
gives the number of mendicants authorised at that time, when the 
population of the borough was under 4000. In another order about 
this period we find the names of thirteen who were admitted to beg 
every day, and of seven who were allowed the privilege only once a 
week. Over all these a controller of beggars was appointed, for whose 
adornment a scutcheon of silver gilt was provided, the other beggars 
wearing theirs of tin. 2 ,A few years later we find the ' master of 
beggars' receiving his fee of 6s. 8d. by the year. 3 The Act of 1531 
(22 Hen. VIII. c. 12), under which justices might assign to poor people 
districts in which to beg, was duly proclaimed in the town ; for those 
who transgressed these limits the stocks were in readiness above Bar. 

But the town tried to improve the case of its poor by direct regula- Care of the 
tions, some of which are sufficiently curious. In 155 ^ was enacted 
that no one ' of the degree of a baylly of the town' should purchase 
any wood or coal between November I and March 25, except what had 
been brought by water, in order that the poor people might have the 
fuel which came into the town by carts and get it the cheaper. Brewers 
and bakers were subjected to a similar restriction in their procuring 
fuel for the same reason. 4 About this time collectors for the poor were Collectors, 
appointed under statute of 1535-36 (27 Hen. VIII. c. 25, ss. 4, 13) 
to solicit weekly contributions from all householders, the obligation to 
give something being imperative, the amount being left to discretion. 
This was further extended by statute of 1562-63 (5 Eliz. c. 3) ; while 
a later Act, that of 1572 (14 Eliz. c. 5, s. 16), gave the justices 
a power of assessment on the inhabitants for the relief of the poor, and 
dealt with the e vagrom men' in a summary fashion; the long list of 
vagabonds including minstrels not belonging to any baron of the realm, 
and scholars of the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, who went 
about begging without authority under seal of those Universities. 1 his 
last gives a glimpse of the state of our mediaeval seats of learning when 
youths of all classes flocked to them, for whose support various allow- 
ances were tolerated and provided by public opinion. Thus in 1579 
' John Knightlie, scholard of the universitie of Cambridge, came into 
this towne out of France, and was licensed by Robert Knaplock, maior, License to 
to departe hence to the Universitie of Cambridge, and by the waye to bes * 
get service, . . . and also to aske the charitie of good people as well in 
churches as elsewher towards his reliefe and comfort/ 5 

1 MS. temp. T. Overey, sub annis. 2 Boke of Remembrances, fol. 34. 

3 Steward's Books, 1540. 

4 Court Leet Book, 1550. A century later the town devoted the profits 
from brewers' licenses to the support of the poor (Journal, September 1659). 

5 Liber Notationum, August 9, 1575. 


^PP^ en - Twenty years later the dawn of the present poor-law system broke 

with the 43 Eliz. cap. 2, 1601 ; and we find the town apprenticing 
lads to the age of twenty-four years, as they were empowered under 
the statute: they assigned children to be brought up in respectable 
families at a fixed rate : they parcelled out the aged poor among those 
who could and would take them : they kept lists of needy people, to 
whom they allowed threepence or fourpence a week, or sixpence or 
eightpence monthly. They permitted tradesmen to set up in the town 
on the understanding that they should take one or more of the town's 
children. Thus ' Thomas Furlye, shoemaker, is ordered to seek out some 
boye or maide with whome the towne is charged, and soe he shalbe 
allowed to sett upp his trade.' Furlye had then to compound with the 
corporation of shoemakers, who were desired to make the terms easy 
for him. 1 But the town was often in ' the position of having so many 
children that it didn't know what to do/ On one of these occasions, 
the clothiers came forward, and offered to gather in the youngsters 
who were begging for want of work, and to employ them instead of 
strangers. This was welcomed as a ' great ease and benefit to the 
town ; ' it was therefore ordered that all the able-bodied should be 
compelled to work for the clothiers or be punished. 2 

Charity The charity funds collected in the different churches at this time 

(1608) were administered under the direction of the Corporation, the 
mayor giving his receipt to the churchwardens. The amount gathered 
in each parish weekly at the church doors was husbanded in the chest be- 
longing to each in the Audit-house, and applicable under the supervision 
of the Corporation to the poor within its own limits in the first instance. 
On one occasion, October 1648, the mayor not being satisfied with the 
amount gathered from Holy Rood, a wealthy parish, the collectors 
were directed to stand at the church door ' as well on Thursdays and 
att other church solemnityes as on ye Sabboathes to collect ye almes 
of ye congregation.' Several instances occur of churchwardens being 
in contempt, and incurring fine for not rendering their accounts to the 
town with punctuality: thus one of the wardens of All Saints' in 1610. 
The same year the wardens of All Saints', St. Michael's, and St. John's 
were warned to make collections for their parish ' plumps ' pumps 
notice being given thereof by the clergy in the churches. In July 
1625, every Wednesday being now kept as a fast day, it was ordered 
that two men should in every parish during divine service or sermon 
collect alms for the poor, to be distributed as the House should direct. 
In 1644 one of the wardens of St. Mary's had been in prison for 

1 Journal, November-December 1608. 

2 Ibid., January 1614. 


refusing to render his account in proper form. Orders were made also 
on the parishes by the mayor and justices for relief to poor persons, 
travellers, and others. Under 1716 we find the vestry of St. Lawrence 
appointing arbitrators for adjusting with other parishes the quota or 
charge of the poor made on the parish by order of the justices. 

The foundation of the workhouse was suggested or accelerated by a The Work- 
bequest of John Major, who by his will, bearing date February 20, 
1629-30, directed his executors to bestow ^200 for ( building a house 
of twelve rooms ' for the habitation of poor people, or otherwise for 
setting them to work and maintaining them in labour. 1 From an 
agreement between the Corporation and Richard Major, the executor 
of the above John Major, made in 1630, it appears to have been deter- 
mined that the Corporation should provide the house, and that Major's 
gift should be devoted to the purchase of land for its endowment. 
This gift, however, was not enjoyed (see below) for some years. 

In 1632, the town having provided the premises, John Harris was 
made governor of the workhouse, and covenanted 2 to keep within the 
house twenty children, who, with himself, formed the body corporate, 
stipulating that he should have ' noe broken or diseased beastly boye, 
w ch shall not first bee cured or reformed, putt into the body of the 
house, nor any under the age of nine yeares, unles with his consent/ 
he to find the inmates in meat, drink, apparel, and medicine, and to 
have the benefit of their labour until, with the consent of the over- 
seers, they should severally be apprenticed. At their entrance the 
town found tools for their work, bedding and clothing, and on their 
leaving for apprenticeship, provided them with one good suit for work- 
days and another for Sundays. 

The governor's duties were further to teach some forty boys and 
girls to ' make bonelace, knitt, or to carde or spinne eyther in the 
greate tourne or the small, as hee in his discretion shall thincke fitt;' 
he was also to catechise them twice a week, ( soe yt exceede not one houre 
at one tyme/ In the case of work from the clothiers growing scant, 
the town was to provide wool, hemp, flax, &c. The hours for those 
who came to the house for work were from seven till eleven, when 
they went home to dinner and returned at twelve, leaving work at six 
in the winter and seven in the summer. The governor was further to House of 
keep in a house of correction on the premises such idle vagrant persons, 
not exceeding twenty in number, as the justices should commit to be 
punished and kept at work ; and the town-crier was to officiate upon 
their persons as often as need required. 

1 Deed reciting will, June 4, 1673. 

2 Journal 1632, f. 239, b. 


At the end of 1633 'Harris received his dismissal, and Nicholas 
Newbye, clothier, was elected at a salary of ^30 per annum, when 
the establishment was reduced to ten boys in the house. In the latter 
half of the century the fabric was reported as becoming ruinous, 1 

St. John's when it experienced a revival by its transformation into St. John's 
Hospital. TT . , . * rr,, . , -11 11 

Hospital in 1073. 1 his hospital was due to the recovery by the town, 

under an order of Chancery, dated 3d May 1665, of the before- 
mentioned legacy of John Major, together with the accumulation 
of interest, making in all ^728, from Major John Dunch 2 of Baddesley, 
the heir and representative of John Major. By indenture between the 
Corporation, Major Dunch, and John Steptoe, with six poor boys, 
dated June 4, 1673, it was witnessed that the Corporation had erected, 
founded, and established a messuage now in their possession in French 
Street, within the parish of St. John, ' for an hospital for poor and 
impotent people;' and according to the statutes in such case pro- 
vided, had incorporated the said John Steptoe and six poor boys by the 
name of the ' warden and poor children of the Hospital of St. John 
Baptist/ founded by the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses, and by John 
Major, Esq. ; the common seal of the hospital to bear the crest and 
arms of the town, together with those of John Major. The Corpora- 
tion were from time to time to appoint the warden and fill up other 
vacancies, but Major Dunch and his heirs were secured the privilege 
of placing one poor boy to be taught and apprenticed by the Corpora- 
tion as the other boys, but on whom an extra ^4 per annum should 
be expended from the income of the hospital. The visitation of the 
house was vested in a body of the Corporation, and in Major Dunch 
and his heirs as representing the co-founder ; and its government was 
placed under such orders as should be made by the founders or visitors. 
The hospital was further to be used as a workhouse for the employment 
of other poor people besides the six children, as the visitors should direct. 

The Corporation then by another indenture, dated August 20, 1673, 
in consideration of the above sum paid them by Major Dunch, granted 
and confirmed an annuity of ^40 per annum, issuing out of certain 
specified lands, to be paid yearly to the warden and poor children for 
the above purposes. 

St. John's Hospital stood on the site of the recent theatre in French 
Street. The buildings had a frontage of 24 feet with a depth of 63 
feet, and, as described in the deed, were fully of the capacity originally 
named by John Major. 

1 Court Leet Book, 1668. 

2 Deed of June 4, 1673; also Process detailed in 13 Geo. III., cap. 50 



In November 1771 the scheme for uniting the parishes of the Union of 

. . , , . . , , parishes 

borough into one poor-law district was entertained; and as it was for poor- 
considered that the Hospital of St. John, with its endowment of ^40 p a ^p ses. 
per annum, would prove an eligible receptacle for the poor, 1 the consent 
of Major Dunch's representative was sought, and a petition to Parlia- 
ment drawn up and sealed in January 1773, f r the P ur p ose f uniting 
the parishes and converting the hospital as proposed. The Act which 
resulted (13 Geo. III. cap. 50, 1773) took effect from 24th June the 
same year, uniting the parishes of the town and county of the town, 
and forming a corporation of guardians, to consist of the mayor, 
bailiffs, recorder, three senior aldermen, the resident justices of the 
peace, and other eighteen of the most discreet inhabitants, four from 
each of the parishes of Holy Rood, St. Michael, and All Saints, and 
two from each of the parishes of St. Lawrence, St. John, and St. 

The hospital, which is described as a spacious building, capable of 
receiving the general poor of the town we have seen its dimensions 
together with the rent-charge of ^40 per annum payable to it, was 
vested in the guardians for the purpose of a workhouse, without pre- 
judice to the rights and interests of the ( six poor boys' for the time 
being, who were to be taught, visited, and governed as before. By a 
further clause in the Act the guardians were empowered to purchase 
any other house in lieu of the hospital^ to which the power and autho- 
rities given by the Act in respect of the said hospital^ the poor boys, 
and the annuity should extend ; and in case of such new purchase, they 
were enabled to sell St. John's Hospital^ and apply the money arising 
from the sale towards the above purchase, and for other purposes of the 
Act. It was thought better to take advantage of these powers and 
erect new premises, when St. John's Hospital was sold to William 
Daman in 1775, realising the sum of ^425. It was advertised for 
sale again in June 1/89, and eventually purchased for the theatre which 
was built on its site. 

The new poorhouse was erected on ground on the north side of St. Workhouse 
Mary's Churchyard, and the guardians obtained leave to remove 1774 * 
Butler's almshouse, provided they built another 'pest-house' of specified 
dimensions 2 and fulfilled other conditions ; but, for whatever reason, 
the old house remained standing as we have seen, and the workhouse of 
1774 was erected on the ground close by. The endowment of 

1 Before 1763 for some years Bullhall had been used as a poorhouse, and in 
that year the lease of it for the same purpose was renewed for seven years (Church- 
wardens' Accounts, St. Lawrence). 

2 Journal, Sept. 1773. 




L. Sendy. 


W. Sendy. 



from the hospital followed the new building, and continued to be applied 
to the maintenance of the poor, but without respect to the original 
charity. This union house was more than once enlarged, and latterly 
became capable of accommodating 240 adults, 100 boys, and no girls. 
But in 1866 a new workhouse on a larger scale was erected, on the 
site of the former, at a cost of about ^40,000. It has room for 500 
paupers, exclusively of the large schools on the opposite side of the 
street. The guardians are fifty-four in number, consisting of the 
members of the Corporation as above, thirty-one borough magistrates, 
and eighteen elected ratepayers, thus apportioned, showing the relative 
change in the parishes ; eight for St. Mary's, four for All Saints', two 
each for St. Michael's and Holy Rood, and one each for St. Lawrence's 
and St. John's. 

SECTION III. Benefactions. 

The municipal charities are managed by a body of trustees, 1 who 
act under a scheme bearing date April 6, 1880. 

Lawrence Sendy gave <^2O (see above) to Butler's almshouses ; 
^2 per annum are still paid to the four occupants. 

Almshouses. The sum of j ) 2, 6s. is distributed annually among the 
ten occupants of Malortie's almshouses (see above), resulting from three 
quit-rents of 155. 4d. each, payable from a house in York Buildings and 
two in East Street, the leases of which are granted by the charity 

William Sendy (October 1533) gave the Corporation j^ioo for pro- 
curing a special quarterly sermon at St. Lawrence's and distributing a 
shilling apiece to fifty poor persons who should attend and be called 
( the fifty poor people of the town of Southampton/ In lieu of this 
the sum of <^io per annum is given to the Grammar School. 

Sir Thomas White's Benefaction, 1566. Southampton is one of 
the twenty-four towns which receives in rotation ^104 per annum 
derived from ^2000 given by Sir Thomas White to the Corporation 
of Bristol, on condition of their purchasing an estate for the support of 
his charity, to be bestowed in loans of ^25 each on poor tradesmen. 
The benefaction was last received by Southampton in 1878. It is 
now applied to the Grammar School. 

William Wallop, Esq., gave by will (September 17, 1616) ^100 as 
a fund from which loans of j?2O for five years should be made to poor 
young men without interest (see under ' Steptoe '). 

1 I have to thank J. E. Le Feuvre, Esq., for much information respecting 
the Southampton charities from official documents. The following account is 
otherwise based on the reports of the Charity Commissioners, in which all that 
is valuable in Dr. Speed's short notice was included. 


Lynches gift (now ^210 stock), the accounts of which begin in Lynch. 
1641, was for loans of j^io for ten years. It was probably derived 
from William Lynch, alderman, whose coat of arms, removed from 
his house in Simnel Street, and bearing the date 1579? is now to be 
seen in the hall of the Hartley Institute, or from his son William Lynch 
of St. Michael's parish (see under f Steptoe'). 

John Steptoe, alderman, by will dated February 20, 1667, be- steptoe. 
queathed the inheritance of his lands in the parishes of Fawley and 
Milford to the Corporation in trust, that one-third part of the rents 
therefrom every year should be bestowed upon the poor, and that the 
other two parts be lent to ' young beginners } in the town in sums of 
^10 to each for ten years without interest He also gave ^100 to the 
Corporation, from the yearly interest of which to pay forty shillings to 
the rector of All Saints' for preaching four sermons before the Corpora- 
tion on the three Sundays before the 3d of March, and the fourth 
on that day, after which to give a shilling apiece to sixty poor people. 

The original lands at Fawley and Milford were exchanged for land 
near Romsey in 1840; and this property, consisting of about 21 acres 
at Mile End, Romsey, and a small farm of 38 acres at Highwood, 
near Romsey, were sold September 30, 1880, realising about ^3621. 
The sum of ^1207, one-third part of the above proceeds, has been 
devoted to the general charities fund ; and the remainder, together with 
Wallop's and Lynch's gifts, united with Steptoe's by a scheme under 
the direction of the Court of Chancery, 1862, has been transferred 
to the Grammar School the sum of ^1000 having been already 
retained for lending in sums of ^50 and under to young beginners in 

John Cornish, alderman, who died in 1611, gave ^100 for pro- Cornish, 
viding seven poor persons, men and women, with a gown apiece each 
year. The charity consists of ^105, los. lod. stock, the interest of 
which is expended each Christmas in the way directed. 

George Gollop or Gallop, by will dated April 22, 1650, gave ^200 Gollop. 
for providing each year a cloth gown of some sad colour to four men 
and four women. The charity consists of j^zij, 193. 8d. stock, the 
interest of which is spent in the way directed at Christmas. 

Catherine Reynolds gave by will to the Corporation the sum of Catherine 
^50, received by them January 13, 1615, they having in the pre- 
vious December covenanted with the Corporation of Sarum to pay one 
shilling apiece to eighty poor people of Southampton each year on 
the Feast of the Purification. In place of this, ^4 a year are now 
paid to the Grammar School. 

In October 1635 the Corporation received ^20, the gift of Bridget Parkinson. 
Parkinson, the interest to be distributed quarterly among the poor. 



The charity consists of ^21, 6s. stock, the interest of which, thirteen 
shillings, is now paid to the Grammar School. 

Rosse. Alexander Rosse, clerk, by his will, proved in 1653, g ave ^5 to tne 

use of the master of the Grammar School, and ^50 to the poor of All 
Saints, from the interest of which latter sum ten shillings was to be 
paid to the minister for preaching in All Saints' Church each December 
24, on St. Matthew v. 3. The whole of this charity (.^3, 53. 40!.) is 
now devoted to the Grammar School. 

Deiamotte. Mrs. Delamotte gave to fifteen poor widows the yearly sum of j^fi, los. 
This is now paid to the Grammar School. She also gave the yearly sum 
of i, los. to the vicar of Holy Rood, which goes in the way directed. 
Bradseii. Mr. Bradsell gave to the vicar of Holy Rood a^i, 45. yearly. The 

gift is still received. 

Jacomin. Mr. Jacomin's gift consisted of the yearly interest of ^50 to a 

hundred poor people. This gift (^i, I2s. 8d.) is now diverted to the 
Grammar School. 

Mill. Nathaniel Mill, by his will, proved December 10, 1638, gave yearly 

for ever : 

To the poor of Holy Rood parish, 2os. to twenty poor people on 

January ist, and 205. on July ist, . . . . . 2 o 

To St. Michael's, 2os. on February 2 ist, and 203. on August 

ist, .......... 20 

To St. John's, 155. on March ist, and 155. on September ist, . i 10 

To St. Lawrence, los. on April ist, and los. on October ist, I o 

To All Saints', 203. on May ist, and 2os. on November ist, . 20 

To St. Mary's (within the liberties), 153. on June ist, and 155. 

on December ist, . . . . . . . I 10 o 

To yearly placing four apprentices to some trade at discretion of 
mayor and assistants, & (with each 405.) ; and to provide 
each with a bible, prayer-book, and pen and inkhorn, 
which should cost ios., . . . . . . 10 o o 

To the ministers of the town of Southampton for reading evening 
prayers, to be divided equally between them ; and in case 
there should be no evening prayers, then the bequest to go 
to repairs of Holy Rood Church, . . . . 400 

To the lecture, and in case there should be no lecture on week- 

days, then to the minister of Holy Rood, . . . 200 

To the repairs of Holy Rood Church, . . . . . 200 

To the master of the Free School, . . . . . . 200 

To four people of Southampton, four days before Christmas, four 
gowns or coats of cloth, costing i6s. each, at the discretion 
of the mayor and assistants, . . . . . . 340 

To the minister of Jesus Chapel, near Itchen Ferry, . . . 200 

To the repair of Jesus Chapel, ....... i o o 

To the poor of the parish of St. Mary, dwelling over the water at 

Itchen Ferry, Ridgeway, Weston, &c., out of the liberties 

of Southampton, at the discretion of the minister of Jesus 

Chapel and the collectors for the time being, . . . 200 

To a poor person of St. Mary's in Itchen Ferry, Ridgeway, Weston, 


&c., a gown or coat to be given four days before Christmas 
at the discretion of the minister of Jesus Chapel and the 
collectors, . . . . . . . . . ,0 16 

To the poor of the parish of St. Lawrence, Winchester, to be 

given on New Year's Eve to twenty poor people, . I o 

And he directed that all the said sums should be yearly paid for 
ever out of his farm or manor of Woolston to the mayor 
and three of the most ancient aldermen of Southampton 
half-yearly, to be disposed of by them as above. And he 
gave each of them a pair of gloves yearly for their pains, 
worth 55. a pair, . ...... I o 

By a codicil to his will, bearing date April 20, 1636, he gave to 
the poor people of the French Church yearly for ever out 
of his said lands, ........ i o 

,42 o o 

A deduction of ^3, 173. 6d. for land-tax is made, and the sum of 
, 2s. 6d., the residue, is expended now as follows : 

To the Grammar School, . . . . . . . jio 18 o 

To the poor of the French Church, paid in December, . . o 18 2 
To four people of Southampton four days before Christmas, four 
gowns or coats of cloth, and one gown or coat to some 
person in St. Mary's extra, to be given by the minister of 

Jesus Chapel, . . . . . . . . 3118 

To St. Lawrence, Winchester, paid in December, . . . 0182 
To minister of Jesus Chapel for poor of St. Mary's extra, paid in 

December, . . . . . . . . . 1164 

To minister of Jesus Chapel, paid in December, . . . i 16 4 

To repairs of Jesus Chapel, paid in December, . . . o 18 2 

To the ministers, paid in December, for reading evening prayers, 312 8 

To the lecture, . . . . . . . . . 1164 

To churchwardens of Holy Rood, for repairs, paid in December, . 1164 

Transferred to Taunton's School, December 1881, . . . 10 o 4 

Peter Scale, alderman, gave j^fioo for the apprenticing of poor Gift of 
children. This gift was brought into the Audit-house on October 
20, 1654, by Peter Scale, junior, after his father's death. The interest 
from the stock of this charity, ^3, 6s. 2d., is now transferred to the 
Taunton School. 

Peter Scale, junior, gave the yearly sum of $ for placing two Peter 
poor children apprentices for seven or eight years, one to be of St. Seale -J un - 
Lawrence's parish if possible. This yearly sum of is now paid to 
the Taunton School. 

Mrs. Avis Knowles gave by will ^50 to the Corporation (received Knowies's 
May 30, 1634) for apprenticing two town-born children yearly. The 
annual interest on ^52, 155. 5d. stock belonging to this gift, namely, 
ai, us. 8d., is now transferred to the Taunton School. 

Richard Taunton, by his will, dated February 15, 1752, gave to Taunton. 
the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of Southampton ^1400 on trust, to 


pay from the interest thereof the yearly sum of 11 to the minister of 
Holy Rood, on certain conditions (see under that church), and on 
further trust to apply the residue of the interest in the relief of 
decayed aldermen of the town or their widows ; and failing such cases, 
to allow the fund to accumulate till such cases should arise. By a 
codicil to his will he left another j^ioo, from the interest of which to 
pay the town-clerk for keeping the accounts. The fund having been 
increased by accumulation, the annual income of the charity is now 
a^Pi^-O, appropriated as follows : To the Taunton School, ^?2i ; to 
decayed aldermen and widows, ^115, i6s. 8d. ; to the Taunton 
School, j3, 35. 4d., the interest of the investment of the above <^?ioo. 

For Taunton's School see next chapter. 

Searle's Richard Searle by his will in 1738 gave to Richard Taunton, Esq., or 

glft - the Corporation of Southampton, ^30 for charitable purposes. By accu- 

mulations this sum amounted in 1786 to ^66, which was then taken by 
the Corporation at 4 per cent. The charity now consists of ^71, us. 7d. 
stock, the interest of which (2, 33.) is devoted to the charity fund. 
Knight's Mr. Alderman Knight having partly rebuilt the cowherd's house 

ift - on the Common, and made his improvements a free gift to the 

Corporation, to whom the house belonged, it was ordered by the 
Common Council (July 1762) that a clear rent of 6 per annum 
should be paid to the Corporation by every cowherd for his house and 
office, twenty shillings of this rent being applicable to the uses of the 
Corporation, and the remaining j^5 for distribution among the poor 
of the six town parishes. In 1786 the Corporation not having obtained 
the cowherd's rent for some years, set aside from their chest the sum 
of ^115, the amount of twenty-three arrears, from 1762 to 1785, in 
satisfaction of the charity. This sum they took at 4 per cent., paying 
the interest as directed in the entry of 1762, together with the annual 
rent of ^5 in respect of the cowherd's house. The charity now con- 
sists of ^125, 6s. 9d. stock, the annual interest of which, together 
with the rent of ^5 in all ^8, 155. 2d. is carried to the charity 
fund. The charity fund is available for everything of a charitable 
nature arising within the town and county of the town, without regard 
to the parish in which the recipient may live. 

Freeman. William Freeman, by will dated April 6, 1780, gave to the Corpora- 

tion jioo in trust, to pay five shillings annually to the town-clerk for 
keeping the accounts of the trust, and to distribute the remainder of the 
interest among poor people of the town, not receiving alms, who might 
happen to be visited in their persons and families with sickness, or 
should suffer from fire or other calamity, in portions of not less than 
ten shillings in each case. The legacy was laid out in the purchase of 
^172, os. lod. 3 per cent, consols, producing ^5, 35. 2d. per annum. 


The Corporation having taken this stock to other uses, though 
always paying the interest as directed, and having similarly taken 
the principals of Fineld's and Sadleir's gifts (see below), they, by 
indenture of January n, 1825, granted to certain trustees a mortgage 
for two thousand years on the Audit-house, with the open poultry 
and butter market under it, together with the tolls of those markets, 
and the shops and sheds on the west side of the Audit-house, by way 
of securing the principals and interests of these several gifts. In 
this way are secured the ^100 from Freeman's gift, together with 
^5, 35. 2d., the dividend of the above stock (^172, os. iod.), pre- 
viously to its sale by the Corporation ; the sum of ^1300 from the 
Fifield gift (see below), with its interest of <^44, 4s. ; and the sum of 
^35 fro Sadleir's gift, with the yearly interest of ^17, los. the 
total principal ^1750. The whole of Freeman's gift, ^5, 33. 2d., 
is carried to the charity fund. 

Silena Fifield, by her will, dated December 8, 1769, gave to the Fifield. 
Corporation ^noo in trust, for maintaining from the interest thereof 
the tombs of her late brother and sister in the chapelyard of St. Mary, 
near Southampton, and the rails round the same, under the supervision 
of the mayor and the rector of St. Mary's, who were to receive respec- 
tively <i and 53. for their trouble on November I ; and on further 
trust to lay out the rest of the interest on the same day in clothing for 
poor people not receiving regular parish relief. The testatrix further 
gave ^200 in trust for a distribution of coals annually among the 
pensioners of God's House; and in February 1773 her executors 
transferred to the Corporation the sum of ^1473, ^s. 8d. 3 per cent, 
consols in satisfaction of the two legacies. This stock was in April 
the same year sold out as above (under Freeman's), the principal and 
interest being subsequently secured by the mortgage of January n, 
1825. The income of Fifield's charity, ^44, 45., is expended in the 
following manner : To the poor of Holy Rood, St. Michael's, and All 
Saints parishes, ^9, os. 6d. each ; to the parishes of St. John, St. 
Lawrence, and St. Mary, ^3, os. 2d.; to the poor of God's House, 
6, i6s. ; to the mayor, j^i, is.; to the rector of St. Mary's, 53. 

Richard Vernon Sadleir, who died March 2, 1810, gave to the Cor- Sadleir. 
poration by will ^350 in trust, to bestow on three poor men and four 
poor widows or ancient maidens of good character the sum of 2os. 
each on or shortly before Easter Eve, to enable them to celebrate the 
Easter festival with pious joy, and to bestow 133. 4d. each upon four 
other men and three other women of the same description but inferior 
grade for the same purpose at the same time. And he further directed 
that an annual sermon should be preached in the several churches in 
rotation on ' cruelty to animals/ and that the minister so preaching 



should be requested to accept 2os. He further desired that ^i should 
be given to the town-clerk for keeping the books of the charity, and that 
the annual surplus of a^i, 35. 4d. should accumulate against a national 
reduction of interest. The mode of securing this gift and its interest 
at 5 per cent. (^if, ios.) has been stated above. The charity is 
expended as directed, the <i for keeping the accounts going to the 
charity fund, out of which a fixed stipend is paid by the trustees to 
their clerk in respect of the charities. 

Pemerton. George Pemerton, as recited in a deed, March 24, 1632, gave to 
the Corporation .^150 under covenant to pay him 11 a year during 
his life, and after his death to distribute to the poor of Southampton 
c3^9 annually as the gift of George Pemerton. One moiety of this 
gift (^4, ios.) is distributed at Candlemas, the other (^4, ios.) at 

Mercer. p au j Mercer gave to the Corporation by will the sum of j^ioo 

(received Nov. 1661), from the interest of which to pay ^3 half- 
yearly for ever to the poor of the French and English churches. Of 
this bequest, amounting to 3^6 per annum, the sum of ^2 half-yearly 
is paid to the poor of the English churches, and <^?i to the treasurer 
of the French Church at Lady Day and Michaelmas. 

Spinks. Sarah Spinks gave the dividends of ^270, 35. 2d. stock, viz., 

^8, 2s. 2d., for clothing to the poor of St. Michael's, not being 
paupers, to be distributed on St. Thomas's Day each year. 

Gibbons. Sloane Gibbons of Southampton, who died February 18, 1826, 

gave a benefaction to the pensioners of God's House. It consists of 
^693, 135. 4d. stock, from the dividend of which (j^2O, i6s.) one 
shilling per week is paid to the pensioners, and ^3 carried to the 
charity fund. 

Bird. Elizabeth Bird by her will, proved in 1820, gave ^1200 three per 

cent, consols to be under the guardianship of the Corporation and the 
rector of All Saints', to apply the interest, ^36 per annum, to the 
use of her servant during her life, and after her death to the following 
purposes, viz., to six poor women of Southampton above the age of 
sixty years, of the Church of England and of good repute, to be called 
' the good churchwomen/ and to be provided with and to wear on Sun- 
days and other dress-days silver medals with a device and motto specified 
by her will, ^5 each ; the rector of All Saints' to appoint to every 
fifth vacancy, and to receive ^3, 35. annually to provide for the women 
a good dinner, the particulars of which are specified, every November 10, 
at his own house or elsewhere ; five shillings to be given to the cook, two 
shillings and sixpence to the waiter, and i y is. to the rector himself, 
for his trouble in saying ( grace/ and for his general advice and pro- 
tection : the remaining interest to be expended in coals for the 


women. By a further clause she gave another ^200 in consideration 
of income-tax, also to be laid out in coals. The sum of ^140 was 
sold out to discharge legacy duty, and from the interest of the remain- 
ing stock the annuitants now receive 6, 6s. each. 

Charles D'Aussey, who died October I, 1781, gave by his will the D'Aussey. 
residue of his property to Francois Saluces, Anthony Isaacson, and 
Thomas Guillaume, in trust, to apply part of it to the county hospital, 
Winchester, part to the Humane Society for recovering persons appar- 
ently drowned, and part to the relief of the poor of Southampton, 
leaving to his executors the proportion and manner of distribution. 
The trust money consists of ^3600 three per cent, consols, from the 
dividends of which, amounting to ^108 per annum, Mr. D'Aussey's 
tomb at Holy Rood is kept in repair, the residue being expended in 
annuities of ^10 each to poor persons of Southampton, not under fifty 
years of age, who have lived with credit and fallen into decay. 

The gift of Charles Hilgrove Hammond (see ' Recorders ; ) consists of Hammond, 
a^oo stock, the dividend from which, ^21, is appropriated to annui- 
tants, as in the last charity. D'Aussey's and Hammond's gifts now 
provide thirteen people with annuities of <^Pio each. 

Mr. Robert Thorner, a member of an Independent congregation in Mr. Thor- 
London, meeting in Girdler's Hall, who had made a considerable 
fortune as a merchant, on becoming infirm retired from London to 
Baddesley, near Southampton, bringing with him letters of commenda- 
tion from the pastor and deacons of the London congregation, ad- 
dressed to the Independent congregation in Southampton, of which 
Mr. Robinson was pastor, and which at that time, or immediately 
after, met on the present site of Above Bar Chapel. The letters of 
commendation were dated July 17, 1688, and Mr. Thorner was ap- 
pointed an elder at the organisation and settlement of the church in 
August the same year. On the second anniversary of the above letters 
of commendation, namely, on July 17, 1690, Mr. Thorner died. 1 By 
his will, dated May 31, 1690, after giving to the officers of the con- 
gregation ^200 towards maintaining a minister among them, and after 
giving them in trust his remaining interest in the lease of the house 
Above Bar, built and then used as a meeting-place for the congregation, 
provided it should continue to be so used, and a legacy of ^500 to 
Harvard College, New England, he devised all his real estate, consist- 
ing of a parcel of land with shops and stalls erected on it in Leaden- 
hall Market, in the city of London, then let on lease for a term of 
years till 1769 at the annual rent of ^80, but of the estimated value 
of ^400 at the expiration of the lease, to Beniret Swayne of London, 

1 Brief Records of the Chapel, by Rev. T. Adkins, pp. 47, 102, 129-132. 


Isaac Watts of Southampton, Thomas Hollis of London, and John 
Brackstone of Southampton, and their successors, upon trust, that 
j^io per annum should be paid to the uses of the trustees themselves 
for their trouble, after payment of which, and other legacies and his 
funeral expenses, he directed that <^f2o per annum of the proceeds 
during the lease should be employed towards maintaining a free school 
in the parish of Litton, Dorset; and that further proceeds from the 
same should be applied to apprenticing to mechanical labouring trades 
poor children and youths of Litton, Dorchester, Southampton, and 
Salisbury, for every child a ^5 premium, and ^5 to enable him to 
set up at the end of his apprenticeship; and further, a certain portion 
of the rent was to accumulate. After the expiration of the lease he 
appointed ^100 per annum to be employed as follows : One-fourth 
part to the Free School at Litton, and the other three-fourth parts to 
the placing and setting up of children as above. The overplus rents 
were again to accumulate, and the legacy to Harvard College to be 
paid first ; after which the remainder was to be employed in building 
alms-houses within the town and county of Southampton, for the 
maintenance of poor widows, each widow being allowed two shillings 
per week and her house-room, such alms-houses being provided when 
a convenient sum of money should be raised by the management of 
the property as before said, and being from time to time increased in 
number for ever, as monies should arise in the same way out of the 

Until the expiration of the original lease at Lady Day 1769 the work 
of the charity was limited ; after that the trustees improved the estate, 
and after making the payments directed in the will and paying the 
legacy to Harvard College, they were enabled by accumulations to pur- 
chase in 1787, for ^450, a site in the parish of All Saints', Above Bar, 
for the purpose of the almshouses as directed, and the year following 
to erect them. 

The gross annual rent of the trust premises amounted in 1774 to 
rather less than ^400, in 1784 to about J^5oo, in 1794 to about ^520, 
for many years previous to 1819 to rather above ^530 per annum, 
in 1819 to ^829, 155. ; at the present time to over ^1200 a year. 

The alms-houses have been greatly increased since the original build- 
ing, and are very commodiously arranged on three sides of a large 
quadrangle of turf planted with ornamental trees and shrubs. They 
are at present designed for forty-three poor widows, who each receive 
53. per week, and are appointed by the trustees from the inhabitants of 
the town and neighbourhood. The trustees also expend c^ioo a year 
in the payment of apprentice fees and gifts for boys of the above four 
places, ^25 being spent in Southampton. There are four trustees, 


who each personally appoints his successor during his life, or failing 
this, the surviving trustees appoint. 

The charity will be extended from time to time with the growth of 
the funds. 

SECTION IV. Medical Chanties. 

Passing now to the medical charities : in March 1809 a Dispensary Medical 
for the poor was started under the supervision of Dr. Middleton, the 
Corporation subscribing ^5, 53. annually. 

The present Dispensary, formerly held at 146 High Street, was 
established in 1823, pursuant on a meeting held the previous Novem- 
ber under J. R. Keele, Esq., the mayor. The old Humane Society 
was united with the Dispensary in 1826. The Dispensary is now 
located in a handsome new building next to the Taunton Schools. 

On January I, 1838, the Royal South Hants Infirmary was estab- 
lished after the previous experiment on a small scale of a casualty 
ward. The following dates will mark the growth of this valued insti- 
tution. In 1844 the central building was completed at a cost of 
^5080, 143. 6d. In 1851 the east wing was added at an outlay of 
^1037, is. 6d. ; and the Bullar wing subsequently at a cost of ^1467, 
53. id., both from designs of Mr. Critchlow. In 1857 the chapel and 
offices under were erected by Dr. Oke at a cost of ^1330, from funds 
intrusted to him for charitable purposes by Miss Elizabeth Dowling. 
The Eyre Crabbe wing was added in 1867 at a cost of ^3695, 175. nd. 
The total outlay on the buildings, garden, and land of the Infirmary 
to the end of 1878 amounted to ^17,394, 2s. This hospital has an 
income from funded and other property of about ^915 per annum, 
and derives a large but fluctuating revenue from subscriptions, dona- 
tions, legacies, &c. Its funds, however, are scarcely equal to the in- 
creasing demands made on this charity. 

The Nurses Institute provides a staff of nurses who attend in private 
houses and also upon the sick poor. 

St. Mary's Cottage Hospital, North Front, was founded by Mrs. Black 
in 1873, for the relief of those suffering from sore and ulcerated legs. 

The Homoeopathic Dispensary was established in 1873. 

The Provident Maternity Society was founded in 1837. 

A County Female Penitentiary was settled in the building adjoining 
Trinity Church in 1828, in place of an older house of refuge which 
had been formed in 1823. The Penitentiary has now been closed for 
many years, and the property has been acquired by the vicar of Holy 
Trinity for church purposes. 

It seems needless to particularise the various smaller agencies of 
public charity still at work. 

A Charity Organisation Society was set on foot in 1875. 


SECTION I. The Grammar School. 

THIS foundation was due in the first instance to the bequest of William 
Capon, D.D., 1 precentor of St. Mary's, who by his will, dated July 31, 
1550, and proved in the Court of Canterbury, October II, 1550, by 
his executors, John Capon, 2 Bishop of Salisbury, Christopher Robinson, 
and William Breton, gave to the town of Southampton ^100 towards 
the erection and maintenance of a Grammar School there ; directing 
that the mayor, recorder, and four of the ancients should have over- 
sight of his bequest, which, in the manner specified, was to produce 
a^io per annum for the finding of a schoolmaster. And the mayor, 
bailiffs, and burgesses were to enter into a bond in ^100 to the mayor 
and Corporation of Salisbury rightly to employ for the purposes of the 
bequest the said ^10, which otherwise was to be used by the mayor 
and Corporation of Salisbury in charitable deeds for the health of the 
donor's soul. 3 

1553- The school was accordingly founded under letters patent, 4 bearing 

date 4th June (7 Ed. VI.) 1553, which set forth that, ' at the humble 
petition of the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of the town and county 
of Southampton/ the king had granted that there should be 'one 
grammar school in the said town and county of Southampton, 
which should be called the Free Grammar School of the mayor, 
bailiffs, and burgesses of the said town and county of Southampton, 
to endure for ever for the education and institution and instruction of 
boys and youths in grammar.' The foundation was to consist of one 
master and an under-master or usher; and the mayor and bailiffs of 
the town were made a body corporate, under the name of 'The gover- 
nors of the possessions, revenues, and goods of the Free Grammar 
School of the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses of the town and county of 

1 Also rector of North Stoneham in 1536. 

2 John Capon, Abbot of Hyde from 1530 to 1538; consecrated Bishop of 
Bangor in 1534; surrendered his abbey to the king in 1538, and in July 1539 
was translated to the see of Salisbury. He died in 1557. 

3 Report of Charity Commissioners, 1 840. 

4 Dr. Speed gives the patent at greater length. 


Southampton/ capable of receiving and holding lands, &c., not exceed- 
ing the yearly value of ^40, for the support of the master and under- 
master. And the mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses were empowered to 
make, with the advice of the bishop of the diocese, fit and wholesome 
statutes for the government of the school, and to arrange all other 
matters concerning it. 

<e What has been done in consequence of this patent will appear by 
" the following extracts from the journals. The same year that the 
et school was established by charter as above 1 [Thomas Pace, of the 
tc town of Southampton, Esquire], Thomas Mille [of the same town, 
" gentleman], and William Breton [gentleman, one of the] executors 
" of William 2 Capon, D.D., paid to the Corporation j^ioo, being the 
" legacy for which they were to pay ^10 a year to the schoolmaster, 
' ' and by way of security 3 for the payment they conveyed to the said 
" executors [Jan. 20, 1554, i Mary] West Hall and its appurtenances 
" [together with three other specified tenements], and the parties 
" above named" for the maintenance of the school, and that the 
boys to be taught therein might daily for ever pray for the soul of the 
said William Capon reconveyed " these tenements to the mayor and 
" bailiffs as governors of the school and its possessions." The date of 
this document is September 26, 1554. " It is plain both from the 
" price paid and from the practice which immediately ensued, that 
" these houses were only intended to be made security for the payment 
" of j^Pio per annum." 

The first master was Robert Knaplocke, who was in office in 1554-55, Masters. 
receiving ^3, 6s. 8d. for his board, and his ' wages 5 of c^io. 

fe In 1561 [25th Sept., 3 Eliz.] Thomas Diganson was chosen 
" schoolmaster " at the above salary, with an allowance of sixpence per 
head from town boys quarterly, and sixteenpence from country boys, 
' according to the order of Winchester/ 

(< In 1569 [ist Oct., ii Eliz.] John Horlock was chosen," salary 
ZQ per annum, and ^6, 133. 4d. for reading a divinity lecture once 
a week. 

Adrian Saravia, afterwards successively prebendary of Gloucester, 
Canterbury, and Westminster, must have come into England earlier 
than the received date; 4 he was master of the Grammar School in 

1 "Liber Niger, f. in." 

2 The name appears as John Capon in the document in Liber Niger, as 
also in the original deed executed by Pace and Mille, still in the possession of 
the Corporation. It is an error for William, as the name occurs correctly in 
subsequent clauses. 

3 This is an interpretation of the deed ; there can be no doubt however of 
its soundness ; the Charity Commissioners of 1840 took the same view. 

4 He was in Southampton in 1 570, perhaps before; see under 'French Church.' 


1576. Under February (18 Eliz.) that year the notice occurs : ' Paid 
to Mr. Adrian (sic) for his charges and paiens in his tragedie, 1 by 
consent xx s ' In the next year, e Paid for iiij yardes of broade 
cloth for a gowne for Mr. Adrian Saravia the schoolm n at ix s - the 
yarde " xxxvj 5 - ' 2 

" In 1583 William Davisson [M. A., Queen's College, Oxford] was 
" chosen schoolmaster [Dec. a], to be put out at a year's warning if 
" the mayor and his brethren think fit ; to have <^2O a year salary, 
<e and no further allowance for an usher." 

ee In 1595 [Sept. n] the mayor and his brethren appointed an 
ee usher [John Drake, B.A.], and assigned him ^10 a year out of the 
" master's salary." 

" In 1598 the schoolmaster was called before the mayor, &c., 
" March 16, and warned to provide otherwise for himself by mid- 
" summer next, they being minded to furnish the place with a sufficient 
" man." John Drake afterwards became rector of All Saints', and 
together with Simon Pett (Holy Rood) received a mark of the town's 
favour in December 1610. 

The next master was Mr. Bathe, who left on being beneficed 

" In 1 60 1 [i8th April] Nicholas Munn [clerk, late of London] was 
"chosen, to have ^20 a year; not to quit under a year's notice, 
" but to be turned out at half a year's warning." 

"In 1610-11 [March 22] Mr. Twiste was chosen," wages as above. 
In September 1612 a new Bible of the price of ten shillings was ordered 
to be bought and chained in the Free School. 

t( In 1616 [April 22] Alexander Rosse, a Scottish man, was 
" chosen, being recommended by the Earl of Hertford. N.B. in 
" 1654, this gentleman gave ^50 to the school, for which the Corpora- 
" tioii agreed to pay ^5 a year to the master out of the rent of the petty 
" customs." This learned writer became rector of All Saints', one of 
the royal chaplains, and was presented by Charles I. to the vicarage 
of Carisbrook. He died in 1653. 

Mr. Thomas Parker, schoolmaster in Sir Thomas West's house, 
received the appointment on the resignation of Rosse, September i, 
1620, against the candidature of the usher of the school. The latter 

1 Sir James Whitelocke in his Liber Famelicus, p. 12, about the same 
period speaks of Mr. Mulcaster, the master of Merchant Taylors' School, pre- 
senting yearly ' sum playes to the court, in whiche his scholers wear only actors, 
and I one among them, and by that means taughte them good behaviour and 
audacitye.' Plays were acted in the Southampton School till a comparatively 
late period. 

2 Temp. T. Overey, sub annis. 


having procured letters from the Earl of Southampton in favour of his 
election, which, luckily for Parker, arrived too late, the town, to do 
the best under the circumstances, presented him with a consolatory 
^5, which Mr. Rosse, who brought the letters, accepted in his behalf. 

" A.D. 1624 [May 7] Mr. Thomas Wareham [M.A. Oxon.] was 
" chosen " on the resignation of Parker, agreeing to give private notice 
to the mayor of any intention to resign, and not to publish it abroad, 
that a successor might 'with conveniencye' be provided. " The same 
" year Edward Reynolds, Esq., left ^20 for the benefit of the school- 
" master. The Corporation took the money to pay the master 253. a 
" year." Wareham left at Michaelmas 1654. His salary had been c^io, 
Capon's gift, ^10 Corporation foundation, and j^i, 55., Reynolds' 
gift ^2 1, 5s. per annum. 

Mr. William Bernard was chosen October 16, 1664, on the same 
salary. He was rector of Ash, Hants, and vicar of Holy Rood in or 
before 1653. an< ^ so continued till his death, in 1666, at Eling, whither 
he had retired in consequence of the plague in 1665, himself being in 
broken health. His widow became the first wife of Dr. John Speed, 
author of ' Batt upon Batt.' In 1653 he had been chosen registrar of 
the parish of Holy Rood for marriages, births, and burials under the 
Act of Parliament of August 24, 1653, and was sworn to his office by 
William Home, mayor. He resigned the school in November 1660. 

"A.D. [1660, Nov. 16] Mr. [Thomas] Butler [vicar of St. Michael's] 
" was chosen. 

" A.D. 1674-75 [Feb. 13] ordered that Mr. Butler for his neglect of the 
" Free School shall have no more salary unless he amend. The same year 
" [Oct. 23], Mr. Butler not giving any satisfaction, the school was taken 
" into the town's hands; and the next year [March 23, 1674-75] Mr. 
" Butler resigned." Dr. Clutterbuck (St. Mary's) had interceded for 
him in January, but without effect beyond that of securing him on his 
resignation a quarter's salary in advance for his ' good report in the 
town,' June 1675. 

"About this time [Feb. n, 1674-75] a set of statutes for the school 
" was sent under the episcopal seal of the Bishop of Winchester." 

Mr. Thomas Gubbs, elected September 28, 1666; the appointment 
was evidently temporary. See last notice. 

Mr. Joseph Clarke, B.A., on the resignation of Butler, July i, 1675. 

"In 1676 Mr. John Pinhorne [B.A. Balliol Coll.] was chosen" 
[Aug. 30] in place of the last deceased, against the candidature of Mr. 
Floyd or perhaps Lloyd, vicar of Holy Rood. To this gentleman his 
pupil, Dr. Watts, expressed great obligations. Pinhorne was rector of 
All Saints', then vicar of Eling, where he died in 1714. 

" In 1677 Dr. Edward Reynolds, Bishop of Norwich," a native of 


the parish of Holy Rood, born in 1599, and brought up at the Gram- 
mar school, from which he passed to Merton College, Oxford, " gave 
" ^50 [^loo] 1 to the school, for which the Corporation agreed to pay 
" the master ^5 a year." 

" In 1690-91 [March 6] Mr. Richard Pocock [B.C.L.] was chosen/' 
in succession to Pinhorne. "This gentleman put the school on its pre- 
" sent [1760] footing. It had been kept before at a place called the Old 
" Free school, over against God's House, where silk throwsters now work; 
School " but in February 1694-95 Mr. Pocock entered into an agreement 
West Hall. " with the Corporation to have West Hall for a schoolhouse," with 
permission to alter or rebuild, " and with the old materials to build at 
" his own cost a house fit for thirty or forty boarders, and to have a 
" lease for forty years." The total number of scholars was not to 
exceed one hundred. Eventually a lease (February 26, 1696) of the 
premises was granted him for ninety-nine years, he having with the 
assistance of a loan 2 from the Corporation and private subscriptions re- 
built or adapted a portion of the old West Hall, producing a large and 
regular three-storied house of nineteen rooms, with six windows in each 
row, and a pedimented doorway in the middle bearing the benediction 
over the portal, ' Pax huic domui/ A schoolroom of 40 by 35 feet was 
built out behind. 
Old school On Pocock vacating the old premises in Winkle Street, which are 

premises. * ' j i -11 

described 3 as a large tenement or room with three lesser rooms over a 
cellar in the street or lane leading from the custom-house to God's House 
gate, they were leased out by the Corporation for seven years at ^7 per 
annum and two good fat capons. However, in April 1700 a certain Mrs. 
Elizabeth Sambrooke came to the Audit-house demanding possession of 
' the loft formerly the schoolhouse near unto God's House gate/ as be- 
longing to her as heir-at-law to John Caplen deceased, it having been 
discontinued as a schoolroom by the space of four years and upwards. 
The lady made good her claim, and in September the key was delivered 
up to her. 

Mr. Pocock retained the school till his death ; he was in charge of 
All Saints' in 1699-70, and in 1706 is still described as minister of that 
church. His burial occurs in the Holy Rood register on November 8, 

1 On September 28, 1677, it was ordered that the .100 to be received under 
the Bishop of Norwich's will, together with ^100 to be received by bequest 
of Alderman John Steptoe, should be paid over (as soon as received) to John 
Kennell in discharge of his bond of 200 due from the town. On October I the 
writings sealed by the town, and also by Mr. Pinhorne, were ordered to be sent 
up to Mr. Denton in order to receiving the^ioo given by Bishop Reynolds to 
the Free School; the ^100 when received was to be paid to Mr. Kennell as 
formerly ordered (Journal). 

2 Of ^300, for which he was to pay ^15. 3 Lease. 


1710. He was the father of Dr. Richard Pocock, Bishop of Meath, 
the oriental traveller, who was born at Southampton in 1704. Besides 
removing the school, he was founder of its library of about 240 
volumes, among which is a Chaucer of 1542, bearing the autograph of 
Bishop Hugh Latimer, a MS. of the Vulgate, and some good classics. 

"In 1710 [Nov. 13] Rev. William Kingsman [M.A.] was elected 
" on Mr. Pocock's death on the terms of his lease ; " he was 1 vicar of 
St. Michael's from 1703 till his death in 1736; he was buried at 
St. John's on May 22. 

"In 1736 [June 17] Rev. William Scott [of Petersfield] was 
" chosen on the death of Kingsman/' In August 1738 it was agreed 
by the Common Council that the school fee for boys born in the town 
should be twenty shillings a year, with an extra payment of five 
shillings to the master, two shillings and sixpence to the usher, and 
one shilling to the prepositors. Mr. Scott was rector of All Saints'. 

" In 1767 [May 20] Rev. Isaac Hodgson was chosen on the death 
" of Mr. Scott. The Corporation put the house in repair and granted 
" him a lease with a repairing covenant, remitting the ^15 a year 
" mentioned in the contract with Mr. Pocock, agreeing to pay him a 
" salary of ^30 a year/' 

The Rev. Richard Mant, M.A., master of New College School, was 
appointed, in the place of Hodgson deceased, on December 21, 1770; 
his lease of ninety-nine years bearing date that day. In May 1773 
the Corporation gave their sanction to raising the terms to ten shillings 
quarterly for town boys, with twelve shillings entrance fee, as pre- 
scribed by the old statutes, recommending the change to the Bishop. 
In 1777 and 1778 various enlargements were carried out. Mant's 
reputation kept his school full ; and according to a local chronicler it 
had become ' one of the most genteel seminaries of learning in the 
country/ Mr. Mant was rector of Fonthill Bishops, Wilts, and of 
Ashley, Hants; he was presented to All Saints' in 1793, an< ^ proceeded 
D.D. the same year, resigning the school in 1795. He was father of 
the well-known Bishop of Down and Connor, who was born in 1776. 

Rev. George Whittaker, M.A., master of a school at Alresford, 
was appointed May 8, 1795. He carried out some improvements in 
the building, and was a successful master, but, unlike his predecessor, 
of considerable severity. He was the author or editor of several good 
school-books. He resigned in 1813. 

Rev. Charles Tapp Griffith, M.A., Fellow of Wadham College, 

1 William Kingsman was instituted to She:5sld English on presentation of 
Edward Keele, patron for that turn, on Octobs 7, 1708, and instituted to West 
Titherley, February 4, 1708-9. 


Oxford, was elected April 23, his lease being dated August 3, 1813. 
Having obtained the sanction of the Corporation to remove the school 
to a better site, and failed to secure the position he desired Above Bar, 
Mr. Griffith contented himself with under-letting West Hall, the 
present site, and removing the school to Bugle Hall (January-June 
1818), where it continued till his resignation at the end of the follow- 
ing year. He was vicar of St. Michael's from 1817 to 1825; master 
ofWarminster Grammar School from 1820 to 1840; rector of Elm, 
near Frome, from 1825 till his death in 1866, having been made 
rural dean in 1844, and resigning from infirmities in 1864. 

Rev. Thomas Lawes Shapcott, B.A., of St. Alban's Hall, Oxford, 
was elected October 21, 1819. It had been determined (October 2) 
before the election of the new master to pull down the old house, which 
was a remnant of West Hall, and still contained some interesting 
features. Accordingly a new schoolhouse was erected from plans by 
Mr. John Taylor, approved August 19, 1820, and carried out by 
November 1821, the Corporation having expended ^1200 on the pre- 
mises. On the north wall of the present residence an old stone has 
been inserted under the eaves, bearing the date 1553, a relic and 
memento of the old foundation, while in a corresponding' position on 
the south side occurs the date 1820, that of the rebuilding. Mr. 
Shapcott, who was educated under Dr. Whittaker, and afterwards at 
Marlborough, became vicar of St. Michael's in 1825, holding this pre- 
ferment with the chaplaincy of the gaol till his death in August 22, 
1854. He had been a promoter of improvements in the town. 

On the death of Mr. Shapcott no appointment was made to the 
school for some years ; and it will be convenient now to give some 
account of the statutes under which the school had been worked up to 
this time. 

Old They bear date February n, 1674-75, and were given under the 

common seal of the Corporation and the episcopal seal of Bishop 
Morley. Their provisions were to the following effect : 

1. The schoolmaster and usher to be elected by the mayor, bailiffs, and 
common council, and licensed by the Bishop of Winchester. 

2. The master and usher [if any such] to be resident. 

3. To read to their boys the following books, as they should deem fit : 
Latin Lylly's Grammar, Sententiae Pueriles, Corderius's Dialogues, Walker's 
Particles and Idiotisms, ^sop's Fables, Ovid's Epistles, Erasmus's Dialogues, 
Terence, Justin, Florus, Quintus Curtius, Sallust, Pliny's Epistles, Cicero's 
Orations, Livy, Ovid's Metamorphoses, Virgil, Horace, Martial's Epigrams, 
Juvenal. Greek Camden's Grammar, Poselii Colloquia, Vigerii Idiotismi, 
Lucian's Select Dialogues, Isocrates, Demosthenes, Herodian, Musasus, Theo- 
critus, Hesiod, Homer, Pindar, Greek Epigrams. 

4. The scholars in the first two forms always to speak Latin, unless per- 
mitted to use English. 


5. School hours, from 6 A.M. in the summer and 7 A.M. in the winter till 
ii A.M., then from i to 5 in the afternoon. 

6. The boys might play on Thursday afternoons from three o'clock, provided 
there were no holy day in the week, and on Saturdays from eleven o'clock. 
Recreation might also be allowed on Tuesday afternoons should a person of 
quality or learning desire it, provided exercises were set for the next day. 

7. The holidays were from one whole week before Christmas to the 
Monday after Twelfth Day, from Thursday before Easter to Monday after 
Easter week, from Thursday before Whitsunday to the Monday seven-night after 
Whitsun week. Holiday tasks were to be invariably given. 

8. Morning and evening prayers were to be used, and to consist of the 
Confession, and, if the master were a priest, of the Absolution, the Lord's 
Prayer, some collects, and a special collect relating to the school ; one of the 
upper scholars to read and construe a few verses of Greek Testament, and one of 
the lower scholars to read the same in English morning and evening. 

9. The Catechism was to be taught at ten o'clock every Saturday, and 
the scholars were to be prepared to answer correctly the vicar or curate of Holy 
Rood, or of some other parish, whenever the mayor and schoolmaster should 
appoint an examination. 

10. The boys were to meet the master or usher every Sunday or holy day 
morning, and from thence follow him decently and orderly, two by two, to 
Holy Rood church ; and those who were considered able were required to take 
notes of the sermon, and give account of it every Monday morning. 

1 1. Two of the best scholars were to be appointed prepositors, one for keep- 
ing order in school and taking note of late comers and truants, the other for 
watching the boys in church. The master and usher were required to correct all 
boys for misconduct and bad language, but were specially to punish those who 
were given to lying. 

12. The Corporation might appoint free scholars from poor townspeople's 
children ; others were to pay on admission five shillings to the master, two 
shillings and sixpence to the usher, and sixpence to each prepositor; and 
instead of gratuities at breaking up, each scholar was to pay to the master, if 
he were under him, five shillings quarterly, or if he were under the usher, two 
shillings and sixpence to the usher, and two shillings and sixpence to the 

1 3. Registers of entrance were to be kept. 

14. None were to be admitted before they could read. 

15. The proper endowment was to be paid to the master quarterly, and 
registers were to be made of the several gifts and bequests to the school, the 
mayor and the schoolmaster each having a copy : a copy of the statutes was, 
moreover, to * remain perpetually ' in the school. 

1 6. The schoolmaster being sick and disabled for the time, was to provide 
a proper substitute, but still to have his salary. 

17. So also in case of the school being dismissed on account of contagious 
sickness in the town. 

1 8. The master or usher might be removed by the Corporation on grave 

19. The master might, with leave of the mayor, expel incorrigible scholars. 

20. Every year the mayor and bailiffs, and others of the Corporation whom 
the mayor might invite, were, with the rector of St. Mary's and the other town 
incumbents, to meet at the school on the Thursday morning before the Whitsun 
holidays, and there ' inquire into the observance of these statutes . . . and be 
entertained by the schollars whom the master shall appoint with oracons and 
declarations in Greeke and Latine or what other exercise he shall enjoyne.' 

21. The statutes were to be read publicly in the school every quarter. 


22. The mayor, bailiffs, and burgesses might, with the advice and consent of the 
Bishop, alter or add to these statutes as time and occasion should require. 

It had been the custom for many years to grant a lease of the 
schoolhouse and premises to each newly elected master for the term 
of ninety-nine years, at a peppercorn rent, upon his covenanting to 
pay the rates and taxes, to keep the premises in repair, and to observe 
the above statutes, a copy of which was scheduled to the lease. This 
was last observed in the appointment of 1819, though the lease was 
not granted till March 5, 1824. 

School re- The school was reopened in August 1860 under the mastership of 
1860. ' Mr. Charles Wright Hankin, B.A., late scholar of Oriel College, 
Oxford, the premises, with the exception of the master's house, having 
been rebuilt by the trustees. The school buildings, now considerably 
enlarged, form with the master's house a parallelogram stretching 
from Bugle Street on the west to French Street on the east. Con- 
venient dormitories communicating with the master's house are 
arranged over the principal schoolroom. The further schoolroom has 
a high-pitched roof, and its east window, the gift of the late Rev. 
J. W. Gary, D.D., serves as an adornment to French Street. On the 
north side of this parallelogram is the master's garden, 1 and on the 
south the boys' play-ground backed by handsome cloisters opposite the 
school buildings and returned on the east, so that three sides of a 
quadrangle are formed, the fourth or open side in Bugle Street having 
a low ornamental wall in which a stone is set recording the date of its 
erection, 1877, and the name of its donor, J. E. Le Feuvre, Esq., then 
sheriff. Over the entrance porch of the schoolrooms is the inscription 
' Schola Ed. VI TI Regis refecta et amplificata A.D. MDCCCLX. Iterum 
MDCCCLXXII,' marking the period of renovation ; the latter date being 
that of the rebuilding and opening of the school as it now stands. 

The opening ceremony took place in the presence of the mayor and 
Corporation, the Bishop of Winchester, the Honourable Cowper Temple, 
M.P., now Lord Mount Temple, the Rev. J. W. Gary, D.D., rural 
dean and chairman of the trustees, and a large attendance of the 
clergy and gentry of the town and neighbourhood. Mr. Hankin 
resigned at the close of 1874; his place having been for some months 
previously filled by the Rev. Desmond Henry Wynn Sampson, M.A., 
Magdalen College, Oxford, the second master. 

In December 1874 Mr. Thomas Garrett, B.A., of Gonville and 
Caius College, Cambridge, was elected head-master. 

New In the following year a new scheme of seventy-five clauses, dated 

scheme. October 26, 1875, was given for the management of the school under 

1 French prisoners are said to have been buried here. 


the Endowed Schools Commission by the Charity Commissioners, of 
which it may be sufficient to give the following abstract : 

Provision is made for the appointment of a body of sixteen 
governors : of these, the mayor for the time being is an ex qfficio 
member, six are to be nominated by the town council, two by the 
School Board of the Southampton district, and seven are to be co- 
optative. With the exception of the first named, the appointments are 
for six years, but every third year three members from those chosen by 
the Council, one of those nominated by the School Board, and three 
co-optative members retire, as determined by ballot. No religious 
qualifications are required for the office of governor. From the date 
of the scheme the ( corporation of the governors of the possessions, 
revenues, and goods of the Free Grammar School of the mayor, bailiffs, 
and burgesses of the town and county of Southampton* was dissolved, 
and their powers transferred to the governors under the present scheme. 
The visitorial powers were also transferred from the Bishop to the 
Crown,, that is, to the Charity Commissioners, and the jurisdiction of 
the ordinary as to licensing masters was abolished. 

The head-master, who must be a graduate of some University within 
the British empire, is not required to be in holy orders, nor may he, if 
in holy orders, hold any cure of souls, or if otherwise, accept any office 
which in the opinion of the Governors would interfere with his duties 
to the school. He is to reside in the house assigned him in his official 
capacity and not as a tenant. Under clause 38 the governors are to 
prescribe the subjects of instruction, to fix the terms and vacations, 
the payment of scholars, the number and payment of boarders, the 
number of assistant masters, and other matters of regulation ; but by 
the next clause they are directed to consult the head-master before 
settling anything under clause 38. Details of school-working, as to the 
choice of books, the method of instruction, the arrangement of classes, 
and generally the whole internal organisation and discipline of the 
school are left to the head-master, who has the power of appointing and, 
subject to the approval of the governors, that of dismissing all assistant 
masters, and determining the proportion in which each shall be paid by 
the governors. He may also make proposals to the governors as to 
the improvement of the school. He receives a fixed salary of ^150, 
paid by the Corporation to the governors in consideration of certain 
ancient charities, besides a capitation grant of not less than j?2 or more 
than ^5 per annum on each boy in the school. The governors make 
regulations as to the reception of boarders, whose payment is fixed at 
^45 per annum, in addition to the tuition fees. These latter, payable 
in advance, are ^7, ios. per annum, or ^2, los. per quarter. 

The age of admission into the school is fixed at eight years, there 


being a preliminary examination in reading, writing from dictation, the 
first four rules in arithmetic, and the outlines of the geography of Eng- 
land. There is an entrance fee of five shillings. The school is open to 
the sons of parents of any religious tenets, and there is a conscience 
clause. No boy is allowed to remain in the school after the end of the 
term in which he shall have attained the age of seventeen years. 

The course of instruction comprises the Holy Scriptures, Latin, 
French, and German languages, reading, writing, arithmetic, geo- 
graphy, history, English grammar, composition, and literature, mathe- 
matics, natural science, drawing, and vocal music. Greek may be 
taught as an extra at an additional fee of ^3 a year for each boy. 

By the new scheme the governors are instructed ' to make the 
teaching and other benefits provided by the Hartley Institution avail- 
able for the purposes of the school/ 

There is an annual examination of the school by examiners appointed 
by the governors. 

Exhibi- By way of exhibitions the governors are directed to grant exemp- 

tions, total or partial, from the payment of tuition fees, for such periods 
and on such conditions as they may think fit. All such exemptions are 
given as the reward of merit only, and are liable to forfeiture on 
account of misconduct or failure to maintain a reasonable standard of 

The governors are also directed to apply not less than the sum of 
^35 y ear ly i n providing other exhibitions, each entitling the holder to 
receive a payment equal to the amount of his tuition fee, with or with- 
out further emoluments. These exhibitions are competed for by boys, 
who have been educated for at least one year at any elementary school 
in the school district of Southampton. 

Mr. Garrett resigned in March 1880, and was succeeded by Mr. 
James Fewings, B.A., B.Sc., of London University, the present head- 

West Hall. Something may now be added about the site of the school. West 
Hall originally belonged to Gervaise le Riche, the founder of God's 
House, who gave a charge of two marks per annum on West Hall 
to his newly founded house ; some time later the priory of St. Denys 
had a charge on it. The earliest document relating to West Hall 
among the town papers is a covenant for its partition made between 
the five co-heirs of Thomas le Halveknyght and Cristina his wife, John, 
Thomas, William Basingrom, and Petronilla (Halveknyght) his wife, 
Roger, and Walter. A sixth portion is described as belonging to 
Matilda, the daughter of the Basingrom s, by legacy from Sir William 
le Flemyng ; so that in the time of Thomas and Cristina, West Hall 
and its premises were at least divided into two portions and held by 


different owners. The boundaries of the property were French Street 
on the east, Bull (Bugle) Street on the west, certain tenements on the 
north, and on the south a lane connecting the two streets, part of 
which is still existing between the Grammar School premises and the 
ancient building to the south of it in Bugle Street to be mentioned 
presently. This lane was anciently called 6 Narrow Lane/ ' Little Lane/ 
' Halveknyght Lane/ &c. The provisions of the covenant between 
the parties were somewhat curious, and are as follows. The date is 

1303 : 

John had the painted chamber with the cellars below, another 

chamber called La Garderobe probably a wardrobe or store-room 
the great gate opposite St. John's Church, a bit of green sward, and 
the courtyard and fountain within the gate. 

Thomas had a bakehouse with cellar below, a chamber called 
La Oriole over the gate opposite St. John's, and a stable within the gate, 
behind the aforesaid cellar and bakehouse. 

Roger, the third son, had a bakehouse and cellar beside the little 
lane with an oven, and a little stable behind them ; he had also a cellar 
underneath La Garderobe. 

Walter had half of the hall, with a solar or upper room, and a shop 
which ran towards Bull Street, together with a kitchen and oven 
adjoining that part of the hall ; he had also a solar towards Bull Street 
beside the narrow lane, and over a small cellar running westward, to 
be spoken of presently. 

William Basingrom 1 and Petronilla his wife had the other half of 
the hall beside the long chamber on the north, with solar and shop ; 
they had also the small cellar running westward under Walter's solar. 

These five parties rendered each of them to the Hospital of St. 
Julian, or God's House, four shillings per annum, in all twenty 
shillings, and to the Prior and Convent of St. Denys sevenpence 
farthing each, the fifth not paying the odd farthing, total three 
shillings. The town paid these sums when the property came into 
their hands. 

The portion which belonged to Matilda Basingrom (as above) was 
the long chamber with cellars below, a certain void place between it 
and the tenement of John de Schirlye on the north, with another 
void space (boundaries given). For this property she rendered to 
the Hospital 6s. 8d., and to the Prior and Convent twelvepence per 
annum. All the parties were to have the use of their brother John's 
gate and fountain. 

[ The will of William Basingrom was proved before the Dean of South- 
ampton in Holy Rood Church, August 28, 1316 (Addit. 15,314, f. 50). 



The covenant bore the seals of all the parties, and, as was usual, 
for greater security the seal of the prepositure of the town : the wit- 
nesses being Adam le Hordyr, the alderman, William Fughel, the 
bailiff, Robert le Hordyr, the custumer, John de Schirlye, Thomas 
Stut, Richard de Bareflet, Henry de Lym, and many others. 1 

Soon after this John le Halveknyght bought his brother Walter's 
share, and then sold it, 2 together with his own, to John de Schirlye and 
Felicia his wife for fifty marks, saving the rights of ingress and egress 
to Roger and Petronilla, and reserving the rents to God's House and St. 
Denys. The only date is that of the local magistracy. Adam le Hordyr 
was alderman, William Fughel and Robert le Hordyr were bailiffs. 

The second son, Thomas le Demichevalier (half-knight), as he 
calls himself, also sold his share for twelve marks to the above John de 
Schirlye and Felicia his wife. Two deeds record the arrangement, one 
witnessed by Thomas Stone and Nigel de la Wylderne, then bailiffs, 
and by Robert le Mercer, Peter de Lyons, John de Holebery, John de 
Bourgoyne, Robert le Barber, John de Puteo, Adam le Hordier, and 
others ; and the second deed by Robert le Mercer, alderman, John de 
Puteo, Henry de Lym, bailiffs, and others. 

Roger, the third son, also sold his share for forty marks, with the 
same reservation, to the same John and Felicia de Schirlye. 

Matilda Basingrom in 1317 granted, for a fine of sixteen marks 
and an annual rent of 35. iod., her two plots (what she did with the 
Long Chamber does not appear) to Walter de Brackelye, burgess of 
Southampton, with the usual reservations to the lords of the fee. 
Walter's widow, Joanna, parted with any rights she might have 
through her husband to Hugo Sampson in September 1331. We 
need not follow other changes. The following, however, are important, 
as throwing light on the nature of that remarkably fine mediaeval 
stone house immediately to the south of the Grammar School cloister 
wall the wall of Halveknyght Lane. In a deed of Roger Mascall to 
Thomas Chapeleyn (October 1365) this building is called the ' Wey- 
hous/ and it was held by John le Clerk. Two years later, namely, 
in October 1367, this John le Clerk, with Johanna his wife, granted 

1 This document is printed in Madox's Formulare, p. 89, but three of the 
originals still exist among the West Hall deeds in the Audit-house. One is 
endorsed Participatio facta inter les Halwekyi^tes de la West halle. 1 The 
seals are attached to four labels ; that of Southampton is on one, two other labels 
bear two seals each, and a fragment is on the fourth. 

2 Subsequently to this he quit-claimed to Richard Bagge (see below) a tene- 
ment in Simnel Street formerly belonging to Richard the Arblaster, which the 
latter had received by gift of Thomas le Halveknight. The house of the late 
Richerius le Halveknight is described as on its west side. The deed is dated 
in March (10 Ed. II.) 1317. 


West Hall to Richard Arnewode, rector of the church of St. Cross 
(Holy Rood) ; and in a deed of 1388 (n R. II.) from Robert Beche- 
founte to Alan Sleddale, Richard Banke, John Penbrok, parson of St. 
John's, and Robert Falbergh, mention is made of this same messuage 
of John Clerk, senior, as lately called the ' Woolhouse/ All the above 
documents, in addition to private seals, bear that of the prepositure of 
Southampton for greater security. Within the above period three 
different town seals were in use. 

In the fifteenth century West Hall was in the possession of the 
Corporation. The rent received by them was ^13, 133. 4d. per 
annum, out of which they paid the quit-rent to God's House of twenty 
shillings each year. 1 

A portion of West Hall may have been used as a public building 
in the same century, judging from the fact that the cucking-stool 
appears to have been kept there. Thus we read 2 under 1475 : 

' Paid to ij men for theire laboure by John Roper for to carry the scoldyng 
stoole fro the West Halle to the pillery.' 

Under the same date we find the 

* Costes doon in makyng of the scooldyng stoole. Furste paid for j pece 
tymbre boughte of Robert Orchiere for the same stole, x d - 

* For carriage of the same fro Hille to the Weste halle, iij d - 

* Item, for sawing of the same piece in iij peces, viij d< 

* Item, for iij boltes and ij pinnes of iron for the same stoole, vj d - 

' Item, for the wheeles to convey the said stole by commaundment of the 
meyre, iij s< iiij d - Item, paid to Robert Orcherd for the makyng of the said 
stoole and wheelis for iij days labours to hym and his man, x d - the day. Summa, 

jjs. v jd. > 

The total expense appears to have been 8s. id. 

Under 1563, a plague year, parts of West Hall were rented out, as 
if under some pressure : ' For ostelage in three sellars in the West Hall 
for ten weeks at io s< a week, ^5. Ostelage of one sellar in West 
Hall for fourteen weeks at 2 s ' 6 d< per week, 35% and for another 
twenty weeks at 2 s ' per week, 40*' ' 

From 1695 the history of West Hall becomes identical with that of 
the Grammar School. 

SECTION II. Tauntorfs School. 

Alderman Taunton (see p. 303) by his will (February 15, 1752) 
gave to his executors, Peter Dobree and Thomas Harrison, and their heirs, 
&c., all the residue of his real and personal estates in trust, to apply 

1 Steward's Books, 1457, 1469, 1493. 2 Steward's Book. 


the same, after the death of his wife, to such good and charitable uses 
in the town of Southampton, by the employment and maintenance of 
poor people there, and bringing up their children in work and industry, 
fitting them for the sea or otherwise, as should seem to them most 
useful. He also directed that special favour should be shown to the 
poor of St. John's parish, the place of his nativity. 

Accordingly, in June 1760, a scheme was confirmed by the Court 
of Chancery, varied in 1771, by which it was provided that six poor 
persons of either sex, not under fifty years of age, should be received 
into the charity under the name of e pensioners/ and each receive jio 
as a help, persons being preferred who had some trade or employ- 
ment ; that no more than ten boys should be taken into the charity 
for education to fit them for the sea, power being given to apprentice 
to naval trades those who could not be bound for the sea; any surplus, 
not exceeding ^40 per annum, might be applied in giving portions to 
meritorious servant-maids of the town marrying to satisfaction. By 
custom a sermon at Holy Rood and a dinner afterwards were annually 
New provided. In 1851 a new scheme for the school, established in 1760, 
was adopted ; but in 1875 (October 26) a further scheme placed the 
' Taunton Trade School ' under the same management as the Grammar 
School (see f Grammar School '), and additional buildings were erected. 
The scheme provides that the school shall consist of a senior and a 
junior department under one head-master; it shall supply a liberal and 
practical education, supplemented by the systematic teaching of such 
art and science subjects as are applicable to the trades of the district; 
it shall be in connection with the Science and Art Department of the 
Committee of Council on Education ; the junior department shall be 
conducted so as to be preparatory to the senior department, and also, 
so far as practicable, to the Southampton Grammar School. The 
head-master, who is appointed by the governors, must have the degree 
of Bachelor of Science in the University of London, or a certificate of 
the Science and Art Department qualifying him for earning payments 
on results. The course of instruction is as follows: (i) Religious; as 
regulated by the governors and head-master. (2) Secular; in the junior 
department, reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, English and Latin 
grammar, English history, drawing, vocal music, drill, and other phy- 
sical exercises; in the senior department, in addition, book-keeping, 
mensuration, commercial arithmetic, mathematics, mechanics, chem- 
istry, elementary navigation, and, when specially required, engineering 
and other sciences relating to a seafaring life, and such other subjects 
as may seem applicable to the trades of the district. No boy is 
admitted to the school under the age of seven years, an entrance 
examination having to be passed in every case; and no boy is retained 


in either department after the end of the term in which he shall have 
attained the age of twelve or fifteen years. 

A provision is made for exhibitions, which are granted solely as the Exhibi- 
reward of merit, by exemptions from tuition fees, boys so exempted tlons ' 
being called foundation scholars; special opportunity for competition 
being given to boys at public elementary schools in the school district 
of Southampton. 

Under the new scheme for the school, the whole of the Tauntbn 
charity property, except the fund for decayed aldermen and the ^21 
for reading prayers already diverted that way, was applied to the 
governors of the school, subject to their paying ^40 to Taunton's 
trustees for four annuitants. No sermons, dinners,, or marriage portions 
are now provided, but the school is doing excellent work in harmony 
with the donor's will. 


Other Schools and Educational Agencies. 

In 1713 a charity school for the education of thirty boys had been 
already set on foot, and an annual subscription list of j?8o secured ; 
but after some years it fell through. 

The next effort was that secured in 1760 under the will of Richard 
Taunton, Esq. (on whose foundation see above). 

In March 1786 Sunday-schools were established in the town, the Sunday- 
Corporation subscribing ^5, 55. yearly. Out of these arose an indus- s 

trial school for twenty-five girls taken from the Sunday-schools, who 
were trained for service and other occupations. 

A National School for the town was opened in St. MichaePs Square, National 
on the site of the present school of that parish, in 1811, two houses Schools * 
having been converted for that purpose and leased from the Corpora- 
tion, who subscribed ^5, 53. annually to the school. In July 1819 
the committee of management published an account of their work, 
spoke of increasing success, and of having under education 150 boys 
and 1 60 girls, the latter beijig also taught needlework. 

British Schools had been established in the Ditches the year before British 
(1810). These were enlarged in 1817 and subsequently, but have now Schools - 
been transferred to the Southampton School Board. Upon renewal of 
the old lease in 1834 the Corporation returned half of the fine (^21) 
to the trustees of the school, whose funds were not flourishing, as an 
encouragement to education, and presented the remaining ^21 to the 
National School in St. Michael's Square. 

In the following year (1835) the Bedford Place Schools in the Pa-ochial 
parish of All Saints' were built by subscription, the Corporation giving S ' 


a donation of ^P2i. These schools have for many years served for the 
district parish of St. Paul's. They cost ^556. 

In 1839 the first schools in Holy Trinity district were provided, at 
a cost of ^400. 

In the following year (1840) the first National School (Grove Street) 
in St. Mary's was established, at an outlay of ,^927. 

Such seems to have been all the provision of a public nature for the 
education of the working classes at that period, the population of the 
borough being 27,744 in 1841. In addition to the above, there were 
three infant schools in different parts of the town, and a fourth at Hill ; 
but these were probably of private venture. 
Order of It will now be convenient to group the schools under the various 

foundation. ... .. .' ri ~ 

districts, taking them in the order of educational effort from the 

St. Michael's. The old school was enlarged in 1853 at a cost of 

Holy Trinity. Large schools with a residence, in place of the old 
arrangement, were built in 1853 at a cost f ^2376. They were subse- 
quently enlarged by the addition of a second boys' school in 1867. 

St. Mary's. The Grove Street Infants' School was built in 1845 at 
an outlay of .^640. In 1852 the Deanery Infant School, at a cost of 
^ 1 300, under Archdeacon Wigram. In 1856 the boys' and girls' 
schools were enlarged at a cost of ^754; and in 1858 the Crabniton 
Schools erected at a cost of ^1458, subsequently to which the work- 
shops were added. The Grove Street Infants' School was converted 
into houses in 1852. The accommodation in the above schools is for 
over 1000 children. 

St. Luke's, Newtown. Schools were erected here in 1847 a ^ a cos ^ 
of <i2,oo, and were enlarged at a cost of c^iooo in 1859. 

Christchurch, Portswood. A school and residence were erected in 
1848, and enlarged in 1858. 

St. James's, Bernard Street. The schools of this parish were held in 
rented premises in Orchard Lane for many years, till the present Board 
schools were built near the church. 

St. Peter's School was built in 1856. 

Christ Church, Northam. These schools were built, with residence, 
in 1858 at a cost of .^1500; further accommodation was subsequently 

Holy Rood School was erected in 1861 at the cost of ^852. 

The following are unconnected with parochial organisation : 
Board Under the Southampton School Board, which was formed in 1871, 

and consists of eleven members, are : The York Buildings (late All 
Saints' National) Schools, built in 1849 at a cost of ^1354, and subse- 


quently improved ; the Houndwell Board School, formerly the Industrial 
and Ragged School, erected in St. George's Place in 1854 at the cost of 
^1266, partly to commemorate the Rev. J. Crabbe, taken over by the 
Board in 1879 ; the Bevois Town Board Schools; the Eastern District; 
the Southern District ; the Royal British, formerly the British Schools 
in the Ditches, transferred to the Board ; the Northam, and St. Denys' 

Charlotte Place Free School, built in 1856. 

Wesleyan Day-School in East Street. 

Roman Catholic Schools in St. Michael's Square, 

The Peninsular and Oriental Company erected large schools in Paget 
Street in 1862; they have been enlarged, and now form the District 
Board School. 

The Palk Memorial Home was built in 1876 on a site adjoining the 
Ragged Schools, in memory of the late Mr. Edward Palk, for many 
years treasurer of the above schools, churchwarden of Holy Rood, and 
a promoter of good works in the town. He died in 1872. 

The Female Orphan Asylum, established in 1837, under the patron- Orphan 
age of the Bishop of the diocese, after having had its first home in As y lum - 
Albion Place, was moved into its newly built premises at Bellevue in 
1852. The design of the charity is to clothe, board, and train the 
orphan girls of respectable but destitute poor, and fit them in every way 
for service. It receives forty inmates. 

There is a Servants' Training School in Hanover Buildings. 

There are Sunday-schools belonging to all the churches and prin- Sunday, 
cipal places of worship, but the following buildings specially devoted sc 
to the purpose may be mentioned : 

The Kell Memorial School, adjoining the Unitarian Church, Bellevue, 
erected in memory of the late Rev. E. Kell (see under ' Churches'). 

The Watts Memorial Hall and Sunday-School Buildings, attached 
to the Above Bar Congregational Church, are said to be the finest suite 
of Sunday-school buildings in the South of England, They comprise 
a hall capable of seating 800 persons; an infant class-room to seat 100 
children ; an elementary class-room for 60 boys too young to be placed 
in the regular classes; a lecture-room to seat 120, used for Sunday- 
school classes ; eleven class-rooms, each capable of holding from 
10 to 30 scholars, and a library to contain 2QOQ volumes. The cost 
of the buildings was upwards of <6ooo. The memorial stone was 
laid on May 6, 1875, by Samuel Morley, Esq., M.P. ; it bears the state- 
ment that the first name on the baptismal register of the community is 
that of Isaac Watts, D.D., 1674-1748, whose father, Isaac Watts, was 
a deacon of the church for forty-eight years, and transferred to the 
trustees the freehold of that land. 


SECTION I. The Parish Churches. 

IN the Domesday record there is no mention of any church l or chapel 
within the borough of Hantune or Southampton. It does not follow 
that there was none. The Church of St. John certainly existed ; and 
there is some reference to the ecclesiastical position of the town under 
the account of the manor of South Stoneham. That manor belonged to 
the Bishop, and was appropriated for the clothing of the monks of St. 
St. Mary's Swithun's, Winchester, probably by Bishop ^Elfwine about 1043 ; but 
the manorial church was held by Richerius, the clerk, with two other 
churches near Southampton, dependent on it as the mother-church. 
Adjoining this church was a hide of land, and Richerius, who was pos- 
sessed of holdings elsewhere under the Bishop, owned in right of his 
benefice all the tithes of the town of Southampton and also of Kings- 
land. His holdings under the King and under the Bishop were each 
assessed at twenty shillings. 2 Probably this manorial church was no 
other than St. Mary's, Southampton. 3 In favour of this opinion is 
the fact that the precentors or rectors of St. Mary's have possessed the 
rectory of South Stoneham, and presented to its vicarage, as early as 
we have any records on the matter. 4 St. Mary's, Southampton, has 

1 Dr. Speed takes St. Mary's to have been probably a collegiate church, 
which came into the hands of the crown at the dissolution of religious houses. 
Of this latter there is no evidence whatever. He ridicules the idea of its having 
been the mother-church of the town, in which he is also certainly wrong. It 
has not been thought necessary to reproduce his account. 

2 Ipse Episcopus tenet Stanham. De vestitu monachorum est. Tempore 
Regis Edwardi se defendebat pro v hidis, modo pro iii hidis. Terra est ix caru- 
catse. In dominio est una carucata, et xi villani et ix bordarii cum viii carucatis. 
Ibi unus servus, et xxiii acrae prati et duae piscarias de xxxix denariis. Silva de xx 
porcis. Tempore Regis Edwardi valebat vii libras, et post ivlibras, modo viii libras. 

Hujus manerii ecclesiam tenet Richerius, clericus, cum duabus aliis ecclesiis 
juxta Hantone quae ad hanc ecclesiam matrem pertinent : et ibi adjacet i hida 
terras ; et omnes decimas ejusdem villas, et etiam de terra Regis. Valet xx soli- 
dos quod de Episcopo tenet, quod de Rege xx solidos. 

3 See also Moody's Domesday of Hampshire, p. 47. 

4 In Reg. Pontiss. (1282), f. 214, 'the church of Suthampton,' as also 'the 
chapel of the Blessed Mary of Suthampton,' are among those in the Bishop's 

ST. MARYS. 329 

also its valuable glebe about the church ; it possessed all the tithes of 
the town, together with those of the whole district probably here 
described. It should be observed that the tithings of Eastleigh and 
Allington, which are now comprised within the parish of South Stone- 
ham, are not included in that manor in the Domesday record, but 
are described separately Allington, moreover, having a church. The 
Bishop's manor assigned for the clothing of the Winchester monks was 
therefore probably Bittern, which had always belonged to the Bishops 
till it passed to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in 1869. The King's 
land, of which Richerius had the tithes, is probably to be identified 
with Portswood, which we know to have been royal property, and which 
was afterwards granted to the monks of St. Denys. 

It would be impossible to point out the site of the ' two other 
churches near Hantone ' which belonged to this manorial church. The 
present Church of St. Mary, South Stoneham, 1 was not then in existence, 
and a church on its site would hardly have been called near South- 

Passing from the eleventh to the twelfth century, we find Henry II. Relation of 
granting his ' chapels' of St. Michael's, St. Cross (Holy Rood), St. to'the other 
Lawrence's, and All Saints', within the borough, to the monks of St. churches - 
Denys' j but these chapels must have had relation to a mother-church, 
which was, no doubt, this important manorial church beyond the 

In the time of Bishop Godfrey de Lucy (1189-1204), the clergy of 
Hampton are referred to in a controversy with the monks of St. Denys 
about a certain weir, which the former, who were probably therefore a 
community, had constructed opposite to Munkelonde, injuriously, as 
the canons averred, to them and their weir, which the king had given 
them with the possession of Kingsland. The superior of these clergy, 
Stephen of Reims, was staying at the school in Paris at the time of the 
alleged trespass, and inquiry into the several rights concerned having 
been deferred by order of the Bishop till the return of Stephen, the 

patronage. Early in the next century the warden (custos) of St. Mary's presents 
to ' the church of Suth Stonham' (Reg. Woodlock, 1305-16). In 1379 the pre- 
sentation runs ' to the vicarage of the church or chapel of St. Mary, Suth Stone- 
ham ' (Wykeham, i. f. 104 b). 

1 The present Church of St. Mary, South Stoneham, dates from about the 
end of the twelfth century, the chancel retaining some good original work. On 
the north side of the nave is the Dummer Chapel, built out in 1728, and on the 
south a transept and vestry, built by the present vicar, the Rev. William Dann 
Harrison, in 1854. South Stoneham Church is probably to be identified in 
Bishop Pontissara's list with one of the chapels of 'Aldinton' (see p. 332), 
dependent on the ' church of Southampton ; ' there is no separate mention of it, 
nor does it occur in the taxation of 1291, nor in the official lists of the rural 
deanery till late, being probably always included under St. Mary's, Southampton^ 

33 ST. MARYS. 

latter recognised the right of the canons of St. Denys, spoke of ( my 
clergy of Hampton/ and ordered the removal of the weir. 1 It seems 
highly probable that Stephen was the priest of the mother-church, 
under whom these clergy were living in some sort of community. 
1225. A few years after this,, Philip de Lucy, ' rector of the church of 

Southampton/ was in controversy with the prior and convent of St. 
Denys on the position of the churches in the town. It appears that 
the Prior and convent, through their chaplains, 2 were in the habit of 
receiving to divine offices certain parishioners of Philip, and had 
deprived him of his just dues and tithes. We meet with the matter as 
brought by Philip de Lucy before Pope Honorius, who, in the eighth 
year of his pontificate, directed a commission to William de Wenda, the 
Dean, and Robert, the Chancellor,, of Sarum, and to William de Merton, 
Archdeacon of Berkshire, in the diocese of Sarum, empowering them to 
examine witnesses and determine between the parties. The inquiry, in- 
stituted accordingly in the chapter-house of Salisbury, April 1225, lasted 
two or more days. Philip de Lucy set forth that the town of Southampton 
was within the limits of his parish, and that those having domicile or 
carrying on business within the same ought of common right to be 
considered his parishioners ; notwithstanding w r hich the Prior and con- 
vent and their chaplains in the chapels of Holy Trinity, St. Cross (Holy 
Rood), St. Michael, St. Lawrence, and All Saints had taken oblations 
and tithes from his parishioners in the town, excepting tithes of corn 
and of gardens, to the grave injury of the said Philip and his church, 
on which account he demanded, in the name of his church, that the 
said Prior, convent, and chaplains should desist from these injuries, and 
make satisfaction for the past. 3 Three of the chaplains, Masters Roger, 
John, and Robert, had appointed Brother Rueland, Prior of St. Denys, 
as their proctor, and the Wednesday after the Feast of Trinity (May 
28) having been appointed for a final hearing, on that day agreement 
was made between the litigants Philip de Lucy, custos of the church 
of St. Mary of Southampton, and the clerks 4 serving there, on the 
one part, and the prior, and convent, and chaplains of the town on the 
other part to the following effect, viz., that a common procession of 

1 Addit. 15,314, f. 43. 

2 These were the officiating clergy in the churches of the town. Their 
appointments were probably not permanent, but rather from year to year, though 
they were not lightly to be removed (see Constit. Abp. Edmund, A.D. 1236, cap. 
25). They became ' perpetual vicars' somewhat later. 

3 Addit. 15,314, fol. 77 b. The document is apparently misplaced, but evi- 
dently some of the account has not been transcribed at all. 

4 By a constitution of Archbishop Langton (A.D. 1222) it was ordered that in 
every parish church there should be two or three priests, according to the size of the 
parish and the wealth of the church (Lynd., p. 184), who might be appointed by 

ST. MARYS. 331 

the town of Southampton, with all the chaplains, should repair to the 
Church of St. Mary on Ascension Day with crosses and banners, and 
without these ornaments on the Feast of the Assumption (August 15), 
and on St. Leodagar's Day (October 2), and there in the rural chapter, 
the chaplains ministering in the several chapels of St. Michael, St. 
Cross, St. Lawrence, All Saints, Holy Trinity, and St. Andrews, 1 should 
each of them swear faithfully to preserve the honour of the Church of 
St. Mary, and to keep it free, as far as in them lay, from loss of tithes, 
accustomed legacies, obventions, and wonted offerings for sepulture, all 
which belonged to the mother-church ; saving the right of the chaplains, 
nevertheless, to the usual dues in their chapels. The Prior and con- 
vent, moreover, bound themselves to pay to the Church of St. Mary each 
year on the Feast of the Assumption, two wax tapers of two pounds 
weight each, in recognition of the privilege conceded of admitting 
servants dwelling within the boundaries of their house to the sacraments 
of the Church and the rights of sepulture. 

By a further composition, undated, before the Chancellor of Sarum 
and the Archdeacon of Berkshire, in which the former concord was 
recited^ Philip de Lucy and his clerks agreed with the Prior and 
convent and chaplains of the town that the clergy of the ' parochial 
chapels should receive the tithes from the traffic and fishing of their 
parishioners, and of pigs within the town walls, as well as from two wind- 
mills situated between the town of Southampton and the House of the 
Lepers, but that all other tithes should be paid to the Church of St, 
Mary; that the Prior and convent should have the tithe of one water- 
mill near their court (curiam) on the north side, and the tithe of 
gardens existing within their boundaries at the time of making this 
agreement ; and that in the case of persons dying on shipboard, or in 
houses within the town unfit for the performance of any service for the 
departed, the bodies might be carried into the parochial chapels, but 
that no mass should be celebrated there in presence of the dead, or any 
service for the departed performed which could not lawfully take place 
in the house of any parishioner.' In other respects the composition 
previously made held good. 2 

the principal minister (Otho, p. 28, propriis personis\ and were, in fact, not un- 
like stipendiary curates of the present day. The clerks and chaplains of St. Mary's, 
however, could not have been simply stipendiaries. They joined with the rector, 
warden, or chanter, in conveying and receiving lands, and acting as a community. 

1 From an exchange (1278) between the precentor, chaplains, and clerks of 
St. Mary's and the convent of St. Denys we find that St. Andrew's Chapel was 
in the immediate vicinity of St. Mary's (Addit. 15,314, f. 76). The order for 
the suppression of the stewes in East Street (i5th September 1413) mentions 
also that they were a nuisance to persons going to the churches of the Blessed 
Mary, the Holy Trinity, and St. Andrew (Dr. Speed, from Lib. Niger, f. i) 

2 Addit. 15,314, fol. 77. 

33 2 ST. MARYS. 

Growth of j n t ne above narration the parishes within the walls are seen to be 

the Town .... 

Parishes, in an incipient stage : there appear to be certain limits or understood 
districts assigned to the several chapels, in common, however, with 
those of St. Andrew and the Holy Trinity, whose districts never grew 
into parishes. The churches are called e parochial chapels/ that is, 
chapels of ease ; such chapels being created ' parochial ' by the bishop, 
and though still dependent on the mother-church, enjoyed certain 
privileges, which they were said to hold ab antiquo, if they could prove 
the enjoyment of them for more than forty years. Tithes and parochial 
rights belonged to a chapel by custom, which could do much in trans- 
ferring rights from one church to another. 1 The chaplains of the town 
made no question as to their relation to St. Mary's ; the controversies 
were about the adjustment of rights and dues which had been acquired 
or conceded, and others which they were endeavouring to obtain, and 
about the amount of canonical observance to be paid to the chief or 
niother-church. No mention has been made of the Church of St. 
John, which belonged (see under that church) to the monastery of 
Lire, and never had any connection with St. Denys : if the custos or 
rector of St. Mary's and the clerks there had any quarrel with the 
parish priest of St. John's, it is simply not reported in the St. Denys 
chartulary : a century later we find him equally with the other town 
clergy in controversy with the rector or chanter. 

Rural it will be observed that fidelity was to be sworn in the rural 

chapter at St. Mary's, Philip de Lucy happening to be rural dean, as 
his successors frequently, though by no means always, were. The 
Deanery of Southampton in the earliest record (1282) comprised 
the old names will be at once identified the churches of Stanham 
Abbatis (North Stoneham), Hane (Hounde), Fallely, Elinges with 
the chapel of Oure, Sirly, Coleworth, Baddesly, St. Michael, South- 
ampton, St. John, St. Cross, St. Lawrence, All Saints, Leteley, 
Mulebroc [Du]pedene, Bottele, the church of Southampton with all 
the chapels of Aldinton ; the chapel of Esteley, and the chapel of the 
Blessed Mary of Southampton. 2 

In 1411 it consisted of the following: The Church of St. Mary, 
with its chapel, St. Cross, Falelegh with its chapel, Dupedene, Ellyngg 
and its vicarage, Nusshelyngges, Mulebroc, Baddesle, Stonham Abbatis, 
Houne with its chapel, St. Michael's, All Saints', Bottelegh, Shirle, 
St. John's, St. Lawrence's, and Chileworth. 3 

Again, in 1526 : Beaulieu Abbey, vicarage of St. Cross, vicarage of 
St. Michael, rectory of St. John, rectory of St. Lawrence, rectory of 

1 Lyndwood, p. 238, capellis par., p. 277, ab antiquo. 

2 Reg. Pontiss, fol. 157. 3 Reg. Beaufort. 

ST. MARY'S. 333 

All Saints',, Millbrook, Eling, Dibden, Nursling, the chantry in South- 
ampton Castle, North Stoneham, Botley, Hound, the precentory or 
Church of St. Mary near Southampton, Fawley, the vicarage of 
South Stoneham, the chantry of St. Mary. 1 It will be seen above 
that there were two establishments under the dedication of St. Mary, 
but clearly under the same authority, 6 the church of Southampton' or 
the ' precentory/ and the ( chapel ' or ' chantry of the Blessed Mary.' 

The office of rural dean was one of considerable importance. He 
granted probate of wills, and his seal was often required, like that of 
the mayoralty, to strengthen documents. Thus in 1247 the sea ^ f 
Nicholas, the Dean of Southampton, was placed to a grant of Cecilia 
la Wete, in which she puts herself under the excommunication of the 
Dean throughout his Deanery, if she at any time trouble the parties to 
whom she and her husband have just sold certain lands. 2 

The name of chanter, applied to the custos or rector^ first occurs in an chanter, 
agreement made on St. Agnes's Day, January 21, 1251, between Prior 
Rueland and Roger the chanter, about a certain roadway through land 
belonging to the chanter and clerks, called Munkeslonde, which the 
convent claimed as belonging to their grange of Northam (written 
also Norham) ; and also about the aqueduct of the said clerks, which 
the latter affirmed to lie in the king's highway, but which the convent 
asserted to be in their land of Kingsland. 3 

A few years later (December 17, 1258) we read of the warden, 
chaplains, and clerks of St. Mary's ; as, for instance, in a composition 
about tithes from the mills of Aldyngton and the fishery belonging to 
the same, settled before Master Geoffrey de Feryng, precentor of 
Chichester^ official of Ethelmar, elect of Winchester, between Prior 
Nicholas and the convent, and Roger the warden, chaplains, and clerks 
of St. Mary's. 4 

Bishop Woodlock in the first year of his episcopate (1305) held an Ordina- , 
ordination at Southampton on July 14; it is not further stated where; 
and on Saturday, June 8, 1308, held one in the chapel of St. Mary's, 

In the taxation of Pope Nicholas (1291) the revenue 5 of the Church Revenues. 

1 Reg. Fox., quinta, towards end. 

2 See Madox, Form., pp. 85, 426. Other documents of a similar kind exist 
among the Corporation papers. The will of John Horn, burgess, dated in 
1279, in which he leaves certain tenements to the Prior and Convent of St. 
Denys, after the death of Rosie his wife was proved in the same year before 
G. the Dean of Southampton. Addit. 15,314, fol. 58. 

3 Addit. 15,314, f. 76 b. 

4 Addit. 15,314, f. 75 b - 

5 It seems to have stood at about the same amount, or something less, in 
1340, two years after the ' invasion ' of Southampton (Inquis. Nonarum, p. 125). 





of St. Mary with its chapel was returned at ^53, 6s. 8d., paying its 
tenth of $, 6s. 8d. 

In the time of Bishop Stratford trouble again broke out between 
the chaplains or rectors in the town and the precentor or warden of St. 
Mary's; 1 and on May 8, 1331^ a mandate issued from the Bishop to 
Wybert, his official, reciting that the churches or chapels of the town 
had from ancient time been subject to the Church of St. Mary, and 
enjoining canonical obedience to the precentor or warden of St. Mary's 
on the rectors of the churches or chapels of All Saints, St. Cross, St. 
Michael, St. Lawrence, Holy Trinity, and St. John, and that they 
should in no way diminish the rights and liberties of that church, on 
pain of being in contempt. This mandate was but partially successful ; 
and on June I3th a citation was issued against the ' rectors/ Richard 
of St. Cross, John of St. Michael's, and Henry of St. John's, for dis- 
obedience and contempt. Upon this the rectors of St. John's and St. 
Michael's appealed to the Court of Canterbury, obtaining an inhibition 
to the Bishop pending their appeals. These, however, were dismissed, 
April 23, 1332, and the authority of the precentor was confirmed. 2 

Soon after the dismissal of his appeal the rector of St. Michael's 
exchanged into the diocese of Chichester, and on the institution of his 
successor, Robert de Bourne, June 29, 1332, the following oath of 
canonical obedience was taken. Placing his right hand on his breast 
and looking on the Holy Gospels, he swore 3 ' that he would in no 
sense diminish ought from the rights, liberties, or customs of the 
parochial church of the Blessed Mary of Southampton, but that he 
would be obedient and faithful to the rector or precentor for the time 
being, as far as he was bound by right, custom, or other special fact.' * 

On Sunday, November 20, 1334, Bishop Orlton celebrated at St. 
Mary's, and apparently preached one of his political sermons, his text 
being ' a king shall reign and prosper, and shall execute judgment and 
justice on the earth;' and on the following Thursday he held here a 
visitation of the clergy and people of the Deanery, when he finished his 
subject, taking for his theme the latter part of the same text. 5 

The old controversy between the precentor and the clergy of the 

1 Reg. Stratford, ff. 55, 57, 65. 

2 As also (November 13, 1332) his right to greater and lesser tithes, both 
within and without the town, against Hugo Sampson and others (Ibid., 75 b, &c.) 

3 This was in pursuance of Archbishop Winchelsey's Constitutions (1305), 
canon 5, which prescribe such an oath to be taken by stipendiary chaplains 
before admission to officiate in churches or parochial chapels, if so required. 
They were not directed necessarily to swear on the Gospels, but on any sacred 
thing, and touching was not ordered, so that the oath was not called corporal 
(Lyndwood, p. no, inspectis). See also below for Dr. Alyn's statement. 

4 Reg. Stratford, ff. 129, 129 b. 5 Reg. Orlton, i. f. 1 1. 

ST. MARY'S. 335 

town parishes was revived in the time of William of Wykeham, who, 
at the instance of Richard de Coleshull, the precentor, issued his com- 
mission (September 23, 1370) to John de Wormenhall, official, and 
John de Ware, sequestrator in the A